Birth of Bangladesh: Down Memory Lane
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Adulterated Food’ Crisis in Light of Human Rights
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 19, Issue 3, Ver. VI (Mar. 2014), PP 45-54 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Evaluating Position of Bangladesh to Combat ‘Adulterated Food’ Crisis in Light of Human Rights Mirza Farzana Iqbal Chowdhury (Lecturer, Department of Law, Daffodil International University, Bangladesh) Abstract: Right to food is one of the human rights to which people are entitled simply by virtue of being born as human beings. Though in the context of Bangladesh, ‘Right to food’ is only one of ‘Directive Principles of State Policy’ which is unenforceable in nature, but in this paper I tried to link this right with other enforceable human rights so that State cannot neglect or refuge to implement this very right. There are various dimensions of ‘Right to Food’ and food adulteration is one of them. Food adulteration has now become a major threat to public health and because of adulterated food people are suffering various types of health problems. In this paper I tried to sort out the approach of the government to deal with this issue and examined the efficiencies of stake-holders. I tried to sort out challenges and prospects of this issue and suggested recommendations. Lastly I concluded emphasizing on changing of approach of government by considering inclusion of the ‘Right to Food’ in the broader term of ‘Right to life’ to make this rhetoric right into a real and enforceable right. I adopted qualitative approach and used secondary sources, i.e. newspaper, articles, seminar proceedings, websites etc. -
HRSS Annual Bulletin 2018
Human Rights in Bangladesh Annual Bulletin 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS SUPPORT SOCIETY (HRSS) www.hrssbd.org Annual Human Rights Bulletin Bangladesh Situation 2018 HRSS Any materials published in this Bulletin May be reproduced with acknowledgment of HRSS. Published by Human Rights Support Society D-3, 3rd Floor, Nurjehan Tower 2nd Link Road, Banglamotor Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh. Email: [email protected], [email protected] Website: www.hrssbd.org Cover & Graphics [email protected] Published in September 2019 Price: TK 300 US$ 20 ISSN-2413-5445 BOARD of EDITORS Advisor Barrister Shahjada Al Amin Kabir Md. Nur Khan Editor Nazmul Hasan Sub Editor Ijajul Islam Executive Editors Research & Publication Advocacy & Networking Md. Omar Farok Md. Imamul Hossain Monitoring & Documentation Investigation & Fact findings Aziz Aktar Md. Saiful Islam Ast. IT Officer Rizwanul Haq Acknowledgments e are glad to announce that HRSS is going to publish “Annual Human Rights Bulletin 2018”, focusing on Wsignificant human rights violations of Bangladesh. We hope that the contents of this report will help the people understand the overall human rights situation in the country. We further expect that both government and non-government stakeholders working for human rights would be acquainted with the updated human rights conditions and take necessary steps to stop repeated offences. On the other hand, in 2018, the constitutionally guaranteed rights of freedom of assembly and association witnessed a sharp decline by making digital security act-2018. Further, the overall human rights situation significantly deteriorated. Restrictions on the activities of political parties and civil societies, impunity to the excesses of the security forces, extrajudicial killing in the name of anti-drug campaign, enforced disappearance, violence against women, arbitrary arrests and assault on opposition political leaders and activists, intimidation and extortion are considered to be the main reasons for such a catastrophic state of affairs. -
In East Pakistan (1947-71)
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 63(1), 2018, pp. 59-89 THE INVISIBLE REFUGEES: MUSLIM ‘RETURNEES’ IN EAST PAKISTAN (1947-71) Anindita Ghoshal* Abstract Partition of India displaced huge population in newly created two states who sought refuge in the state where their co - religionists were in a majority. Although much has been written about the Hindu refugees to India, very less is known about the Muslim refugees to Pakistan. This article is about the Muslim ‘returnees’ and their struggle to settle in East Pakistan, the hazards and discriminations they faced and policy of the new state of Pakistan in accommodating them. It shows how the dream of homecoming turned into disillusionment for them. By incorporating diverse source materials, this article investigates how, despite belonging to the same religion, the returnee refugees had confronted issues of differences on the basis of language, culture and region in a country, which was established on the basis of one Islamic identity. It discusses the process in which from a space that displaced huge Hindu population soon emerged as a ‘gradual refugee absorbent space’. It studies new policies for the rehabilitation of the refugees, regulations and laws that were passed, the emergence of the concept of enemy property and the grabbing spree of property left behind by Hindu migrants. Lastly, it discusses the politics over the so- called Muhajirs and their final fate, which has not been settled even after seventy years of Partition. This article intends to argue that the identity of the refugees was thus ‘multi-layered’ even in case of the Muslim returnees, and interrogates the general perception of refugees as a ‘monolithic community’ in South Asia. -
The Maritime Zones Act, 2007
International Maritime Law Institute The Maritime Zones Act, 2007 A Legislative Drafting Project to the International Maritime Law Institute in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Laws (LL.M) in International Maritime Law Mohammad Mohiuddin People’s Republic of Bangladesh Supervisor: Mr. Norman Martinez Academic Year: 2006-2007 Dedication: To my Father Late Mir Wahab Ali For his endless love. 1 Acknowledgements I would like to express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to my Supervisor, Mr. Norman Martinez, for his constant support and intelligent advice. I wish to express my thanks and gratitude to the Nippon Foundation of Japan. My stay and studies at the IMO International Maritime Law Institute would not have been possible without the scholarship accorded to me by the Nippon Foundation. I would like to acknowledge the tremendous influence of my brothers Dr. Mir. Jamal Uddin, Professor, National Institute of Cardiovascular and Diseases, Bangladesh, and Mr. M. M. Joynal Abedin, Advocate, Bangladesh Supreme Court, without whom the Journey of my Legal Education would have been a mirage. I am highly obliged to my employer, Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh for giving me the opportunity to come to the International Maritime Law Institute to attend such a prestigious LL.M course in International Maritime Law. Thanks to my family, friends and well wishers for their patience, understanding and encouragement. There is no way of expressing my gratitude to all who did contribute in many ways to this work but particular recognition must go to Mr. -
An Analysis of Online Discursive Battle of Shahbag Protest 2013 in Bangladesh
SEXISM IN ‘ONLINE WAR’: AN ANALYSIS OF ONLINE DISCURSIVE BATTLE OF SHAHBAG PROTEST 2013 IN BANGLADESH By Nasrin Khandoker Submitted to Central European University Department of Gender Studies In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Gender Studies. Supervisor: Professor Elissa Helms Budapest, Hungary 2014 CEU eTD Collection I Abstract This research is about the discursive battle between radical Bengali nationalists and the Islamist supporters of accused and convicted war criminals in Bangladesh where the gendered issues are used as weapons. In Bangladesh, the online discursive frontier emerged from 2005 as a continuing battle extending from the 1971 Liberation War when the punishment of war criminals and war rapists became one of the central issues of political and public discourse. This online community emerged with debate about identity contest between the Bengali nationalist ‘pro-Liberation War’ and the ‘Islamist’ supporters of the accused war criminals. These online discourses created the background of Shahbag protest 2013 demanding the capital punishment of one convicted criminal and at the time of the protest, the online community played a significant role in that protest. In this research as a past participant of Shahbag protest, I examined this online discourse and there gendered and masculine expression. To do that I problematized the idea of Bengali and/or Muslim women which is related to the identity contest. I examined that, to protest the misogynist propaganda of Islamist fundamentalists in Bangladesh, feminists and women’s organizations are aligning themselves with Bengali nationalism and thus cannot be critical about the gendered notions of nationalism. I therefore, tried to make a feminist scholarly attempt to be critical of the misogynist and gendered notion of both the Islamists and Bengali nationalists to contribute not only a critical examination of masculine nationalist rhetoric, but will also to problematize that developmentalist feminist approach. -
Use of Theses
Australian National University THESES SIS/LIBRARY TELEPHONE: +61 2 6125 4631 R.G. MENZIES LIBRARY BUILDING NO:2 FACSIMILE: +61 2 6125 4063 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY EMAIL: [email protected] CANBERRA ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA USE OF THESES This copy is supplied for purposes of private study and research only. Passages from the thesis may not be copied or closely paraphrased without the written consent of the author. INDIA-BANGLADESH POLITICAL RELATIONS DURING THE AWAMI LEAGUE GOVERNMENT, 1972-75 by Shaukat Hassan A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Australian National University April 1987 Deelarat ion Except where otherwise indicated this thesis is my own work. Utx*.s Shaukat Hassan April 1987 Acknowledgements I wish to thank Professors George Codding of the Un.iversity of Colorado, Thomas Hovet and M. George Zaninovich of the University of Oregon, Talukdar Maniruzzaman of the University of Dhaka, Mr. Neville Maxwell of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Oxford University, and Brigadier Abdul Momen, former Director General of the Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies, Dhaka, for making it possible for me to undertake this study. I am equally grateful to the Department of International Relations at the Australian National University for generously providing me the necessary funds to carry out research overseas. I must express my sincere gratitude to all those in the United States, the United Kingdom, India, Bangladesh, the People's Repub lic of China, and Australia who granted me interviews, many of whom must remain anonymous. My special thanks and appreciation are due to Mr. -
Liberation War of Bangladesh
Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 By: Alburuj Razzaq Rahman 9th Grade, Metro High School, Columbus, Ohio The Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971 was for independence from Pakistan. India and Pakistan got independence from the British rule in 1947. Pakistan was formed for the Muslims and India had a majority of Hindus. Pakistan had two parts, East and West, which were separated by about 1,000 miles. East Pakistan was mainly the eastern part of the province of Bengal. The capital of Pakistan was Karachi in West Pakistan and was moved to Islamabad in 1958. However, due to discrimination in economy and ruling powers against them, the East Pakistanis vigorously protested and declared independence on March 26, 1971 under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. But during the year prior to that, to suppress the unrest in East Pakistan, the Pakistani government sent troops to East Pakistan and unleashed a massacre. And thus, the war for liberation commenced. The Reasons for war Both East and West Pakistan remained united because of their religion, Islam. West Pakistan had 97% Muslims and East Pakistanis had 85% Muslims. However, there were several significant reasons that caused the East Pakistani people to fight for their independence. West Pakistan had four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and the North-West Frontier. The fifth province was East Pakistan. Having control over the provinces, the West used up more resources than the East. Between 1948 and 1960, East Pakistan made 70% of all of Pakistan's exports, while it only received 25% of imported money. In 1948, East Pakistan had 11 fabric mills while the West had nine. -
Searching for the Greatest Bengali: the BBC and Shifting Identity
National Identities Vol. 10, No. 2, June 2008, 149Á165 Searching for the greatest Bengali: The BBC and shifting identity categories in South Asia Reece Jones* University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA Drawing on debates generated by the BBC Bengali Language Service’s naming of the greatest Bengali of all time, this article investigates the shifting boundaries between group identity categories in our ‘globalising’ world. First, the con- troversy over the meaning of the term ‘Bengali’, which emerged in contemporary Bangladesh and India in response to the BBC’s list, is investigated. Then writings and speeches of several of the individuals who were honoured as the greatest Bengalis are analysed in order to draw out the multiple ways they approached their own Bengali identities. In the conclusion, it is argued that rather than imagining the end of place-based identity categories through the process of globalisation, it is more useful to conceptualise shifting categories that continue Downloaded By: [Jones, Reece] At: 15:14 29 April 2008 to incorporate a place-based aspect, but in hybrid and contradictory ways. Keywords: categories; ethnicity; nations; globalisation; South Asia In Spring 2004, following the British Broadcasting Company’s naming of Winston Churchill as the greatest Briton of all time, the BBC Bengali Language Service conducted a survey of its twelve million listeners to determine the greatest Bengali of all time (BBC, 2004).1 Respondents were asked to rank their top five choices and in the end more than 100 individuals received votes. The top twenty were announced one per day beginning on 26 March, Bangladesh’s Independence Day, and ending on 15 April, the Bengali New Year’s Day, with the naming of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the greatest Bengali of all time. -
Disease and Death: Issues of Public Health Among East Bengali Refugees in 1971 -Utsa Sarmin
Disease and Death: Issues of Public Health Among East Bengali Refugees in 1971 -Utsa Sarmin Introduction: “Because of 'Operation Searchlight', 10 million refugees came to India, most of them living in appalling conditions in the refugee camps. I cannot forget seeing 10 children fight for one chapatti. I cannot forget the child queuing for milk, vomiting, collapsing and dying of cholera. I cannot forget the woman lying in the mud, groaning and giving birth.”1 The situation of East Bengali refugees in 1971 was grim. The Bangladesh liberation war of 1971 witnessed 10 million people from the erstwhile East Pakistan (present Bangladesh), fleeing the persecution by Pakistani soldiers and coming to India seeking refuge2. The sudden influx of refugees created a mammoth humanitarian crisis. At one hand, the refugees were struggling to access food, water, proper sanitation, shelter. On the other hand, their lives were tormented by various health issues. The cholera epidemic of 1971 alone killed over 5,000 refugees.3 Other health concerns were malnutrition, exhaustion, gastronomical diseases. “A randomized survey on refugee health highlights the chief medical challenges in the refugee population as being malnutrition, diarrhoea, vitamin-A deficiency, pyoderma, and tuberculosis.”4 The Indian government was not adequately equipped to deal with a crisis of such level. Even though there was initial sympathies with the refugees, it quickly waned and by May 1971, the then Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi characterized it as a “national problem”5 and by July, she described the problem could potentially threaten the peace of South Asia.6 The proposed research paper will look into the public health crisis and the rate of mortality due to the crisis among the refugees of West Bengal in 1971. -
“History of BANGLADESH” Victory Day (বিজ붼 বিিস - Bijoy Dibos), 16Th December 1971 Declaration of Independence, March 26, 1971
Research Paper “History of BANGLADESH” Victory Day (বিজ붼 বিিস - Bijoy Dibos), 16th December 1971 Declaration of Independence, March 26, 1971 Submitted by: Radwan Chowdhury www.RadwanChowdhury.info | [email protected] Phone: +1-904-759-6644 | +88-0183-149-3878 | +971-50-296-1628 Social Media: FB.com/RadwanChowdhury | Twitter.com/RadwanChowdhury Submitted To: Our Youth Supporting Organization (s): UDiON Foundation Web: www.udionfoundation.org | E-mail: [email protected] Social Media: FB.com/UdionFoundation | US Phone: 1-347-70-UDiON Submission Date: November, 5, 2013 Tags: Developing Countries | Government-NGO Relations | Non-Governmental | Policy Advocacy Groups | Public Health | Activists | Gender InEquality | Women’s Empowerment | Education | Poverty | Children’s | Diversity | Organizations | Press and Media. Read it Forward * Out Innovate * Out Educate * Out Build © Copy Right | RADWAN CHOWDHURY | All Rights Reserved Page 1 of 10 Victory Day (বিজ붼 বিিস - Bijoy Dibos): is a national holiday in Bangladesh celebrated on December 16 to commemorate the victory of the Allied forces High Command over the Pakistani forces in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. The Commanding officer of the Pakistani Forces General AAK Niazi surrendered his forces to the Allied forces commander Lt. Gen. Jagjit Singh Aurora, which marked ending the 9 month-long[1] Bangladesh Liberation War and 1971 Bangladesh genocide and officially secession of East Pakistan into Bangladesh. History: The Bangladesh Liberation War (Bengali: মুক্তিযুদ্ধ Muktijuddho) was a South Asian war of independence in 1971 which established the sovereign nation of Bangladesh. The war pitted East Pakistan and India against West Pakistan, and lasted over a duration of nine months. -
THE DECLINE of the MUSLIM L,EAGUE and the ASCENDANCY of the BUREAUCRACY in EAST PAKISTAN 1947-54
THE DECLINE OF THE MUSLIM l,EAGUE AND THE ASCENDANCY OF THE BUREAUCRACY IN EAST PAKISTAN 1947-54 A H AITh1ED KAMAL JANUARY 1989 A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE AUSTRALL.\N NATIONAL UNIVERSITY 205 CHAPTER 7 POLICE, PEOPLE, AND PROTEST I The Muslim League's incapacity to control the police force and its eventual dependence on them as the mainstay of state power introduced tensions into the League itself; in addition, it directly contributed to certain developments in the realm of politics. I also intend to highlight in this chapter instances where the police could not be controlled by civil bureaucrats and magistrates. Much of the erosion of the legitimacy of the Muslim League rule in East Pakistan was caused by the brutality, unlicensed tyranny, and corruption of the police. The press and the members of the Opposition in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on many occasions exposed police atrocities on the population in a language that quite often verged on sentimentality. The Muslim League leadership in government explained police atrocities in terms of inexperience and indiscipline of the force. But people refused to see the regime as something different in intent and purpose from the police actions . Indeed, people's interpretation of 'political independence' did not fit well with what the ' police called 'law and order', and as a result a number of serious clashes occured. Police power was liberally employed to sustain the Muslim League rule; as a result 'police excesses' occurred at a regular rate. In a propaganda tract on the six years of Muslim League rule in East Pakistan that the United Front circulated at the time of the March 1954 election , cases of police atrocities featured prominently and the League was called a 'Murderer' .1 It was, in fact, the Front's pledge to limit police power that inspired the people to vote for the United Front in the first general election in the province. -
By Mohammed Syful Islam on “Koun Bonega Crorepati
By Mohammed Syful Islam On “Koun Bonega Crorepati” (“Who Will Be The Owner of Crore of Taka”), a popular game show on India’s Zee TV, participants answer general knowledge questions to win one crore taka [one crore is equal to 10 million taka (US$145,571). But Bangladeshi politicians-regardless of name or seniority-do not need a TV game show to quickly earn several crores of taka. Thanks to a recent anti-corruption drive by the interim government that has revealed hundreds of cases of corruption, the Bangladeshi people now know that politicians and government officials have deceived them and earned crores of taka by abusing power. Public opinion surveys from 2001 through 2006 show that people perceive Bangladesh as one of the most corrupt countries in the world, much to the denial of political leaders. “Under the political governments of two ladies-Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia-corruption was made a way of life at all levels, particularly at the corridors of power,” says Golam Haider, a senior journalist at The New Nation newspaper . “It was openly patronized and practiced across the table. Despite the interim government’s anti-corruption efforts, corruption still exists; now it’s happening under the table. The anti-corruption drive is not running on the right track. Corrupt people cannot fight corruption, Haider says. Jasmin Rahman, a master’s student at a government university, says corruption begins at the school level. “A student who fails in school-level examinations still becomes eligible to sit for examinations under the education board, after she or he or their parents pay some bribe to the school authorities in the name of donation,” Rahman says.