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Interdisciplinary Studies on Ancient Stone ASMOSIA X Proceedings of the Tenth International Conference of ASMOSIA Association for the Study of Marble & Other Stones in Antiquity , 21-26 May 2012

P. P ENSABENE, E. GASPARINI (eds.)

«L’ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER INDEX

Presentation ...... XI

I VOLUME

1. APPLICATION TO SPECIFIC ARCHAEOLOGICAL QUESTIONS - USE OF MARBLE

Architecture with concave and convex rhythms and its decoration in age: the Ma- ritime Theatre and the Southern pavilion of Piazza d’Oro in Hadrian’s Villa, B. Adembri, S. Di Tondo, F. Fantini ...... 3

Imported marbles found in three Roman cities of the territory of “Cinco Villas” (Zaragoza), north of Citerior, J. Andreu Pintado, H. Royo Plumed, P. Lapuente, M. Brilli ...... 13

Pentelic marble in the Severan Complex in (, Libya), F. Bianchi, M. Bruno, S. Pike ...... 23

The limestone quarries of Wadi Gadatza in the territory of Leptis Magna, M. Bruno, F. Bianchi ...... 35

Provenance and distribution of white marbles in the arches of Titus and in Rome, M. Bruno, C. Gorgoni, P. Pallante ...... 43

The imitation of coloured marbles in a first style wall painting from the Etruscan-Roman town of Populonia (LI – ), F. Cavari, F. Droghini, M. Giamello, C. Mascione, A. Scala . 55

Small Euboean quarries. The local community markets, M. Chidiroglou ...... 63

Lumachella at Cosa: late Republican?, J. Collins-Clinton ...... 73

Ancientmarbles.org: an open community for sharing knowledge about ancient marble from different approaches, S. Costa, F. Marri ...... 81

The use of marble in between Rome and , M. Cruz Villalón ...... 85

“Marmora Ostiensa”. New results from the Ostia Marina Project, M. David, S. Succi, M. Turci ...... 93

A column shaft in ‘verde rana ondato’ from the archaeological excavations in Palazzo Al- temps, M. De Angelis d’Ossat, S. Violante, M. Gomez Serito ...... 103

The exploitation of coralline breccia of the Gargano in the Roman and late antique pe- riods, A. De Stefano ...... 113

Ships lapidariae and the wreck, with marmor numidicum, discovered in Camarina: hypo- thesis of route, G. Di Stefano ...... 119

V INDEX

The use of marble in the roman architecture of (Lyon, France), D. Fellague, H. Savay-Guerraz, F. Masino, G. Sobrà ...... 125

Marmora and other stones in the architectural decoration of early imperial Barcino (Barcelona, ), A. Garrido, A. Àlvarez, A. Doménech, A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M., I. Rodà, H. Royo ...... 135

Provenance of the Roman marble sarcophagi of the San Pietro in Bevagna Wreck, M. T. Giannotta, G. Quarta, A. Alessio, A. Pennetta ...... 143

Thasian Exports Of Prefabricated Statuettes, J. J. Herrmann, Jr., D. Attanasio, A. van den Hoek ...... 155

Multimethod marble identification for figural sculpture in Hippo Regius (Annaba, Algeria), J. J. Herrmann, Jr., R. H. Tykot, A. van den Hoek, P. Blanc ...... 163

Awaiting identity: Copenhagen’s “diskophoros” and its auxiliary support, M. B. Hollinshead 171

Provenance, distribution and trade of the local building materials in the Sarno river plain () from the 6th century BC to AD 79, P. Kastenmeier, G. Balassone, M. Boni, G. di Maio, M. Joachimski ...... 179

White and coloured marble on Pantelleria, T. Lappi ...... 185

Local stones and marbles found in the territory of “Alto Aragon” (Hispania), in Roman times, P. Lapuente, H. Royo, J.A. Cuchi, J. Justes, M. Preite-Martinez ...... 191

The Marmor Lesbium reconsidered and other stones of Lesbos, E. Leka, G. Zachos . . . . . 201

The marbles from the Villa of at Arcinazzo Romano (Roma), Z. Mari ...... 213

The introduction of marble in the cavea of the Theatre of Hierapolis: building process and patronage, F. Masino ...... 225

Shipwrecks with sarcophagi in the Eastern Adriatic, I. Mihajlovic´, I. Miholjek ...... 233

The marble decoration of the peristyle building in the SW quarter of Palmyra (Pal.M.A.I.S. Mission), S. Nava ...... 241

Stone materials in Lusitania reflecting the process of , T. Nogales-Basarrate, P. Lapuente, H. Royo, M. Preite-Martinez ...... 253

A uotorum nuncupatio from Colonia Augusta Firma. An analytical approach, S. Ordóñez, R. Taylor, O. Rodríguez, E. Ontiveros, S. García-Dils, J. Beltrán, J. C. Saquete ...... 263

The Muses in the Prado Museum and the pentelic marble of the Odeon in Hadrian’s villa: workshops and statuary programmes. Preliminary report, A. Ottati ...... 269

Local workshops of the Roman imperial age. A contribution to the study of the produc- tion of Campanian Sarcophagi, A. Palmentieri ...... 283

Ceraunia and lapis obsianus in Pliny, L. Pedroni ...... 295

Marbles from the Domus of ‘Bestie ferite’ and from the Domus of ‘Tito Macro’ in (UD), Italy, C. Previato, N. Mareso ...... 299

Production and distribution of Troad granite, both public and private, P. Pensabene, I. Rodà, J. Domingo ...... 311

The use of Almadén de la Plata marble in the public programs of Colonia Augusta Firma – Astigi (, , Spain), O. Rodríguez, R. Taylor, J. Beltrán, S. García-Dils, E. On- tiveros, S. Ordóñez ...... 323

VI INDEX

Architectural elements of the Peristyle Building of the SW quarter of Palmyra (PAL.M.A.I.S. (PAL.M.A.I.S. Mission), G. Rossi ...... 339

Casa del Rilievo di Telefo and opus sectile at Herculaneum, A. Savalli, P. Pesaresi, L. Lazzarini ...... 349

The use of marble in Roman Pula, A. Starac ...... 363

Architectural decoration of the episcopal church of Rhodiapolis in , A. Tiryaki . . . . . 377

Byzantine carved marble slabs from Çanakkale Archaeology Museum, A. Turker ...... 385

First preliminary results on the marmora of the late of Noheda (Cuenca, Spain), M. A. Valero Tévar, A. Gutiérrez García-M., I. Rodà de Llanza ...... 393

Parian lychnites and the Badminton Sarcophagus in New York, F. Van Keuren, J. E. Cox, D. Attanasio, W. Prochaska, J. J. Herrmann, Jr., D. H. Abramitis ...... 403

The use of Estremoz marble in Late Antique Sculpture of Hispania: new data from the pe- trographic and cathodoluminescence analyses, S. Vidal, V. Garcia-Entero ...... 413

Montegrotto Terme (Padova) – Marble and other stone used in architectonic decoration of the Roman villa, P. Zanovello, C. Destro, M. Bressan ...... 421

2. PROVENANCE IDENTIFICATION I: MARBLE

The monument landscape and associated geology at the sanctuary of Zeus on mt. Lykaion, I. Bald Romano, G. H. Davis, D. G. Romano ...... 429

Marbles of the Aracena Massif (Ossa-Morena zone, Spain): aspects of their exploitation and use in roman times, J. Beltrán Fortes, M. L. Loza Azuaga, E. Ontiveros Ortega, J. A. Pérez Macías, O. Rodríguez Gutiérrez, R. Taylor ...... 437

Isotopic analysis of marble from the Stoa of Attalos in the Athenian Agora and the Hel- lenistic quarries of Mount Pentelikon, S. Bernard, S. Pike ...... 451

An update on the use and distribution of white and black Göktepe marbles from the first century AD to Late Antiquity, M. Bruno, D. Attanasio, W. Prochaska, A.B. Yavuz ...... 461

The use of coloured marbles in the neapolitan Baroque: the work of Cosimo Fanzago (1591-1678), R. Bugini, L. Cinquegrana ...... 469

The imitation of coloured marbles in the Venetian Renaissance painting, R. Bugini, L. Folli 475

Stones and ancient marbles of the ‘Francesco Belli’ Collection: archaeological, art-histori- cal, antiquarian, geological - technical and petrographical aspects, R. Conte, A. D’Elia, E. Delluniversità, G. Fioretti, E. Florio, M. C. Navarra ...... 485

Provenance investigation of a marble sculptures from Lyon Museum, M.P. Darblade-Au- doin, D. Tambakopoulos, Y. Maniatis ...... 503

The limestone quarries of the Karaburum peninsula (southern Albania), A. De Stefano . . . 513

The main quarries of the central part of Dardania (present Kosova) during the Roman pe- riod: their usage in funerary and cult monuments, E. Dobruna-Salihu ...... 519

The use of marble in Visigothic architectural decoration, J.A. Domingo Magaña . 527

Preliminary study of Los Bermejales, a new roman quarry discovered in the province of Cádiz, Southwestern Spain, S. Domínguez-Bella, M. Montañés, A. Ocaña, J. M. Carrascal, J. Martínez, A. Durante, J. Rendón Aragón, J. Rios ...... 537

VII INDEX

Marble pavements from the house of Jason Magnus in Cyrene, E. Gasparini, E. Gallocchio 545

The Portoro of Portovenere: notes about a limestone, S. Gazzoli, G. Tedeschi Grisanti . . . . 555

Saw cuts on marble sarcophagi: New York and Ostia, J. J. Herrmann, Jr., M. Bruno, A. van den Hoek ...... 559

The basalt of the sacred caves at Ajanta (India): characterization and conservation, F. Ma- riottini, M. Mariottini ...... 565

Marble and stones used in the central eastern Alpine area and in the northern area of Bena- cus: topographical reconstruction of trade routes and aspects of use in the Roman Era, A. Mosca ...... 575

Life of Nora (Province of Cagliari - South ). Roman quarries and their organization in the rural landscape, C. Nervi ...... 585

Naxian or parian? Preliminary examination of the Sounion and Dipylon kouroi marble, O. Palagia, Y. Maniatis ...... 593

Analysis of the stony materials in the Arucci city, E. Pascual, J. Bermejo, J. M. Campos . . . . 601

Blocks and quarry marks in the Museum of Aquileia, P. Pensabene ...... 611

Archaeology and archaeometry of the marble sculptures found in the “Villa di Poppea” at Oplontis (Torre Annunziata, Naples), P. Pensabene, F. Antonelli, S. Cancelliere, L. Laz- zarini ...... 615

“Marmo di Cottanello” (Sabina, Italy): quarry survey and data on its distribution, P. Pensa- bene, E. Gasparini, E. Gallocchio, M. Brilli ...... 629

A quantitative and qualitative study on marble revetments of service area in the Villa del Casale at Piazza Armerina, P. Pensabene, L. Gonzalez De Andrés, J. Atienza Fuente ...... 641

Quarry-marks or masonry-marks at Palmyra: some comparisons with the Phoenician-Punic documentation, D. Piacentini ...... 651

Fine-grained dolomitic marble of high sculptural quality used in antiquity, W. Prochaska . . 661

Discriminating criteria of Pyrenean Arties marble (Aran Valley, Catalonia) from Saint-Béat marbles: evidence of Roman use, H. Royo, P. Lapuente, E. Ros, M. Preite-Martinez, J. A. Cuchí ...... 671

II VOLUME

3. PROVENANCE IDENTIFICATION II: OTHER STONES

The stone architecture of Palmyra (Syria): from the quarry to the building, R. Bugini, L. Folli ...... 683

Quarries in rural landscapes of North , M. De Vos Raaijmakers, R. Attoui ...... 689

Local and imported lithotypes in Roman times in the Southern part of the X Regio Au- gustea , L. Lazzarini, M. Van Molle ...... 699

Preliminary study of the stone tesserae of Albanian mosaics. Materials identification, E. Omari ...... 713

4. ADVANCES IN PROVENANCE TECHNIQUES METHODOLOGIES AND DATABASES

Provenance investigation of some funeral marble sculptures from ancient Vienna (France), V. Gaggadis-Robin, J.-L. Prisset, D. Tambakopoulos, Y. Maniatis ...... 725

VIII INDEX

Isotopic testing of marble for figural sculpture at Guelma, Algeria, J. J. Herrmann, Jr., R. H. Tykot, D. Attanasio, P. Blanc, A. van den Hoek ...... 739

5. QUARRIES AND GEOLOGY

Analysis and discrimination of Phrygian and other Pavonazzetto-like marbles, D. Atta- nasio, M. Bruno, W. Prochaska, A. B. Yavuz ...... 753

Roman stone-carvers and re-carving: ingenuity in recycling, S. J. Barker, C. A. Ward ...... 765

Can a fire broaden our understanding of a Roman quarry? The case of el Mèdol (Tarragona, Spain), A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M., S. Huelin, J. López Vilar, I. Rodà De Llanza ...... 779

The Roman marble quarries of Aliko Bay and of the islets of Rinia and Koulouri (Skyros, Greece), M. Karambinis, Lorenzo Lazzarini ...... 791

The splendor of Andesite. quarrying and constructing in Larisa (Buruncuk) Aeolis, T. Sa- ner, U. Almaç ...... 805

Carving a corinthian capital. New technical aspects regarding the carving process, N. Toma . 811

New evidence on ancient quarrying activity at the Mani Peninsula, M.P. Tsouli ...... 823

Ancient lithic naval cargos around Sicily, S. Tusa ...... 831

An unusual Roman stone cinerary urn from London, D.F. Williams, R. Hobbs ...... 843

Presenting and interpreting the processes of stone carving: The Art Of Making In Anti- quity Project, W. Wooton, B. Russell ...... 851

The Roman Mio-Pliocene underground quarries at Ksour Essaf (Tunisia), A. Younès, M. Gaied, W. Gallala ...... 861

6. STONES PROPERTIES, WEATHERING EFFECTS AND RESTORATION

A strigilated sarcophagus in providence: ancient, modern or both?, G. E. Borromeo, M. B. Hollinshead, S.Pike ...... 871

Art historical and scientific perspectives on the nature of the orange-red patina of the Parthenon, O. Palagia, S. Pike ...... 881

7. PIGMENTS AND PAINTINGS ON MARBLE

The polychromy of Roman polished marble portraits, A. Skovmøller, R. H. Therkildsen . . 891

Some observations on the use of color on ancient sculpture, contemporary scientific explo- ration, and exhibition displays, J. Pollini ...... 901

The Ulpia Domnina’s sarcophagus: preliminary report about the use of digital 3d model for the study and reconstruction of the polychromy, E.Siotto, M. Callieri, M. Dellepiane, R. Scopigno ...... 911

8. SPECIAL THEME SESSION: ORDERS, REPERTOIRES AND MEANING OF MARBLE WITHIN THE PUBLIC AND THE DOMESTIC CIRCLE FROM ANTIQUITY TILL POST-ANTIQUE TIME

Marbles from the theatre of Colonia Augusta (provincia ), M. Beltrán, M. Cisneros, J. Á. Paz ...... 923

IX INDEX

Calculating the cost of columns: the case of the Temple of Apollo at Didyma, P. Barresi . . . 933

The decorative stoneworks in the east and center of Roman : recent data of the ar- chaeological operations, V. Brunet-Gaston ...... 941

Colored columns and cult of the emperors in Rome, B. Burrell ...... 947

Roman sculpture in Pannonia between imports and local production, M. Buzov ...... 955

A New Julio- Statuary cycle from Copia Thurii. Brief remarks on quality and methods of extraction and processing of marble used for the sculptures, A. D’Alessio . . . . 969

Stone in the decorative programs of Villa A (So-Called Villa Of Poppaea) at Oplontis, J. C. Fant, S. J. Barker ...... 977

Stable isotope analysis of Torano valley, Carrara, marble used in 18th-century french sculpture, K. Holbrow, C. Hayward ...... 987

Cassiodorus on marble, Y.A. Marano ...... 997

Colored marbles of ’s Palace in Split, K. Marasovic´, D. Matetic´ Poljak, Ð. Gobic´ Bravar ...... 1003

Fabri Luxuriae. Production and consumption of coloured stone vases in the Roman Period, S. Perna ...... 1021

Porphyry bathtubs in the sacred space, O. Senior-Niv ...... 1031

Mythological sculptures in late antique domus and villas: some examples from Italy, C. Sfameni ...... 1039

Architectural language and diffusion of decorative models: a group of unpublished figured capitals from Hierapolis in , G. Sobrà ...... 1049

X FABRI LUXURIAE. PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COLORED STONE VASES IN THE ROMAN PERIOD

S. Perna*

Abstract distribution. I have outlined a typological classification Stone vases were one of the most prominent forms of ma- and analysed their metrology and carving methods. terial culture in the ancient Mediterranean from the Where possible this was combined with an examination Bronze Age to Roman periods. Elite items and status of contextual data to gain an understanding of social markers, stone vessels were produced traded and ex- status and how the production of these urns changed changed throughout the Aegean, Near East, Levant, and over time. Egypt. Recent studies have provided valuable theoretical The emerging data show a “boost” in the demand and practical tools on stone vessel production, consump- for one particular typology, the “tureen”1, in the West- tion and value in Bronze Age Mediterranean and Near ern empire by the upper strata of Roman society be- East. Regrettably, little attention is given to later ages. It tween the Augustan period and the end of the 1st centu- is believed that by the 1st century BC stone vessels had ry AD. I thus argue that, in concomitance with the lost their “relevance” in the material culture hierarchy growing socio-economic significance of imported mar- across the Mediterranean. Nevertheless, it emerges that bles, the demand for these urns can be taken as indica- the production of utilitarian, ritual or luxury vases in tive of the revival of stone vessels in the Roman period. stone continued at least until and beyond the 1st century In all probability stone vessel manufacturing was not a AD. This paper aims to show that coloured stone vases major form of craft in Italy before the Roman period, were in high demand from the mid 1st century BC as the therefore this poses questions on where the input and appearance of coloured marble cinerary urns in Roman the necessary skills for the production of coloured stone tombs suggests. funerary vases came from. A series of factors, such as the material, the tools – i.e. the tubular drill – and tech- Keywords niques employed suggest that Egyptian artisans were in- Stone vases, production techniques, privata luxuria volved in the Roman production. In this paper I shall examine the “standard” tureen urns, offering some points of discussion regarding their Introduction production, consumption and distribution. My aim is to demonstrate that, as objects of “privata luxuria”, they Roman coloured stone urns have been subjected to are symptomatic of the existence of a Roman luxury taxonomic analyses, notably by Carlo Gasparri, howev- stone vessel production. er, relatively little is known of the circumstances sur- rounding their production and their socio-economic, artistic and ideological value within the wider frame- Coloured stone urns: aspects of the dataset work of Roman stone use. This lack of comprehensive studies is bewildered by a more general gap in the evi- Of the 116 urns noted above, I have been able to dence for what concerns Roman stone vessel tools, trace the provenance of some 98 or 84% of the sample workshops and centres of production. Nevertheless, through current and past archaeological reports and variously shaped coloured stone urns and a number of archive documents, indicating a pattern of consump- vessels circulating widely from Rome to Begram be- tion2 which ranges in date from the mid 1st century BC tween the 1st century BC and the 2nd century AD testify to the late 2nd century AD. Their geographical distribu- to a thriving Roman stone vessel industry. tion based on the find-spots shows that, while concen- My research on 116 of these vases has sought to trated principally in Rome and its environs, also extends identify aspects of the manufacture, consumption and to other parts of Italy and almost all the western

* Department of Classics and Philosophy. Royal Holloway, University of London, [email protected]. 1. That is a lidded “soup bowl”. In my previous paper (Perna 2012) I addressed it as the “bowl” typology. Ever since my re- search has moved forward and I have reviewed the nomenclature. 2. On Roman consumption analysis see Ray 2005, 26-37. FABRI LUXURIAE. PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COLOURED STONE VASES IN THE ROMAN PERIOD

urns. The second group is characterised by 12 “tub pot” urns with a squat body with flat base, sides tapering in at the shoulder and an everted rim. They have a pair of lug handles, solid or perforated, a lid and a foot which on some examples appear as a later Roman addition. The third and largest group is represented by urns which mainly present contemporary Roman “cultic” toreutic shapes. The commonest types carved in both calcareous alabaster and are oinochoai with appliqués, juglets, cantharoi, situlae, amphoriskoi, fol- lowed by a limited number of Hadra Hydriai imitations, pyxides and cistae4. At a first glance, these latter vessels do not appear as having been made with a funerary function in mind, therefore their use as cineraria could have been only secondary5. Although we might need to identify more stages within the biography of these vases Fig. 1. Graph of the coloured stone used for the urns (Au- and the motivations that led to their “recycling” as fu- thor). nerary urns, it can be argued that they provide a glimpse of the variety of stone vessels produced from early 1st century AD and intended for luxury consumption, but not exclusively for burial. As the taste for coloured stones grew, a rising demand for these luxury items re- sulted in the creation of a new form of funerary contain- er with idiosyncratic aspects: the tureen.

Shaping luxury. The tureen vase urns and their characteristics

This type is characterized by a small flared foot, hemispherical body with a relatively narrow neck, a conical, domed or convex lid, with a pear - or teardrop - shaped finial6. The heights range from 60 to 24 centime- tres and the diameters from 50 to 20 centimetres. Ac- cording to the varying height and width proportions, I Fig. 2. Graph of all the urn types (Author). have identified three variants. In “variant A”, the height is more than the maximum diameter; with “variant B” the height and width almost correspond to a perfect provinces, among essentially wealthy individuals in cube; in “variant C”, the height is less than the diameter. Rome and Roman provincial élite3. Research records A pair of loop handles on opposing sides are carved in along with the prevalence of urns carved in Egyptian al- one piece with the body and attached either to the abaster and one example in olivine basalt (Fig. 1), the shoulder or to the neck. The point of attachment is typ- 7 emergence from the early Augustan period onwards of ically shaped as an elongated, pointed leaf (Fig. 3) . custom-made lidded vases of more or less standardised With the exception of 1 tureen in pink Aswan gran- type, the tureen, with 63 out 116 examples (Fig. 2). The ite, 3 in porphyry and 1 in olivine basalt, the remainder remaining 53 urns are distinguishable into three groups. is carved in Egyptian calcareous alabaster. They appear The first group is represented by 10 urns presenting a from the early 1st century AD almost immediately and handle-less body wider at the shoulder and tapered at ubiquitously across the Roman West. The reasons for the bottom. Their simple profile recalls that of the more this could be merely artistic, purely ideological or both. popular Egyptian canopic jars, hence defined “canopic” Although the introduction of marble to Rome repre-

3. For further discussion of the contexts and the social analysis of the personages see Perna 2012, 787-800. 4. For other “ritual” shapes see infra p. 969. 5. Perna 2012, 787-800. 6. The finial shape seems to derive from Hellinistic pottery and metal prototypes. The finial is preserved only on 40 tureens. However, it is found on 10 urns of non-tureen type. 7. The pointed leaf became an extremely popular motif from the late 1st century BC since it is also found on Roman vessels in cameo glass, metal, crystal rock as well as on white marble vases and urns.

1022 S. PERNA sented a break with tradition and was execrated as a sign of weakness in some circles8, nevertheless, marble soon became a powerful status marker particularly in the pri- vate sphere9. The production of ash urns in these new materials required the creation of a formal language which would be easily recognised and accepted in the fu- nerary sphere. Therefore, I believe the shape was mod- eled on that of Classical vases, particularly metal ones of earlier tradition, such as lebetes, dinoi and stamnoi10. These appear deep-rooted in ritual and funerary spheres, notably the series of bronze lebetes and dinoi used as cineraria in 6th and 5th century Campanian élite burials, particularly at Capua11. Without implying a direct rela- tionship and continuity, I would suggest that there could be some subtle link between these older containers, which embodied multiple religious and socio-ideological values12, and our tureen shape, reminiscent of this past ritual function. This justified the choice of a shape which probably appeared familiar and symbolically charged, and which social emulation led to a “standardisation”13. It must be pointed out that the term “standard” is not in- tended as “mass-produced”14. Rather it refers to the emergence of a widely recognized shape, with recurring features, based on standard measurements, but made to- custom. Indeed, the 63 urns that fall into this category Fig. 3. Section of a type B tureen urn (Author). present almost as many individual variations on the three broad categories noted above as there are examples. vessel production in Egypt16, Agean and the Middle East17 and the experience of modern-day craft methods. The tureen production and tools A key feature of the tureens is the separate carving of multiple elements, the foot, the lid and its finial, An autopsy of a sample of some 20 tureens which which provided with tenons, were joined to the body of preserve their original surface, especially those in the the vase by means of glue. Another interesting aspect is Museo Nazionale Romano (inv. nos 55914, 531595, that a standard system of proportions (one of those not- 135738) and the British Museum (acc. no.1993, ed above (A=2:1; B= 1:1; C= 1:2) seems to have been 0102.12), was undertaken by the author15 seeking evi- applied during balk shaping, which reduced the block dence of the production techniques. Since we currently of stone to a cube. In the case of MNR 531595 and BM lack any archaeological evidence for unfinished exam- 1993, 0102.12 the actual height and width measure ples and manufacturing sites, the analysis of the data was 52x50 and 38.5x38.2 centimetres respectively, thus cor- supported by both comparative studies of ancient stone responding to an almost perfect cube18. In addition, the

8. For some discussion of authors condemning marble and its use in contemporary society, see Pensabene 2000, 91 ff. 9. See Pensabene 2003, 3-67. 10. My assimilation of the tureen shape with that of lebetes and dinoi was reached independently before I became aware of Dan- ti’s similar observation in Musei Capitolini 2011, 4. On the other hand, Taglietti (Museo Nazionale Romano 1979, 286-7) proposed parallels both with white marble “fake” urns and metal vessels in Roman sacral and idyllic landscape frescoes. I pursued myself the latter hypothesis and found a close formal correspondence between those vessels and the shape of the tureens. 11. See Benassai’s catalogue of dinoi from Capua (1995, 157 ff). 12. In Campanian burials dinoi and lebetes are believed to have expressed the deceased’s life, age and social position as well as dominant eschatological views connected to burning, sacrifice and rebirth (D’Agostino, Cerchiai 1999, 164-5). Benassai (1995, 197- 8) argued that dinoi and lebetes in Capuan élite burials are the expression of both heroic and athletic values.12. 13. On this point see Cooney (citing Douglas, Isherwood 1979, 182) 2007, 269 fn 35 that «…there is a tendency to standardize luxury and prestige goods…thus style changes occur in small increments within standardization… the wealthy initiate the demand for such standardized ritual objects and because they have them so must everyone else strive for ownership as well». 14. On “standardization” and “mass-production” in the Roman period see Wilson 2008,3 93- 417; on sarcophagi see the recent observations by Russell 2011, 136. 15. These include examples at the British Museum, Louvre, Museo Nazionale Romano and Musei Capitolini. 16. Hester, Heizer 1981, 19-20; Aston 1994; Stocks 2003, 139-168; Bevan 2007, 40-54. 17. Sparks 2007, 188-193; Moorey 1994,55-58; Magen 2002, 127-131; Searight et al. 2010; Aegean, Evely 1993. 18. In the case of a perfect cube it has been suggested that the Egyptian unit of linear measurement, the cubit, and its sub-mul-

1023 FABRI LUXURIAE. PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COLOURED STONE VASES IN THE ROMAN PERIOD thickness of the walls also seems to have obeyed some this technique also explains the separation in multiple regular values. As an illustration, the overall thickness in elements which would then be added to the vase once the tureen samples ranges from 3 to 2 centimetres at the the carving of the exterior had been completed. This hy- shoulder and base of the body and from 1 to 2 centime- pothesis finds support in the fact that the measurements tres on the walls19. The same sample was examined for of the inner diameter of the vase mouth and the outer the identification of tool-marks both inside and out, one diameter of the foot coincide in the majority of the cases principal issue being to determine the method em- (i.e. MNR 531595). The same cylinder of stone, howev- ployed to hollow out the interior. The interior is not al- er, would be too small to use for the lid of the same ves- ways visible, since lids have often been glued down for sel, which I believe was cut from the same cube of stone display or conservation purposes and the surface is gen- as the body, but could serve to shape the lids of smaller erally almost as smoothly finished as the exterior. How- vases, with the aid of sharp cutting tools22. Indeed the ever, in some cases where the interior has been exam- same movable elements also feature on other urns re-cut ined, detected tell-tale marks are shallow depressions from more ancient vessels in our corpus. This might be within a ring, fine striations on the internal walls, thick- suggestive of the production of pre-carved elements er and coarse near and under the shoulder (i.e. MNR from the resulting debris later reused by the same work- 55914). The diameter of the ring is closely similar to that shops and/or possibly sold to other workshops for the of the neck of the vessel and could thus reflect the use of conversion and alteration of existing vessels23. In addi- a tubular drill, and the depression within it could be the tion, lids, finials and pedestals present mouldings and a residue left after the removal of the core. Studies and regular profile, whilst finials and pedestals also feature experiments on Egyptian stone vessel making have small circular holes between 1 and 3 millimetres on their shown that the hollowing of the vessel interior could be undersides which can be interpreted as compass points carried out either by hand carving with punches and or, more likely, lathe holes. These seem to suggest these chisels and/or by solid drilling with tubular drills, bow elements were lathe-turned, or at least finished with the driven or rotary motion assisted, depending on the aid of lathe-turning. Marks and surface imperfections physical properties of the stone20. In the case of calcare- caused by the vibrations of the grinding wheel have ous alabaster, it has been shown that with it being a been also detected on the pedestals which were carved stone of medium hardness (Mohs 3.5) solid drilling with in one piece with the body (i.e. BM 1993,0102.12), tubular drills is required since hand carving is more necks and rims. It cannot be excluded, therefore, that time consuming and percussive tools can increase the also the body, prior carving of the handle, was smoothed risk of breakage21. Therefore, I suggest that having the and finished with the aid of this tool. I believe that the majority of the tureens a large aperture, the hollowing of type of lathe and the turning process were similar to the interior consisted in drilling a cylinder of stone. The those identified for chalk vessel manufacture in Second latter would be snapped off with a hammer blow once it Temple period Jerusalem workshops24, which represent had filled the hollow tube. Removing the interior in this the most tangible evidence of the use of lapidary lathes way would have minimised the stress on the vessel walls in the Roman period25. Through the analysis of heaps of and allowed the reuse of the costly wasters. I suggest wasters there retrieved, further supplemented with

tiple, the remen, may have been used (Francis Grew pers. comm.). The remen equals to 5 palms=20 digits and derives from the Egyptian Royal Cubit measuring 7 palms=28 digits (Rossi 2003, 61-69). It also corresponded to half of the diagonal of the square with side one cubit, thus believed by ancient sources and modern mathematicians to be at the base of the “sacred cut”, namely a perfect square (, On Architecture, III, 6-8; Rossi 203, 23-32, 67). Ancient Egyptian measurements and geometry, like sci- ence in general, were strongly interlinked with religion and imbued with symbolism, and this would make the remen, connected to sacredness and perfection, a case in point if applied to our funerary urns. This question therefore is currently being further investi- gated. 19. If the application of Egyptian measurements is to be seen in this case as well, the system of multiples noticed may be con- nected with the use of the Egyptian fractions of the type 1/n, i.e. 1= 1/2; 1/4; 1/8; 1/16…, also known as Horus eye system (Rossi 2003, 58-60). The use of standard models with standard dimensions, multiples and sub-multiples has also been identified by Am- brogi (2005, 154-6) for the production of marble labra and stands. 20. Bevan 2007, 40-54 21. Stocks 2003, 64-9; Bevan 2007, 41; Rockwell 1993, 23. 22. Similar technique for wooden bowl carving sequence or at the Jewish workshops Magen 2002, 129; see also Stocks 2003, 159. 23. This might be similar to the use of pre-fabricated elements for the manufacture of other decorative sculpture detected at a Pompeian workshop by Moss (1988, 237) 24. Magen 2002, 127-131; Amit et al. 2010, 326-327 f ig. 20.6, 20.7, 20.8. The production at the quarry-workshops and distribu- tion of chalk vessels spans from the 1st century BC to AD 70, see also Magen 2002, 148-162; for a summary of the cultural and ritual implications of this production see Magen 2002, 138-147; Amit et al. 2010, 320; Bevan 2007, 170-171. 25. Calcareous alabaster Alabastra were also lathe turned, Colivicchi 1997, 215 ff class II alabastra dating to mid 2nd century BC – mid 1st century AD found throughout the Mediterranean .Further indirect evidence of the use of the lathe in the Roman period is rep- resented by the bone and ivory carving industry from the 1st century AD (St.Clair 2003, 52-53), wooden pyxides (Mille 2004, 21-22), 1st century AD cooking vessels made of steatite (Mannoni 2007,51) . Evidence of lathe turned stone architectural elements is also adduced (Blagg 1976, 165-1699 Fig. 2b; Bessac 1986, 260), but this remains quite debatable.

1024 S. PERNA comparisons from modern craft procedures26, it has to be directly proportional to the value of the stone and been demonstrated that small horizontal and large verti- to the social level of the commissioners33. cal lathes were deployed for small vessels and large It must be pointed out that this is only one of the craters (kallal) respectively27. On the large wheel pow- many possible carving scenarios for the “tureen” typol- ered lathe, vessels secured by spindle/axle and measur- ogy and these preliminary results should be tested and ing up to 80 cm in height and 55 cm in diameter with a contrasted with against other samples but for the rea- weight of some 100kgs could be turned28. Moreover, sons highlighted above this is not always possible. Dif- contrary to what is often believed the best results with ferent methods may need to be taken into account for lathe turning are obtained with hard, thus heavier, other shapes or the same method need, to be adjusted to stones, as marks detected also on porphyry vases in our match the different solutions and variations presented corpus show29. by examples of the same typology. It might be that this After the coring of the interior and its extraction the method was only used by one workshop or a group of undercutting of the shoulder and the hollowing of the related workshops, and recognising alternative proce- interior could take place. The tools deployed at this stage dures as idiosyncratic may lead in the future to the iden- could have been large and variously shaped borers used tification of individual workshops (Fig. 4). with abrasive mixtures and lubricants30. Despite this stage not being supported by clear evidence, rough stria- tions were noticed in the interior of some urns near the Centres of production, artisans and distribution shoulder (MNR 55914). As for the refinement of the ex- terior, the marks detected on our sample vases include But who was responsible for and where the produc- pitting, chamfers and disordered scratches on the neck, tion took place? Firstly, I suggest to move away from the rim, shoulder, suggesting the use of files and rasps. This previous idea of just two production centres, stage also included the shaping of the handles, cut from and Rome, the former due to its proximity to stone sources and renown for stone carving, and the latter for an excess of stone left around the shoulder during the its status as the major recipient of the imported stones hollowing process, by means of files and chisels. and find-spot of many urns34. In particular, the Alexan- Despite the idiosyncrasies of the tureen production dria hypothesis is not based on factual evidence of work- and the existence of a “standard” model, possibly circu- shops35. Besides, such an explanation ignores other possi- lating by means of a pattern book or small portable ble Egyptian production places closer to the Roman 31 models , we notice a selection of variations on the main quarries36 such as Memphis, where stone vessel manufac- theme, especially in the position of the handles and ture is better documented37. Examining the consumption finials. As Denis Stocks pointed out «while craft work- patterns of these urns across the West seems to suggest, ing is a shared experience, an individual worker devel- instead, that many workshops, in different places, could ops skills unique to her/him»32, this obviously results in have produced these objects at least once. For example in the inevitable diversity between hand-crafted objects. Alexandria itself, whilst the use of Egyptian alabaster However, I believe that the final shape and attributes of cinerary urns is documented for the Hellenistic period each tureen were ultimately determined by the cus- (albeit sporadically)38, the evidence for the Roman use re- tomers’ choice. The majority of the urns show high stan- mains scarce. In particular, the most common “tureen” dards of workmanship which, paraphrasing Moss, had type is only represented by two examples of uncertain

26. Magen 2002, 121-126 27. Magen 2002,127-130; Amit et al. 2010, 331-339 these large lathes in all probability developed from stone building 28. Magen 2002, 131 Fig. 4.30 The evidence yielded by the Hizma and Mount Scopus sites was substantiated by Alfred Mutz who analysed the fragments of the vessels and noticed that they combined precise rotary fashioning with a relatively high speed. Mutz also reconstructed a replica of a Roman lathe, Mutz 1972, 10 ff. Roman lathes see also Fant 2008. 29. Such as a cista from the Tommasso Brothers Collection (Ashton 2004, 186 no. 106Fig. ) and two tureens, one in the Dumb- arton Oaks collection (Richter 1956, 23 no.13) and one from Aix-en-Provence (Perna 2012), dateable to the 2nd century AD. More- over, the same technique is found on a “canopic” urn at the Louvre (Malgouyres 2003, 46-47 no.5), the plate at the Berlin Staatliche museum, the cista mistica from the Iseum of Beneventum, the make up tray from , vase fragments from Trier (Delbrueck 1932,193-198) and the Tiber (Gasparri 1999: 170-174) . 30. Stocks 2003, 109-11; Sparks 2007, 192-3; Bessac 1986, 263. 31. In addition to this, we could adduce the public display of the urns during the funeral. Moreover, as also Roth (2009, 58) pointed out «craft production was a public visible activity». 32. Stocks 2003, 8. 33. Moss 1988, 216; cf. Ambrogi 2005, 157. 34. Gasparri, 1989, 208-211; 1993,115-116 35. On the general lack of evidence for Alexandrian marble workshops see McKenzie 2007,10. 36. Hirt 2010, 52-53, 178, 222, 337. 37. Petrie 1909, 14; 1910,44; Engelbach 1915, 33-34 pl. LX nos.40, 41, 42 and 43; other centres include el-Maietin (Weill 1912,484-490) and Naukratis (Petrie 1886, 15) presumably still active in the Greco-Roman period. 38. Breccia 1932, 26 Fig. 62.

1025 FABRI LUXURIAE. PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COLOURED STONE VASES IN THE ROMAN PERIOD

Nonetheless, I believe that the argument of the input by Egyptian specialist craftsmen with their long tradition in stone vessel making remains the most influential40. In- deed, the skills and new technologies required to work the new materials could not be acquired merely through copying a style or observing the finished object, although it is deceptive to link the ethnicity of craftsmen to partic- ular objects purely on stylistic or technical grounds, just as it is reductionist to pin their activity down to one place41. As it has been pointed out, it seems more logical that when consumers favour products manufactured in styles and materials from distant cultures, and local pro- ducers are faced with this demand, workmen from the relevant regions are possibly required and sent for42. Moreover, the emphasis on increased mobility, connec- tivity and networks in the ancient Mediterranean43 does not rule out the possibility that artisans, alongside the ob- jects they produced, were in circulation44. Therefore, I believe that as the demand for these items in the new ex- otic materials began to take over in and outside Rome, Egyptian45, and perhaps Alexandrian46, artisans travelled around and even trained local artisans. In this view, it is more plausible not only to see the direct action of the hand that produced the object, but also to postulate the transfer of skills, techniques and eventually technology via person-to-person training and direct cultural interac- tion. In our case, whilst these urns do not present an “Egyptian” style, the imported materials and the neces- sary skills to work them strongly suggest the activity of ar- tisan familiar with the stones and vessel making. There- fore, I suggest that these urns were produced to-order by foreign specialist artisans working side by side with local artisans in the same workshop, which, based on individ- ual specialisation, produced a range of decorative objects Fig. 4. Drawing of the tureen urn found near Lebrija (Sevilla) from a variety of marbles47. Whilst the majority concen- (Photo: after P. Rodriguez Oliva 1994). trated in Rome’s workshops due to the greater market for these items there, others operated in marble workshops in centres with access to the various imported stones. date and context39. Therefore, even if Gasparri’s sugges- The “mobility” option becomes more likely if we consid- tion that Alexandria had the initial role in the diffusion of er the wide distribution of the tureen urns (Fig. 5). these objects is upheld, there is no way to trace this back As we can see from the graph, these urns mainly ap- to the Egyptian capital due to the lack of evidence. pear across the Western part of the Empire, with the sole

39. Schreiber 1908, 195; Pagenstecher 1913, 1-3; Breccia 1933: 61 no. 12 40. Stocks 2003, 12. The making of hard and soft stone vessels in Egypt started in the Nagada I period (4000-3600 BC) and by Dynasty 0 (3200-3050 BC) the main technologies and tools for large scale manufacture had been established. 41. On this see also Hoffmann 1998, 16-18, part. p. 17 «the ethnic identity of a craftsman cannot be determined persuasively solely from the style of his work». 42. Mannoni 2007, 50 ff. 43. Horden, Purcell 2000; Graham 2006. 44. On this see also Bevan 2007, 19-39. 45. Swetnam-Burland 2007, 114-115 with bibliography on the Egyptians in Italy. 46. Swetnam-Burland (2011, 336-438) points out that Egyptians could not easily leave the country, and only Alexandrians had a special status. However, not all the Egyptians in Italy were Alexandrians, but it is difficult to track their origin in the archaeologi- cal record since many often changed or concealed their identity. 47. Ambrogi 2005, 156-157; Moss 1988, 137-140, 209. For Moss the “cross-over” of decorative motifs or scheme within the same workhop confirms this hypothesis, and it is seen at workshops excavated at Pozzuoli and Ostia, cf. Demma 2010, 407-408. Ambrogi (2005, 154) underlines that porphyry, granite, alabaster and basanite labra and stands were presumably made to-order. The same items in all other materials showed standardization and production to -stock. Nevertheless, I agree with Russell (2011, 136) who rightly notices that standardization and bulk-shaping do not necessarily entail production-to stock.

1026 S. PERNA

Fig. 5. Graph of the distribution and find-spots of the tureen Fig. 6. Graph of the distribution and find-spots of the tureen urns (Author). urns in Italy (Author).

exception of Alexandria, and Lepcis Magna in Libya48.If quently, whilst it cannot be completely ruled out that we break these figures down further the highest number these urns had been commissioned by the wealthiest in- of examples is found in Italy with recorded find-spots dividuals directly from Rome’s workshops, we could dating as early as the end of the 1st century BC in Latium postulate that workshops, relying on itinerant specialist (Rome and its environs), followed by Campania (Pom- artisans and located in centres near or in the proximity of peii), (Taormina and Syracuse), Venetia and His- the urns’ find-spots, dedicated part of their production tria (Aquileia and Pula), Aemilia (Rimini), Apulia (Lec- to fulfil the request for such items by local customers. As ce) (Fig. 6). Outside Italy the recorded contexts are early Moss cogently pointed out «a local shop would be a 1st and 2nd century AD funerary monuments and individ- cheap alternative as transport costs would be re- ual tombs excavated at Salona (Dalmatia), duced..»49. Therefore, following our distribution pat- (Britannia) and Lebrijia (), but the tern, we could envisage the existence of workshops in highest pattern of tureen urn consumption outside Italy centres such as Puteoli50, Aquileia51 on Italy’s Eastern is found in , namely South-Eastern coast and even Southern France52. The current evidence France, with finds-pots at Vaison-La-Romaine, Nîmes, shows that overall the tureen was a small scale “luxury” Meynes, Mejannes-les-Ales, Aix-en-Provence, Maurviel- production, but its extent is difficult to quantify53. The le-Montpellier and Montpellier. Faced with a relatively total number of tureens seems to confirm that these urns high number of examples outside Rome I conclude that were rare and highly valued. On the other hand, this idea this phenomenon was not exclusively confined to the of rarity is counter-balanced by the other types of capital city. Looking at the typology of the tombs, it also coloured stone vases that chronologically coexist with seems clear that there was a certain desire for these urns and overlap the tureen type. Whilst Italy remains the by the provincial upper classes from the middle of the 1st find-spot of the widest range of these vase urns (Fig. 7), century AD, as also testified by the London basalt urn recorded trade and domestic contexts are also Begram in dated numismatically to the Claudian period. Conse- Afghanistan54, Montpellier55 and Cadiz56. These testify to

48. Libya lies in what we would traditionally refer to as the Western part of the Empire. 49. Moss 1988, 228 50. On marble workshops as well as of Egyptian and Oriental immigrants, particularly artisans, at Pozzuoli from the late repub- lican period onwards, Demma 2010, 399-425; Terpstra 2011, 105-110; Noy 2000, 11-19. 51. Moss 1988,224-226. The same workshops might have been responsible for the production of the urns found at Pula and Split. On commercial and cultural networks between Aquileia and Split in the Roman period, see contributions by Marcone 2006, 11-6, Verzar-Bass 2006, 107-35. 52. Braemer 1995,265, 268-269; Kleiner 1977, 661-696. 53. Many of these vases were frequently destroyed by the excavators or discarded if found in fragments, while recycled, re- worked examples and high number of modern replicas further complicate any attempts at a quantification. On the history of the ex- cavations and private collecting of these urns see Perna 2012. 54. On the Begram vessels see Hiebert, Cambon 2011, 176-177 nos. 61, 62,63 (calcareous alabaster trilobed oinochoe, ampho- riskos and patera with ram’s head) and 200-201 nos 103-104 (purple porphyry beaker and bowl).1st century AD. 55. A trilobed oinochoe and a patera with ram’s head handle similar to the Begram ones were found along with a type B tureen calcareous alabaster urn in a Roman tomb at Montepellier in 1820, Comarmond 1885, 141-142 nos.10-12. The three objects are now in the Musée des Beaux Artes in Lyon. Mid 1st century AD. The vessels could be evocative of a performed funerary ritual. An- other calcareous alabaster oinochoe is reported to have been found in a Roman burial near Lecce along with two cinerary urns in the

1027 FABRI LUXURIAE. PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COLOURED STONE VASES IN THE ROMAN PERIOD

duction Caves on the Eastern Slope of Mount Scopus”, in Y. R OWAN and J. EBELING (eds.). New Approaches to Old Stones: Recent Studies of Ground Stone Artifacts. London, 320-42. ASHTON S.A. 2004: Roman Egyptomania. London. ASTON B. G. 2004: Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels: Materials and Forms. Heidelberg. BENASSAI R. 1995: “Sui dinoi bronzei campani”, in M. CRISTO- FANI, and F. ZEVI (eds.). Studi sulla Campania preromana, Roma, 157-200. BESSAC J.-C. 1986: L’outillage traditionnel du tailleur de pierre. Paris. BEVAN A. 2007: Stone vessels and values in the Bronze Age Mediterranean. Cambridge. BLAGG T. F. C. 1976: “Tools and Techniques of the Roman Stonemason”, in Britannia, 7, 159-61. BRAEMER F. 1995: “Apports de l’Egypte à l’Occident romain”, in Alessandria e il mondo ellenestico-romano, Alessandria, Rome, 265-73. Fig. 7. Graph of the distribution and find-spots of all the BRECCIA E. 1932: Municipalite d’Alexandrie: Le musée Gréco- coloured stone urn types in Italy (Author). romain - 1925-1931. Bergamo. BRECCIA E. 1933: Municipalite d’Alexandrie: Le musée Gréco- a thriving production of Roman coloured stone vessels romain - 1931-1932. Bergamo. COLIVICCHI F. 1997: “Gli alabastra tardo-ellenistici e romani. which is suggestive of a wider privata luxuria. La documentazione delle necropoli tarantina”. in MEFRA, 109-1, 199-261 COMARMOND A. 1855-1857: Description des antiquités et ob- Conclusions jets d’art contenus dans les salles du palais-des-arts de la ville de Lyon, Lyon. In conclusion, the impetus behind this Roman stone COONEY K. M. 2007: The cost of death. The social and econom- vase production is twofold: the “public nature” of the ic value of Ancient Egyptian art in the Ramesside period, Roman funeral demanded conspicuous display through Leiden. D’AGOSTINO B., CERCHIAI L. (eds.) 1999: Il mare, la morte, which Roman urban and provincial élite advertised l’amore: gli Etruschi, i Greci e l’immagine, Roma. themselves, and the “materiality of marble” manifested DELBRUECK R. 1932: Antike Porphyrwerke, Berlin. itself as the ultimate “must-have” commodity in both DEMMA F. 2010: “Scultori, redemptores, marmorarii ed offici- domestic and funerary spheres. The evidence so far nae nella Puteoli romana. Fonti storiche ed archeologiche gathered, however, seems to point to a luxury produc- per lo studio del problema”, in MEFRA, 122/2, 399-425. tion of funerary stone vessels with a strong material and DOUGLAS M., ISHERWOOD B. 1979: The World of Goods, Lon- technical link with Egypt, but not egyptianising, pro- don. duced for and selected by a restricted number of ENGELBACH R. 1915: Riqqeh and Memphis, with chapters by wealthy individuals across the empire. The socio-eco- M.A. Murray. H. Flinders Petrie, London nomic implications of this phenomenon are significant EVELY R.D.G. 1993: Minoan Crafts, Tools and Techniques, An if we consider that the making of these urns involved Introduction. 2 vols, Goteborg. FANT J. C. 2008: “Quarrying and stone working”, in J. P. OLE- costly materials, highly skilled foreign artisans and, pos- SON (ed.) Handbook of Engineering and Technology in the sibly, important technological innovations. The creation Classical World, Oxford, 125-30. of a “standard” tureen shape clearly distinguishes this GARCÍA Y BELLIDO A. 1970: Algunas novedades sobre la ar- as an idiosyncratic form of funerary art and as a unique queología púnico – tartessia, Archivio Español de Arque- Roman stone vessel production. Stone vessels were now ologia, 43: 3-49. more than ever prized and sought after. GASPARRI C. 1989 IN P.C. B OL, A. ALLROGGEN-BEDEL (eds.) Forschungen zur Villa Albani. Katalog der antiken Bildw- erke, I, Berlin. Bibliography GASPARRI C., GUERRINI L. 1993: Il Palazzo del Quirinale: cata- logo delle sculture, Roma. AMBROGI A. 2005: Labra di età Romana in marmi bianchi e col- GASPARRI C. 1999: Vasi in pietre dure e marmi pregiati, in orati. Rome. M.R. BARBERA (ed.) Museo Nazionale Romano, La AMIT D., SELIGMAN J., ZILBERBOD I. 2010: ‘‘Stone Vessel Pro- collezione Gorga, s. l, 170-174. same material (Ramage 1898: 705 fn.14), whilst a calcareous alabaster patera with ram’s head is known from the art market (former- ly in a Swiss private collection, Christie’s New York sale 2364 lot 173 9th December 2010). 56. Reverse-cone shaped urn from a Roman burial with separate disc base and lid with finial Garcia y Bellido 1970, 21-23 no.4, currently dispersed. Carving technique and shape present similarities with a vase urn from a Roman tomb on the Via Labicana, Rome, now in the Museo Nazionale Romano. On context and bibliography see Perna 2012.

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