South Ossetia: the Burden of Recognition

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

South Ossetia: the Burden of Recognition SOUTH OSSETIA: THE BURDEN OF RECOGNITION Europe Report N°205 – 7 June 2010 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. POST-RECOGNITION DEVELOPMENTS ................................................................. 2 A. THE POPULATION.........................................................................................................................2 B. THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SITUATION AND RECONSTRUCTION .........................................................4 1. Local conditions...........................................................................................................................4 2. Russian aid and corruption...........................................................................................................6 C. RUSSIA’S MILITARY PRESENCE – SOUTH OSSETIA’S STRATEGIC VALUE .....................................7 III. LOCAL POLITICS........................................................................................................... 9 A. COMPETITION FOR RUSSIAN RESOURCES .....................................................................................9 B. THE RULE OF LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS ...................................................................................12 C. FUTURE PROSPECTS ...................................................................................................................13 IV. GEORGIAN-OSSETIAN RELATIONS....................................................................... 15 A. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT ..........................................................................................................15 B. DETENTIONS ..............................................................................................................................16 C. DISPLACEMENT ISSUES ..............................................................................................................17 V. THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE ......................................................................... 19 A. THE GENEVA TALKS..................................................................................................................19 B. FIELD PRESENCE........................................................................................................................20 C. THE EU MONITORING MISSION .................................................................................................21 VI. CONCLUSION................................................................................................................ 23 APPENDICES A. MAP OF GEORGIA ............................................................................................................................24 B. MAP OF SOUTH OSSETIA..................................................................................................................25 C. MAP OF SOUTH OSSETIA SHOWING VILLAGES UNDER GEORGIAN AND OSSETIAN CONTROL PRIOR TO 7 AUGUST 2008................................................................................................................26 D. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP ....................................................................................27 E. CRISIS GROUP REPORTS AND BRIEFINGS ON EUROPE SINCE 2007 ....................................................28 F. CRISIS GROUP BOARD OF TRUSTEES................................................................................................29 Program Report N°205 7 June 2010 SOUTH OSSETIA: THE BURDEN OF RECOGNITION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS South Ossetia is no closer to genuine independence now threats on its own North Caucasus territory, Moscow than in August 2008, when Russia went to war with has preferred to work with Kokoity and his entourage, Georgia and extended recognition. The small, rural terri- who have shown unshakeable loyalty, rather than try a tory lacks even true political, economic or military auton- different leadership. omy. Moscow staffs over half the government, donates 99 per cent of the budget and provides security. South Os- All but four countries, including Russia, continue to rec- setians themselves often urge integration into the Russian ognise South Ossetia as part of Georgia, and Ossetians Federation, and their entity’s situation closely mirrors that and Georgians cannot avoid addressing common prob- of Russia’s North Caucasus republics. Regardless of the lems much longer. Lack of freedom of movement and slow pace of post-conflict reconstruction, extensive high- detentions of people trying to cross the administrative level corruption and dire socio-economic indicators, there boundary line (ABL) spoil the lives of all, regardless of is little interest in closer ties with Georgia. Moscow has ethnicity and risk increasing tensions. The EU monitoring not kept important ceasefire commitments, and some mission (EUMM) in Georgia could play a vital role in 20,000 ethnic Georgians from the region remain forcibly promoting stability and acting as a deterrent to further displaced. At a minimum, Russians, Ossetians and Geor- military action, but with Russia and South Ossetia resist- gians need to begin addressing the local population’s ba- ing its access, its effectiveness and response capability is sic needs by focusing on creating freedom of movement limited. and economic and humanitarian links without status pre- conditions. Periodic talks in Geneva bring Russia, Georgia and repre- sentatives from South Ossetia and Abkhazia together The war dealt a heavy physical, economic, demographic but are bogged down over the inability to conclude an and political blow to South Ossetia. The permanent popu- agreement on the non-use of force. Much less effort has lation had been shrinking since the early 1990s and now been made to initiate incremental, practical measures that is unlikely to be much more than 30,000. The $840 mil- would address humanitarian needs. Positions on status are lion Russia has contributed in rehabilitation assistance irreconcilable for the present and should be set aside. The and budgetary support has not significantly improved immediate focus instead should be on securing freedom local conditions. With its traditional trading routes to the of movement for the local population and humanitarian rest of Georgia closed, the small Ossetian economy has and development organisations, which all parties are block- been reduced to little more than a service provider for the ing to various degrees. The South Ossetians should be Russian military and construction personnel. Other than pressed to respect the right to return of ethnic Georgians, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), no while Tbilisi should be more supportive of the few who international humanitarian, development or monitoring either stayed in South Ossetia or have been able to go organisation operates in the region; dependent on a single home. The Ossetians should lift their conditionality on unreliable road to Russia, the inhabitants are isolated. the work of the joint Incident Prevention and Response Mechanism (IPRM) that has been created to deal with day- Claims and counterclaims about misappropriation of to-day issues along the ABL. reconstruction funds complicate the relationship between the de facto president, Eduard Kokoity, and his Russian It will take a long time to rebuild any trust between the prime minister and undermine internal cohesion. While South Ossetians and Georgians, but a start is needed on Russia controls decision-making in several key spheres, steps that can make the confrontation more bearable for such as the border, public order and external relations, it the people and less risky for regional stability. has allowed South Ossetian elites a degree of manoeuvre on such internal matters as rehabilitation, reconstruction, education and local justice. Preoccupied with security South Ossetia: The Burden of Recognition Crisis Group Europe Report N°205, 7 June 2010 Page ii RECOMMENDATIONS To the Authorities in South Ossetia: To All Sides: 8. Refrain from arbitrary detentions of Georgian citizens and violation of their freedom of movement; release 1. Agree urgently, without posing status or other politi- those detained since the August 2008 war; and coop- cal preconditions, on basic cooperation mechanisms erate with international mediators in investigating and implementation modalities to ensure: cases of missing and detained people. a) movement across the administrative boundary line 9. Recognise the rights of Georgian IDPs and facilitate (ABL) for local inhabitants and humanitarian and their step-by-step return. developmental organisations; 10. Allow the EUMM and other international officials b) rights to property and return; and and organisations full access to South Ossetia. c) economic freedom. 11. Discuss day-to-day issues and security with Georgia; facilitate small-scale economic and social activities To the Government of the Russian Federation: across the ABL; and resume participation in the joint IPRM. 2. Implement fully the ceasefire agreements, which oblige Russia to reduce troop levels to those mandated 12. Put priority on eradicating high-level corruption; pur- before 8 August 2008, withdraw from previously sue those who embezzle reconstruction assistance; unoccupied areas and allow access for international and allow greater freedom for civil society initiatives. monitoring and humanitarian
Recommended publications
  • Georgia Transport Sector Assessment, Strategy, and Road Map
    Georgia Transport Sector Assessment, Strategy, and Road Map The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is preparing sector assessments and road maps to help align future ADB support with the needs and strategies of developing member countries and other development partners. The transport sector assessment of Georgia is a working document that helps inform the development of country partnership strategy. It highlights the development issues, needs and strategic assistance priorities of the transport sector in Georgia. The knowledge product serves as a basis for further dialogue on how ADB and the government can work together to tackle the challenges of managing transport sector development in Georgia in the coming years. About the Asian Development Bank ADB’s vision is an Asia and Pacific region free of poverty. Its mission is to help its developing member countries reduce poverty and improve the quality of life of their people. Despite the region’s many successes, it remains home to two-thirds of the world’s poor: 1.7 billion people who live on less than $2 a day, with 828 million struggling on less than $1.25 a day. Georgia Transport Sector ADB is committed to reducing poverty through inclusive economic growth, environmentally sustainable growth, and regional integration. Based in Manila, ADB is owned by 67 members, including 48 from the region. Its main Assessment, Strategy, instruments for helping its developing member countries are policy dialogue, loans, equity investments, guarantees, grants, and technical assistance. and Road Map TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS. Georgia. 2014 Asian Development Bank 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines www.adb.org Printed in the Philippines Georgia Transport Sector Assessment, Strategy, and Road Map © 2014 Asian Development Bank All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Caucasus Plant Initiative: a Regional Plant Conservation Strategy
    Caucasus Plant Initiative: A Regional Plant Conservation Strategy Paeonia wittmanniana Editors: Ketevan Batsatsashvili, George E. Schatz, and Tatyana Schulkina Design: Burgund Bassüner 0-00 Developed by The Caucasus Plant Red List Authority Kazbegi, north-eastern Georgia The targets of The Caucasus Plant Initiative (CPI), a regional Plant Conservation Strategy, correspond to the targets of the 00-00 Global Strategy for Plant Conservation. The present document also illustrates the relevance of CPI targets to the targets/actions in the revised and updated Ecoregion Conservation Plan (ECP) for the Caucasus (Zazanashvili et al. 0). Whenever possible, the CPI should be considered together with ECP in plant conservation and sustainable use planning. According to the 0th Meeting of the Conference of Parties of the UN Convention on Bio- logical Diversity (CBD) held in Japan, the member countries are requested to revise their existing National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs) according to the “CBD Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 011-00”. The statements of The Caucasus Plant Initiative are intended to be incorporated into the National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs) of the Caucasus countries. Content Objective I: Plant diversity is well understood, documented and recognized Page 7 CPI Target : An online Flora of all known plants of the Caucasus. CPI Target : Global/regional/national assessment of the conservation status of as many known plant species of the Caucasus as possible, to guide conservation action. CPI Target : Information, research and associated outputs, and methods necessary to implement the Strategy developed and shared throughout the Caucasus. Objective II: Plant diversity is urgently and effectively conserved Page 10 CPI Target : At least 5 percent of each ecological region or vegetation type secured through effective management and/or restoration.
    [Show full text]
  • Law of Georgia Tax Code of Georgia
    LAW OF GEORGIA TAX CODE OF GEORGIA SECTION I GENERAL PROVISIONS Chapter I - Georgian Tax System Article 1 - Scope of regulation In accordance with the Constitution of Georgia, this Code sets forth the general principles of formation and operation of the tax system of Georgia, governs the legal relations involved in the movement of passengers, goods and vehicles across the customs border of Georgia, determines the legal status of persons, tax payers and competent authorities involved in legal relations, determines the types of tax offences, the liability for violating the tax legislation of Georgia, the terms and conditions for appealing wrongful acts of competent authorities and of their officials, lays down procedures for settling tax disputes, and governs the legal relations connected with the fulfilment of tax liabilities. Law of Georgia No 5942 of 27 March 2012 - website, 12.4.2012 Article 2 - Tax legislation of Georgia 1. The tax legislation of Georgia comprises the Constitution of Georgia, international treaties and agreements, this Code and subordinate normative acts adopted in compliance with them. 2. The tax legislation of Georgia in effect at the moment when tax liability arises shall be used for taxation. 3. The Government of Georgia or the Minister for Finance of Georgia shall adopt/issue subordinate normative acts for enforcing this Code. 4. (Deleted - No 1886, 26.12.2013) 5. To enforce the tax legislation of Georgia, the head of the Legal Entity under Public Law (LEPL) within the Ministry for Finance of Georgia - the Revenue Service (‘the Revenue Service’) shall issue orders, internal instructions and guidelines on application of the tax legislation of Georgia by tax authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • The Georgian Orthodox Church: National Identity and Political Influence
    October 2015 Traditional religion and political power: Examining the role of the church in Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine and Moldova Edited by Adam Hug The publication examines the political and social role of the Orthodox Churches in Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova and of the Armenian Apostolic Church. It explores the ways in which the churches have contributed to the development of national identities since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the role they play in civil society. The publication looks at the nature of the relationship between church and state; how the churches influence, support and challenge the secular authorities in their hold on power and their response to 'traditional values' issues such as LGBTI and minority faith rights. The publication also looks at the ways in which the Russian Orthodox Church and Russian Government have been looking to influence this debate in these countries. The publication contains contributions from: Professor Yulia Antonyan, Yerevan State University; Eka Chitanava, Tolerance and Diversity Institute; Stepan Danielyan, Collaboration for Democracy Centre; Adam Hug (ed.), Foreign Policy Centre; Myroslav Marynovych, Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv; Victor Munteanu, Soros Foundation Moldova; Rev. Fr. Dr Daniel Payne; Professor Oleksandr Sagan, Skovoroda Institute of Philosophy and Irakli Vacharadze, Executive Director, Identoba. Kindly supported by the Open Society Foundations. The publication is available at: http://fpc.org.uk/publications/orthodox Excerpt from the publication, p.40 The Georgian Orthodox Church: National Identity and Political Influence Eka Chitanava1 The Georgian Orthodox Church in the Imperial and Soviet Past In 1811, Russian Emperor Alexander I abolished the autocephaly of the Georgian Orthodox Church and placed it under the command of the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Trends in Russia
    russian analytical russian analytical digest 60/09 digest analysis Fascist Tendencies in Russia’s Political Establishment: The Rise of the International Eurasian Movement By Andreas Umland, Eichstaett, Bavaria Abstract Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent advocate of fascist and anti-Western views, has risen from a fringe ideologue to deeply penetrate into Russian governmental offices, mass media, civil society and academia in ways that many in the West do not realize or understand. Prominent members of Russian society are affiliated with his International Eurasian Movement. Among Dugin’s most important collaborators are electronic and print media commentator Mikhail Leont’ev and the legendary TV producer and PR specialist Ivan Demidov. If Dugin’s views become more widely accepted, a new Cold War will be the least that the West should expect from Russia during the coming years. The Rise of Aleksandr Dugin course that must be taken seriously. Dugin’s numerous In recent years, various forms of nationalism have be- links to the political and academic establishments of a come a part of everyday Russian political and social life. number of post-Soviet countries, as well as institutions Since the end of the 1990s, an increasingly aggressive in Turkey, remain understudied or misrepresented. In racist sub-culture has been infecting sections of Russia’s other cases, Dugin and his followers receive more se- youth, and become the topic of numerous analyses by rious attention, yet are still portrayed as anachronis- Russian and non-Russian observers. Several new radi- tic, backward-looking imperialists – merely a partic- cal right-wing organizations, like the Movement Against ularly radical form of contemporary Russian anti-glo- Illegal Emigration, known by its Russian acronym balism.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia
    Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia Niklas Nilsson SILK ROAD PAPER January 2018 Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia Niklas Nilsson © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center American Foreign Policy Council, 509 C St NE, Washington D.C. Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Russian Hybrid Tactics in Georgia” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia- Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Joint Center. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council and the Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of
    [Show full text]
  • Georgia's New Strategic Approach to Conflict Resolution
    Russia and Eurasia Programme Roundtable Summary Georgia’s New Strategic Approach to Conflict Resolution Temuri Yakobashvili Minister for Reintegration and Deputy Prime Minister of Georgia 22 April 2010 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. REP Roundtable Summary: Georgia’s New Strategic Approach to Conflict Resolution Georgian State Minister for Reintegration, Temuri Yakobashvili, presented Georgia’s new strategy for engaging with the peoples of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region entitled State Strategy on Occupied Territories: Engagement through Cooperation . The following is a summary of his remarks and the subsequent question and answer session. The underlying premise of the document is that we must engage with the occupied territories. Isolation would effectively mean giving them to Russia for free. We also believe that Georgia, as the expelled sovereign, has an obligation to take care of its people.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgia: Background and U.S
    Georgia: Background and U.S. Policy Updated September 5, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45307 SUMMARY R45307 Georgia: Background and U.S. Policy September 5, 2018 Georgia is one of the United States’ closest non-NATO partners among the post-Soviet states. With a history of strong economic aid and security cooperation, the United States Cory Welt has deepened its strategic partnership with Georgia since Russia’s 2008 invasion of Analyst in European Affairs Georgia and 2014 invasion of Ukraine. U.S. policy expressly supports Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and Georgia is a leading recipient of U.S. aid in Europe and Eurasia. Many observers consider Georgia to be one of the most democratic states in the post-Soviet region, even as the country faces ongoing governance challenges. The center-left Georgian Dream party has more than a three-fourths supermajority in parliament, allowing it to rule with only limited checks and balances. Although Georgia faces high rates of poverty and underemployment, its economy in 2017 appeared to enter a period of stronger growth than the previous four years. The Georgian Dream won elections in 2012 amid growing dissatisfaction with the former ruling party, Georgia: Basic Facts Mikheil Saakashvili’s center-right United National Population: 3.73 million (2018 est.) Movement, which came to power as a result of Comparative Area: slightly larger than West Virginia Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution. In August 2008, Capital: Tbilisi Russia went to war with Georgia to prevent Ethnic Composition: 87% Georgian, 6% Azerbaijani, 5% Saakashvili’s government from reestablishing control Armenian (2014 census) over Georgia’s regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Religion: 83% Georgian Orthodox, 11% Muslim, 3% Armenian which broke away from Georgia in the early 1990s to Apostolic (2014 census) become informal Russian protectorates.
    [Show full text]
  • Assemblée Générale Distr
    Nations Unies A/HRC/13/21/Add.3 Assemblée générale Distr. générale 14 janvier 2010 Français Original: anglais Conseil des droits de l’homme Treizième session Point 3 de l’ordre du jour Promotion et protection de tous les droits de l’homme, civils, politiques, économiques, sociaux et culturels, y compris le droit au développement Rapport soumis par le Représentant du Secrétaire général pour les droits de l’homme des personnes déplacées dans leur propre pays, Walter Kälin* Additif Suite donnée au rapport sur la mission en Géorgie (A/HRC/10/13/Add.2)** * Soumission tardive. ** Le résumé du présent rapport est distribué dans toutes les langues officielles. Le rapport, qui est joint en annexe au résumé, n’est distribué que dans la langue originale. GE.10-10252 (F) 250110 260110 A/HRC/13/21/Add.3 Résumé Le Représentant du Secrétaire général pour les droits de l’homme des personnes déplacées dans leur propre pays s’est rendu, les 5 et 6 novembre 2009, dans la région de Tskhinvali (Ossétie du Sud) afin de donner suite à la mission qu’il avait effectuée en Géorgie en octobre 2008. Il a pu avoir accès à toutes les zones qu’il avait demandé à voir, y compris à la région de Tskhinvali et aux districts d’Akhalgori et de Znauri, et il a tenu des consultations franches et ouvertes avec les autorités de facto d’Ossétie du Sud. En raison du conflit d’août 2008, 19 381 personnes ont été déplacées au-delà de la frontière de facto, tandis que, selon les estimations, entre 10 000 et 15 000 personnes ont été déplacées à l’intérieur de la région de Tskhinvali (Ossétie du Sud).
    [Show full text]
  • South Ossetia-Georgia Mission Notes
    Peacekeeping_4_v2final.qxd 1/28/08 10:07 AM Page 131 4.19 South Ossetia–Georgia While Georgia’s establishment of a parallel administration in South Ossetia at the CIS–South Ossetia Joint Peacekeeping Forces (JPKF) end of 2006 was designed to change the status quo and reduce support for the Tskhinvali ad- • Authorization Date 24 June 1992 ministration, negotiations remained frozen • Start Date July 1992 during 2007 and a missile incident in August • Head of Mission Major-General Marat Kulakhmetov kept tensions high. Continued statements link- (Russia) ing the outcome of the Kosovo status talks • Strength as of Troops: 1,500 with South Ossetia’s future contributed to un- 30 September 2007 ease in Tbilisi, while the lack of productive high-level talks by the Joint Control Commis- sion (JCC) left negotiations at a stalemate. Violent conflict erupted in Georgia’s OSCE Mission to Georgia South Ossetia region in January 1991 after the Georgian government denied a request by Ossetian officials for autonomous status within • Authorization Date 6 November 1992 Georgia. The war continued until June 1992, • Start Date December 1992 leaving some 1,000 dead, 100 missing, more • Head of Mission Ambassador Terhi Hakala (Finland) than 65,000 internally displaced, and the • Budget $14 million (October 2006–September 2007) South Ossetian administrative center, Tskhin- • Strength as of Civilian Staff: 29 vali, destroyed. The 1992 “Agreement on the 30 September 2007 Principles of Settlement of the Georgian- Ossetian Conflict Between Georgia and Rus- sia” (also known as the Sochi Accords) estab- lished both a cease-fire and the Joint Control Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom of Religion Or Belief in Georgia 2010-2019
    FREEDOM OF RELIGION OR BELIEF IN GEORGIA Report 2010-2019 FREEDOM OF RELIGION OR BELIEF IN GEORGIA REPORT 2010-2019 Tolerance and Diversity Institute (TDI) 2020 The report is prepared by Tolerance and Diversity Institute (TDI) within the framework of East-West Management Institute’s (EWMI) "Promoting Rule of Law in Georgia" (PROLoG) project, funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The report is published with the support from the Open Society Georgia Foundation (OSGF). The content is the sole responsibility of the Tolerance and Diversity Institute (TDI) and does not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), United States Government, East-West Management Institute (EWMI) or Open Society Georgia Foundation (OSGF). Authors: Mariam Gavtadze, Eka Chitanava, Anzor Khatiashvili, Mariam Jikia, Shota Tutberidze, Gvantsa Lomaia Project director: Mariam Gavtadze Translators: Natia Nadiradze, Tamar Kvaratskhelia Design: Tornike Lortkipanidze Cover: shutterstock It is prohibited to reprint, copy or distribute the material for commercial purposes without written consent of the Tolerance and Diversity Institute (TDI). Tolerance and Diversity Institute (TDI), 2020 Web: www.tdi.ge CONTENTS Introduction .............................................................................................................................................................. 8 Methodology ..........................................................................................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • D) South Caucasus
    International Alert. Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector Case study South Caucasus* * This document is an extract from Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector, published in 2006 by the UK-based peacebuilding NGO International Alert. Full citation should be provided in any referencing. © International Alert, 2006. All rights reserved. No part of this publication, including electronic materials, may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without full attribution. South Caucasus Between pragmatism and idealism: businesses coping with conflict in the South Caucasus Natalia Mirimanova This report explores the role that local private sector activity can play in addressing the conflicts of the South Caucasus. It is based on qualitative interviews conducted with a range of entrepreneurs, both formal and informal, carried out in 2005. It embraces three unresolved conflicts: the conflict between Armenians and Azeris over Nagorny-Karabakh; and the conflicts over Abkhazia and South Ossetia that challenged Georgia’s territorial integrity.1 All three resulted from the break-up of the Soviet Union. Despite its peaceful dissolution, the newly independent states in the South Caucasus all experienced some degree of violence. The turmoil in Georgia was linked to the escalation of internal conflicts with the autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, while the unilateral secession of Nagorny-Karabakh – a predominantly Armenian region in Azerbaijan – sparked a war between the latter and Armenia. An overview of the conflicts is provided below, together with an outline of the current political context and the private sectors.
    [Show full text]