Eradicate Left Unity Make Bands, Not Communities
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Political Trends in Russia
russian analytical russian analytical digest 60/09 digest analysis Fascist Tendencies in Russia’s Political Establishment: The Rise of the International Eurasian Movement By Andreas Umland, Eichstaett, Bavaria Abstract Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent advocate of fascist and anti-Western views, has risen from a fringe ideologue to deeply penetrate into Russian governmental offices, mass media, civil society and academia in ways that many in the West do not realize or understand. Prominent members of Russian society are affiliated with his International Eurasian Movement. Among Dugin’s most important collaborators are electronic and print media commentator Mikhail Leont’ev and the legendary TV producer and PR specialist Ivan Demidov. If Dugin’s views become more widely accepted, a new Cold War will be the least that the West should expect from Russia during the coming years. The Rise of Aleksandr Dugin course that must be taken seriously. Dugin’s numerous In recent years, various forms of nationalism have be- links to the political and academic establishments of a come a part of everyday Russian political and social life. number of post-Soviet countries, as well as institutions Since the end of the 1990s, an increasingly aggressive in Turkey, remain understudied or misrepresented. In racist sub-culture has been infecting sections of Russia’s other cases, Dugin and his followers receive more se- youth, and become the topic of numerous analyses by rious attention, yet are still portrayed as anachronis- Russian and non-Russian observers. Several new radi- tic, backward-looking imperialists – merely a partic- cal right-wing organizations, like the Movement Against ularly radical form of contemporary Russian anti-glo- Illegal Emigration, known by its Russian acronym balism. -
Spencer Sunshine*
Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it. -
Trumpismby Alexander Reid Ross
Trumpismby Alexander Reid Ross itsgoingdown.org The following pieces were written by Alexander Reid Ross and originally published as a semi-regular column between Novem- ber 2015 and April 2016 on It’s Going Down. “Rethinking Tactics & Strategies” features contributions from Ben Jones. Alexander Reid Ross is a moderator of the Earth First! News- wire, a contributor to Life During Wartime: Resisting Counter-In- surgency and author of the forthcoming book Against the Fascist Creep (AK Press). Visit It’s Going Down for anarchist news and analysis. itsgoingdown.org I trump the populist II the making of an american fascist III propoganda of the deal IV conservative revolution V ...or get crushed everytime VI what hath the donald wrought? Finale rethinking tactics and strategies I Trump The Populist atthew Lyons’s recent piece On Trump, Fascism, and Stale Social Science Mon the blog Three Way Fight condemns the stream of reports linking current Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump to fascism. Join- ing with Chip Berlet, who published a similar piece in Fairness and Accura- cy in Reporting (FAIR), Lyons declares that Trump is a right-wing populist, not a fascist, per se. For those of a diferent opinion, Lyons reserves blunt reprove, accusing them in the title of“Stale Social Science.” Since he links to my article, “Trump the Fascist,” published in Counterpunch on the same day David Duke commended the Don, I find his article merits response. Firstly, my article’s title is a broad stroke, which perhaps may have under- mined a careful reading of the actual article, itself. -
Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi -
The Prisoner of Ottawa: Otto Strasser
THE PRISONER OF OTTAWA: OTTO STRASSER by Douglas Reed published: 1953 * I am taken captive, and I know not by whom, but I am taken. SENECA If you wish to be someone, dare to do something worthy of banishment and imprisonment. JUVENAL CONTENTS Exordium * Part One 1897 – 1918 01 Fin De Siècle 02 … Father Of The Man 03 To The Wars, My Boy …! Part Two 1918 – 1933 01 Withered Garland 02 In Search Of Socialism 03 To Gain Or Lose … 04 Solidarism 05 The Iceberg Theory Part Three 1933 – 1945 01 Into Exile 02 … For Him That Goeth Away 03 An Epic Of Defiance 04 Fight In France 05 A Peece Of The Continent … 06 Whence All But He … 07 Sauvez Vous 08 Die Nuernberger Haengen Keinen 09 Europe The Lesse … 10 Oasis, With Wells 11 The Last Frontier? 12 Slings And Arrows Part Four 1945 – 1953 Cat And Mouse * Peroration Appendix Footnote Postscript (and Addendum) EXORDIUM Early in 1940 I sat at a Devonshire window that overlooked the English Channel and wrote a book about a German, Otto Strasser. I had for many years written against time, so that the waiting presses might have their daily record of violent historic events that consummated themselves around me, and once more I felt in me the familiar urgent need to complete my story (this time a book) before an invasion prevented me (I had finished two others, Insanity Fair in 1938 and Disgrace Abounding in 1939, just ahead of such armed incursions). Thus I scanned sea and sky, between writing lines and chapters, for the oncoming shapes of German ships or aircraft. -
Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung -
An Inquiry Into Contemporary Australian Extreme Right
THE OTHER RADICALISM: AN INQUIRY INTO CONTEMPORARY AUSTRALIAN EXTREME RIGHT IDEOLOGY, POLITICS AND ORGANIZATION 1975-1995 JAMES SALEAM A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Of Philosophy Department Of Government And Public Administration University of Sydney Australia December 1999 INTRODUCTION Nothing, except being understood by intelligent people, gives greater pleasure, than being misunderstood by blunderheads. Georges Sorel. _______________________ This Thesis was conceived under singular circumstances. The author was in custody, convicted of offences arising from a 1989 shotgun attack upon the home of Eddie Funde, Representative to Australia of the African National Congress. On October 6 1994, I appeared for Sentence on another charge in the District Court at Parramatta. I had been convicted of participation in an unsuccessful attempt to damage a vehicle belonging to a neo-nazi informer. My Thesis -proposal was tendered as evidence of my prospects for rehabilitation and I was cross-examined about that document. The Judge (whose Sentence was inconsequential) said: … Mr Saleam said in evidence that his doctorate [sic] of philosophy will engage his attention for the foreseeable future; that he has no intention of using these exertions to incite violence.1 I pondered how it was possible to use a Thesis to incite violence. This exercise in courtroom dialectics suggested that my thoughts, a product of my experiences in right-wing politics, were considered acts of subversion. I concluded that the Extreme Right was ‘The Other Radicalism’, understood by State agents as odorous as yesteryear’s Communist Party. My interest in Extreme Right politics derived from a quarter-century involvement therein, at different levels of participation. -
Anti-Politics and Post-Democracy in the European Union
Analysis Kick ‘em all out? Anti-politics and post-democracy in the European Union Leigh Phillips “¡Que se vayan todos!” (“Kick ‘em all out!”) A popular slogan on mobilisations against the entirety of the Argentine political class during the country’s 2001 economic crisis “French statesman Georges Clemenceau said war was too important to leave to the generals. I’m beginning to think Europe is too important to leave to the politicians.” European commissioner Neelie Kroes in Het Financieele Dagblad (8 February 2013) One of the more cringeworthy moments of the last few years of sometimes ideological, sometimes street-fighting - but rarely parliamentary - combat between the European superintendents of austerity [1] and their subjects came in October 2012 when German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s visited Athens. Two Greek protesters dressed in Nazi regalia rode through the streets imitating conquering soldiers from a wartime newsreel. They burnt a flag emblazoned with a Swastika as a piece of radical theatre mocking the Berlin-led imposition of cuts and structural reforms. Thousands of police were enforcing a ban on all gatherings and protests across much of the city, which became awash in tear-gas when citizens rejected this lockdown. The anger at Merkel’s visit was more than understandable given the profound Troika-orchestrated social destruction being wrought in the country and the less-than-democratic means by which this is being instituted. In any case, one is not looking for analytical complexity in the banners and slogans – or fancy dress – of demonstrators. A march, a protest, a strike is a performance, not an academic treatise. -
Schutzstaffel from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read Edit View history Schutzstaffel From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia "SS" redirects here. For other uses, see SS (disambiguation). Navigation The Schutzstaffel (German pronunciation: [ˈʃʊtsˌʃtafәl] ( listen), translated to Protection Main page Protection Squadron Squadron or defence corps, abbreviated SS—or with stylized "Armanen" sig runes) Contents Schutzstaffel was a major paramilitary organization under Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party (NSDAP). It Featured content began at the end of 1920 as a small, permanent guard unit known as the "Saal- Current events Schutz" (Hall-Protection)[1] made up of NSDAP volunteers to provide security for Nazi Random article Party meetings in Munich. Later in 1925, Heinrich Himmler joined the unit which had by Donate to Wikipedia then been reformed and renamed the "Schutz-Staffel". Under Himmler's leadership (1929–45), it grew from a small paramilitary formation to one of the largest and most [2] Interaction powerful organizations in the Third Reich. Built upon the Nazi ideology, the SS under SS insignia (sig runes) Himmler's command was responsible for many of the crimes against humanity during Help World War II (1939–45). The SS, along with the Nazi Party, was declared a criminal About Wikipedia organization by the International Military Tribunal, and banned in Germany after 1945. Community portal Recent changes Contents Contact page 1 Background SS flag 1.1 Special ranks and uniforms Toolbox 1.2 Ideology 1.3 Merger with police forces What links here 1.4 Personal control by Himmler Related changes 2 History Upload file 2.1 Origins Special pages 2.2 Development Permanent link 2.3 Early SS disunity Page information 3 Before 1933 Data item 3.1 1925–28 Cite this page 3.2 1929–31 3.3 1931–33 Print/export 4 After the Nazi seizure of power Adolf Hitler inspects the Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler on 4.1 1934–36 Create a book arrival at Klagenfurt in April 1938. -
Populism Article 1
disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory Volume 29 Populism Article 1 7-2020 Volume 29: Populism Aimee Imlay University of Kentucky Matthew Wentz University of Kentucky DOI: https://doi.org/10.13023/disclosure.29 Follow this and additional works at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/disclosure Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Imlay, Aimee and Wentz, Matthew (2020) "Volume 29: Populism," disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory: Vol. 29 , Article 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13023/disclosure.29 Available at: https://uknowledge.uky.edu/disclosure/vol29/iss1/1 This Full Issue is brought to you for free and open access by disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory. Questions about the journal can be sent to [email protected] d i s C l o s u r e A Journal of Social Theory Volume 29 Populism Edited by Aimee Imlay and Matthew Wentz disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory Volume 29: Populism Editors-in-Chief Aimee Imlay and Matthew Wentz University of Kentucky Editorial Collective David Cortés Ferrández, Hispanic Studies Morgan Stewart, Hispanic Studies Lilia Malavé Gómez, Hispanic Studies Jessica Van Gilder, English Abby Rudolph, Literature Faculty Advisor Stefan Bird-Pollan, Philosophy University of Kentucky Production Editor Copy Editor Interview Editors Abby Rudolph Jessica Van Gilder David Cortés Ferrández and Morgan Stewart Editorial Board James Boon, Anthropology Peter-Uwe Hohendahl, -
National-Anarchism
National-anarchism National-anarchism is a radical, anti-capitalist, anti-Marxist and anti-statist ideology. First-wave national-anarchists advocate that different ethnic and racial groups should peacefully coexist by developing separately in their own confederations of autonomous tribal communes within a post- capitalist stateless society.[1][2] The term national-anarchism dates back as far as the 1920s.[1] The few scholars who have studied national-anarchism conclude that it represents a further evolution in the thinking of the radical right rather than an entirely new dimension.[3][4][5] National-anarchism has elicited skepticism and outright hostility from both left- and right-wing critics. Some accuse national-anarchists of National-anarchist star being white nationalists who promote ethnic and racial separatism, while others argue they want the militant chic of calling themselves "anarchists" without the historical and philosophical baggage that accompanies such a claim.[2][6] The National-Anarchist Movement was propounded since the late 1990s byT roy Southgate.[1] Contents National-Anarchist History Movement flag Ideology Position on political spectrum Criticism See also Notes References History The term national-anarchist dates back as far as the 1920s, when Helmut Franke, a German conservative revolutionary writer, used it to describe his political stance. However, it would be the writings of other members of the conservative revolutionary movement, such as Ernst Jünger, which would later provide the philosophical foundation of -
Strasserism Overview
Strasserism Overview I'm not a Strasserite but as someone with more authority has not stepped forward I have volunteered to answer questions about the old Strasserite movement, the post war movement, and the current Autonome Nationalisten. The ideology of Strasserism was developed by the brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser who became leading figures in the northern sections of the NSDAP. Around the two arose an ideology which was anti-Marxist (Gregor would refute Communism as 'the socialism of that Jew Marx' in some speeches), anti-capitalist, and German. The Strasser brothers came to represent the left wing of the Nazi party and their ideas were strongest within in the SA. They eventually fell out of favor with Hitler and the southern sections of the party. Otto was kicked out and Gregor was killed in 1934 during the night of the long knives. Otto formed an organization called the "Black Front" in 1930 to oppose the Nazi party but went into exile and spent the war living in Canada. After the war Otto returned to Germany and started a new Strasserite party (Deutsch- Soziale Union) but it did not achieve much success. However Strasserism did continue to influence far right groups on Germany and the UK. Today the ideas of the Strasser brothers is most active within the Autonome Nationalisten (Autonomous Nationalists) movement in Germany. The AN takes modern anarchist tactics and imagery and mixes it with the national socialism of Otto and Gregor. Though the ideology of Strasserism is similar to the national socialism of Nazi right wing (the side that won out) it has a radically anti-capitalist character about it.