Political Trends in Russia
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fascism 4 (2015) 209-212 brill.com/fasc Book Review ∵ Mats Deland, Michael Minkenberg and Christin Mays, ed. In the Tracks of Breivik: Far Right Networks in Northern and Eastern Europe (Berlin/ Vienna: lit Verlag, 2014). Four years have already passed since Anders Behring Breivik, apparently single-handedly, committed the most murderous and destructive terrorist atrocity by the far right in post-war Europe. In 2011–2012, particularly during his criminal trial in Oslo, there was a lively public debate in in the Scandinavian media as to whether Breivik was a fascist, or represented some other permuta- tion of the contemporary European far right – an Islamophobic ‘counter-jihad- ist’; a militant, conservative nationalist; or a Christian extremist.1 Somewhat counterintuitively, since then relatively little scholarly attention has been devoted within comparative fascist studies to the implications of Breivik’s deeds, ideology, and self-proclaimed pan-European revolutionary movement. The title of this anthology – In the Tracks of Breivik – would suggest that its primary purpose is to map the far right networks of northern and eastern Europe in relation to the terrorist acts of July 22, 2011. Even if we realize that this formulation is an unfortunate literal translation of the Swedish phrase ‘i spåren av [Breivik]’ – for which a more idiomatic English rendering would be ‘in the wake of [Breivik]’, the implication would still be that the findings of the book are located in some direct relation to Breivik and his crimes. Even the promotional blurb on the back cover, as well as the opening and closing words of the introduction, reinforce this expectation. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
The Development and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Isdap Electoral Breakthrough
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1976 The evelopmeD nt and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Nsdap Electoral Breakthrough. Thomas Wiles Arafe Jr Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Arafe, Thomas Wiles Jr, "The eD velopment and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Nsdap Electoral Breakthrough." (1976). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 2909. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/2909 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. « The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing pega(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. -
Georgia's New Strategic Approach to Conflict Resolution
Russia and Eurasia Programme Roundtable Summary Georgia’s New Strategic Approach to Conflict Resolution Temuri Yakobashvili Minister for Reintegration and Deputy Prime Minister of Georgia 22 April 2010 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. REP Roundtable Summary: Georgia’s New Strategic Approach to Conflict Resolution Georgian State Minister for Reintegration, Temuri Yakobashvili, presented Georgia’s new strategy for engaging with the peoples of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region entitled State Strategy on Occupied Territories: Engagement through Cooperation . The following is a summary of his remarks and the subsequent question and answer session. The underlying premise of the document is that we must engage with the occupied territories. Isolation would effectively mean giving them to Russia for free. We also believe that Georgia, as the expelled sovereign, has an obligation to take care of its people. -
South Ossetia-Georgia Mission Notes
Peacekeeping_4_v2final.qxd 1/28/08 10:07 AM Page 131 4.19 South Ossetia–Georgia While Georgia’s establishment of a parallel administration in South Ossetia at the CIS–South Ossetia Joint Peacekeeping Forces (JPKF) end of 2006 was designed to change the status quo and reduce support for the Tskhinvali ad- • Authorization Date 24 June 1992 ministration, negotiations remained frozen • Start Date July 1992 during 2007 and a missile incident in August • Head of Mission Major-General Marat Kulakhmetov kept tensions high. Continued statements link- (Russia) ing the outcome of the Kosovo status talks • Strength as of Troops: 1,500 with South Ossetia’s future contributed to un- 30 September 2007 ease in Tbilisi, while the lack of productive high-level talks by the Joint Control Commis- sion (JCC) left negotiations at a stalemate. Violent conflict erupted in Georgia’s OSCE Mission to Georgia South Ossetia region in January 1991 after the Georgian government denied a request by Ossetian officials for autonomous status within • Authorization Date 6 November 1992 Georgia. The war continued until June 1992, • Start Date December 1992 leaving some 1,000 dead, 100 missing, more • Head of Mission Ambassador Terhi Hakala (Finland) than 65,000 internally displaced, and the • Budget $14 million (October 2006–September 2007) South Ossetian administrative center, Tskhin- • Strength as of Civilian Staff: 29 vali, destroyed. The 1992 “Agreement on the 30 September 2007 Principles of Settlement of the Georgian- Ossetian Conflict Between Georgia and Rus- sia” (also known as the Sochi Accords) estab- lished both a cease-fire and the Joint Control Commission. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
Annex E.4.15
ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.15-Corr 06-11-2015 1/35 EC PT Annex E.4.15 Public Corrected Version of ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.15 ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.15-Corr 06-11-2015 2/35 EC PT SOUTH OSSETIA: THE BURDEN OF RECOGNITION Europe Report N°205 - 7 June 2010 lnternationa Crisis Group WORKING TO PREVENT CONFLICT WORLDWIDE GEO-OTP-0001-1242 ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.15-Corr 06-11-2015 3/35 EC PT TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS i I. IN.TRODUCTION 1 II. POST-RECOGNITION DEVELOPMENTS 2 A. THEPOPfilJ\TION 2 B. TIIE Soc10-EcoNOMIC SITUATION AND RECONSTRUCTION 4 l. Local conditions .4 2. Russian aid and corruption 6 C. RUSSI/\ '8 MILITARY PRR8F.NCE-SOOTH 0SSETIJ\ '8 STRJ\ TRGTC V /\LUE 7 Ill. LOCAL POLITICS 9 A. CoMPr:rnroN FOR RlJ8SIJ\N RRSOlJRCKS 9 B. Tl IE RULE OF LAW ANI) HUMAN RIOI ITS 12 C. FUTURE PROSPECTS 13 IV. GEORGTAN-OSSETTAN RELATIONS 15 A. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT 15 B. Dt-:TENTTONS 16 C. DISPLACEMENT ISSUES 17 V. THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE 19 A. THE GENEV J\ T /\LKS 19 B. FIELD PRESENCE 20 C. TIIE EU MONITORINGMI SSION 21 VI. CONCLUSION 23 APPENDICES A. MAP OF G.EOROlA 24 B. MAP OF Soun 1 OssHTIA 25 C. MAP OF sotrra 0SSETIA SHOWING VILLAGES UNDER GEORGIANAND 0SSETIAN CONTROL PRIOR TO 7 AUGUST 2008 26 D. AnOUTTIIEINTERNATIONALCRl SIS GROUP 27 E. CRISIS GROUP REPORTS AND BRll:FINGS ON ElJROPli SINCE 2007 28 F. CRJSlS GROUP BOAR!) OFTRUSTEES 29 GEO-OTP-0001-1243 ICC-01/15-4-AnxE.4.15-Corr 06-11-2015 4/35 EC PT lnternationa Crisis Group WORKING TO PREVENT CONFLICT WORLDWIDE Program Report N°205 7 June 2010 SOUTH OSSETIA: THE BURDEN OF RECOGNITION EXECUTIVE SUlVIMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS South Ossetia is no closer to genuine independence now threats on its own North Caucasus territory, Moscow than in August 2008, when Russia went to war with has preferred to work with Kokoity and his entourage, Georgia and extended recognition. -
Joseph Goebbels and Nazi Radio Propaganda
JOSEPH GOEBBELS AND NAZI RADIO PROPAGANDA: AN ASSESSMENT OF SUCCESS AND FAILURE by Chester Ferdinand Casanave Jr. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requ,irements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Division of Communications Morehead State University December, 1975 APP-!+1~THESES - Yl\ o. st.\ 1j1 Q_ 335f ' ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author would like to express his sincerest graditude to the following people: George Harper and Dr. Joe Misiewicz for their help and consideration in the formulation of many ideas here. Thanks also to Wanda Jones for her patience and help in construction and typing, to my wife Michelle, for her under standing and support, finally to Dr. Frederick Voigt for his careful and generous supervision during this experience. ~ccepted by the faculty of the School of Humanities, Morehead State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements f or the Master of Arts degree . Master ' s Committee: TABLE OF CONTENTS fage CHAPTER I Introduction and Purpose .....••..•....... 1 CHAPTER II Procedure and Criteria.................. 5 CHAPTER III Goebbels the Man. • • . • . • . 18 CHAPTER IV Gcebbel's Philosophy •.................. 39 CHAPTER V Ministry Structure. • . 99 CHAPTER VI Summary and Conclusions. .129 APPENDIX I. ......................... .139 APPENDIX II • • • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .156 BIBLIOGRAPHY. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .163 i C::HAPTER I Introduction and Purpose On the evening of May first, 1945, Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels climbed the steps leading out of the Fuehrer Bunker and walked a short way into the Chancellery garden in the heart of Berlin. There he paused a moment to survey the shell-pocked landscape, raised a gun to his head and shot himself. It was a last act of propaganda, a fitting climax to the carefully contrived pageant he had labored for over twenty years to create. -
The Nazi Campaign Against Occultism
chapter 6 The Nazi Campaign against Occultism On June 9, 1941, less than two weeks before Germany invaded the Soviet Union, the Nazi security services launched an all-out campaign against occultist orga- nizations and individuals. Officially dubbed the “Campaign against occult doctrines and so-called occult sciences” (Aktion gegen Geheimlehren und soge- nannte Geheimwissenschaften), this sweeping move aimed at the definitive elimination of occult activities from the national community. Why did the SD and Gestapo put so much effort into pursuing marginal occult groups in June 1941, when the Nazi leadership had more pressing concerns? The answers to this question reveal the complexities and contradictions at the heart of the contested relationship between occultism and National Socialism. The hard-line anti-occultist faction within the Nazi movement was con- centrated in the SD, the Sicherheitsdienst or ‘security service’ of the SS under Reinhard Heydrich. From 1933 to 1941 they were largely kept in check by other Nazi officials, including the staff of Rudolf Hess in his position as Deputy of the Führer and nominal head of the Nazi party. Hess was the highest-ranking Nazi protector of anthroposophical endeavors. The longstanding tension within the Nazi hierarchy over the status of occult groups was complicated by the pivotal role of Martin Bormann, technically Hess’s subordinate but his de facto equal in power, influence, and access to Hitler. Bormann was a confirmed opponent of occult organizations and a crucial ally of the SD, which in turn formed a central component of the police imperium overseen by SS head Heinrich Himmler. -
ICC-01/15 13 October 2015 Original
ICC-01/15-4 13-10-2015 1/160 EO PT Original: English No.: ICC-01/15 Date: 13 October 2015 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Joyce Aluoch, Presiding Judge Judge Cuno Tarfusser Judge Péter Kovács SITUATION IN GEORGIA Public Document with Confidential, EX PARTE, Annexes A,B, C, D.2, E.3, E.7, E.9, F H and Public Annexes 1, D.1, E.1, E.2, E.4, E.5, E.6, E.8,G ,I, J Request for authorisation of an investigation pursuant to article 15 Source: Office of the Prosecutor ICC-01/15 1/160 13 October 2015 ICC-01/15-4 13-10-2015 2/160 EO PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Mrs Fatou Bensouda Mr James Stewart Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Defence Support Section Mr Herman von Hebel Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section No. ICC-01/15 2/160 13 October 2015 ICC-01/15-4 13-10-2015 3/160 EO PT Table of Contents with Confidential, EX PARTE, Annexes C, D,E.3, E.7,E.9 H and Public Annexes, A, B,D, E.1, E.2, E.4, E.5, E.6, E.8, F,G,I,J................................................................................................1 Request for authorisation of an investigation pursuant to article 15 ....................................1 I. -
Joseph Goebbels 1 Joseph Goebbels
Joseph Goebbels 1 Joseph Goebbels Joseph Goebbels Reich propaganda minister Goebbels Chancellor of Germany In office 30 April 1945 – 1 May 1945 President Karl Dönitz Preceded by Adolf Hitler Succeeded by Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk (acting) Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda In office 13 March 1933 – 30 April 1945 Chancellor Adolf Hitler Preceded by Office created Succeeded by Werner Naumann Gauleiter of Berlin In office 9 November 1926 – 1 May 1945 Appointed by Adolf Hitler Preceded by Ernst Schlange Succeeded by None Reichsleiter In office 1933–1945 Appointed by Adolf Hitler Preceded by Office created Succeeded by None Personal details Born Paul Joseph Goebbels 29 October 1897 Rheydt, Prussia, Germany Joseph Goebbels 2 Died 1 May 1945 (aged 47) Berlin, Germany Political party National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) Spouse(s) Magda Ritschel Children 6 Alma mater University of Bonn University of Würzburg University of Freiburg University of Heidelberg Occupation Politician Cabinet Hitler Cabinet Signature [1] Paul Joseph Goebbels (German: [ˈɡœbəls] ( ); 29 October 1897 – 1 May 1945) was a German politician and Reich Minister of Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. As one of Adolf Hitler's closest associates and most devout followers, he was known for his zealous orations and deep and virulent antisemitism, which led him to support the extermination of the Jews and to be one of the mentors of the Final Solution. Goebbels earned a PhD from Heidelberg University in 1921, writing his doctoral thesis on 19th century literature of the romantic school; he then went on to work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock exchange. -
Russian Analytical Digest 14/07 Alexander Dugin, the Issue of Post-Soviet Fascism, and Russian Political Discourse Today
rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical russian analytical digest 14/07 ddigestigest Analysis Alexander Dugin, the Issue of Post-Soviet Fascism, and Russian Political Discourse Today By Andreas Umland, Kiev, Ukraine Summary Th e past year witnessed a welcome sensitization of the Russian public towards skinhead attacks and ultra-na- tionalist propaganda. Nevertheless, the administration of Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin-controlled mass me- dia have maintained an ambiguous stance with regard to xenophobic tendencies in politics and public discourse. While primitive hatred of foreigners and ethnic violence are offi cially stigmatized, the dissemination of national stereotypes and anti-Americanism, in particular, by Kremlin-directed mass media and political pundits contin- ues unabated. For example, the notorious publicist Alexander Dugin, who openly propagated fascist ideas in the 1990s, has become an important player in shaping the discourse of Russian political and intellectual elites today. It remains to be seen how the Russian leadership will handle the challenges resulting from such a contradictory approach to its domestic and foreign policies in the coming years. A New Sensitization Towards Right-Wing Ambiguous Reactions Extremism? espite such encouraging signs, the Kremlin-con- n view of escalating violent attacks and other actions Dtrolled mass media have an altogether ambivalent Iagainst foreigners, the debate on Russian fascism is stance toward right-wing extremist tendencies. Al- currently experiencing a new high in the Russian me- though manifest anti-Semitism and violent racism are dia. Th ere was a similar debate in the mid-1990s, when now heavily criticized and visibly stigmatized, other xe- the confrontation between President Boris Yeltsin and nophobic patterns remain present, or are even increasing, the “intransigent opposition,” a state of near-civil war in reporting on foreign news and political commentaries.