From-Words-To-Action-Best-Practices
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Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014). -
Nicaragua Condemns Use of U.S. Advisers In
Fight to make Creole Haiti's official language . 10 TH£ Washington sends military aid to Haitian army . 11 Shop-floor justice-main issue in GE strike . 15 A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF WORKING PEOPLE VOL. 50/NO. 15 APRIL 18, 1986 75 CENTS Nicaragua condemns use All out for April19 of U.S. advisers in war antiwar BY CINDY JAQUITH MANAGUA, Nicaragua-In a national broadcast interview with Sandinista televi sion on April 8, Nicaraguan President protest Daniel Ortega condemned the deepening direct involvement of U.S. personnel in BY STEVEN FUCHS Washington's mercenary war against Nica SAN FRANCISCO - "The time has ragua. He also appealed especially to the come for those of us truly concerned about Honduran government to resist U.S. gov peace to take to the streets." That is how ernment pressures to start a military con Carlos Munoz of the Faculty Committee flict with Nicaraguan troops. for Human Rights in El Salvador explained Ortega explained that Washington is the importance of the April 19 Mobiliza building "a sixth army" in Central Ameri tion for Peace, Jobs and Justice. ca, alongside the armies of Honduras, Nic As Washington escalates its aggression aragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Costa against the people of Nicaragua, the dem Rica. This sixth army is the mercenary onstration takes on even greater impor forces who are financed and run by the tance. U.S. government and who launch attacks M<tny thousands of people will march on on Nicaragua, mainly from bases in Hon Aprill9 to demand no U.S. -
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: an Approach to the Relationship
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism 67 “Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism and Government Employment during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Administration in Argentina Melina Vázquez* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET); Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani; Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract This article explores the relationship between employment in public administration and militant commitment, which is understood as that which the actors themselves define as “militant management.” To this end, an analysis is presented of three groups created within three Argentine ministries that adopted “Kirchnerist” ideology: La graN maKro (The Great Makro), the Juventud de Obras Públicas, and the Corriente de Libertación Nacional. The article explores the conditions of possibility and principal characteristics of this activism as well as the guidelines for admission, continuing membership, and promotion – both within the groups and within government entities – and the way that this type of militancy is articulated with expert, professional and academic capital as well as the capital constituted by the militants themselves. Keywords: Activism, expert knowledge, militant careers, state. * Article received on November 22, 2013; final version approved on March 26, 2014. This article is part of a series of studies that the author is working on as a researcher at CONICET and is part of the project “Activism and the Political Commitment of Youth: A Socio-Historical Study of their Political and Activist Experiences (1969-2011)” sponsored by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion, Argentine Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation (2012-2015), of which the author is the director. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². -
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J. Rodrigo Zarazaga Journal of Democracy, Volume 31, Number 2, April 2020, pp. 125-136 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753199 [ Access provided at 9 Apr 2020 16:36 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] ARGENTINA: PERONISM RETURNS María Victoria Murillo and Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J. María Victoria Murillo is professor of political science and interna- tional and public affairs and director of the Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia University. Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J., is director of the Center for Research and Social Action (CIAS) and researcher at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) in Buenos Aires. The headline news, the main takeaway, from Argentina’s 2019 gen- eral election is encouraging for democracy despite the dire economic situation. Mauricio Macri, a president not associated with the country’s powerful Peronist movement, became the first such chief executive to complete his mandate, whereas two non-Peronists before him had failed to do so.1 Macri would not repeat his term, however. He lost the 27 October 2019 election and then oversaw a peaceful handover of power to his Peronist rival, Alberto Fernández, who won by 48 to 40 percent and whose vice-president is former two-term president Cristina Fernán- dez de Kirchner (no relation). Strikingly, even the economic hard times gripping the country—they are the worst in two decades, and they sank Macri at the polls—could not ruffle the orderliness of the transition. Peaceful changes of administration tend to be taken for granted in democracies, but they are in fact major achievements anywhere. -
Download It From
IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights. -
An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995 Christopher M
University of Miami Law School Institutional Repository University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 1-1-1994 An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995 Christopher M. Nelson Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr Part of the Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Christopher M. Nelson, An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995, 25 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 283 (1994) Available at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr/vol25/iss2/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Inter- American Law Review by an authorized administrator of Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 283 COMMENT AN OPPORTUNITY FOR CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN ARGENTINA: RE-ELECTION 1995 I. INTRODUCTION ............................................ 284 II. THE RE-ELECTION INITIATIVE ................................... 286 A. Menem's Ambition and Article 77 ............................ 286 B. The Unlikely Coalition .................................. 287 C. Change in Position ..................................... 291 D. The Menem-Alfonsin Agreement ............................ 294 III. CENTRALIZATION OF POWER UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1853 ....... 297 A. History of a Centralist Constitution ......................... 298 B. PresidentialPower Under the Argentine Constitution ........... 300 IV. INCREASING THE POWER OF THE PRESIDENT -
Opposition Parties and Anti-Government Protests in Comparative Perspective
OPPOSITION PARTIES AND ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE by Yen-Pin Su B.A., National Taiwan University, 2001 M.A., National Taiwan University, 2005 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2014 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Yen-Pin Su It was defended on March 26, 2014 and approved by Steven Finkel, Daniel Wallace Professor, Political Science John Markoff, Distinguished University Professor, Sociology Co-Dissertation Advisor: Scott Morgenstern, Associate Professor, Political Science Co-Dissertation Advisor: Aníbal Pérez-Liñán, Associate Professor, Political Science ii Copyright © by Yen-Pin Su 2014 iii OPPOSITION PARTIES AND ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Yen-Pin Su, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2014 My dissertation adopts an interdisciplinary approach to examine the relationship between political parties and social movements in democratic countries. This work touches on the debates about why protest movements emerge and the literature on the consequences of party politics. It draws on rational choice and political process theories to explain the variation in anti- government protests in the context of democracies. I argue that the mobilization capacity of opposition parties matters for understanding the differing levels of protests. Specifically, focusing on the size and unity of the opposition camp as two unique dimensions of mobilization capacity, I contend that a larger opposition camp should encourage more anti-government protests only if the camp is more united. Moreover, I argue that, because of the differences in socio-economic backgrounds, political development trajectories, and the role of parties as mobilization agents, the effects of opposition mobilization capacity should work differently in developed countries and developing countries. -
Elites, Criminal Networks and Institutional Reform in Guatemala
A state under siege: elites, criminal networks and institutional reform in Guatemala By Ivan Briscoe and Martín Rodríguez Pellecer September, 2010 Language editing: Jane Carroll Desktop publishing: Nicole den Heijer Author information: Ivan Briscoe is a fellow of the Conflict Research Unit of the Clingendael Institute. Martín Rodríguez Pellecer is a Guatemalan journalist. Special thanks to Edgar Gutiérrez for his assistance in the preparation of this report. Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague Phonenumber: +31 (0)70 3245384 Telefax: +31 (0)70 3282002 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/cru © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute, P.O Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. Contents Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................... i Executive summary ................................................................................................................ iii 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 1 2. The political system in Guatemala ...................................................................................... -
The 'New Left' and Democratic Governance in Latin America
Cynthia J. Arnson Kenneth Roberts Leslie Bethell René Antonio Mayorga The ‘New Left’ and Robert Kaufman Felipe Agüero Ariel Armony Democratic Governance in Eric Hershberg Roberto Russell Latin America Edited by Cynthia J. Arnson with José Raúl Perales The ‘New Left’ and Democratic Governance in Latin America Cynthia J. Arnson Kenneth Roberts Leslie Bethell René Antonio Mayorga Robert Kaufman Felipe Agüero Ariel Armony Eric Hershberg Roberto Russell Edited by Cynthia J. Arnson with José Raúl Perales August 2007 The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by pro- viding a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publi- cations and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advi- sory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television, and the monthly news-letter “Centerpoint.” For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. -
Argentina: Background and U.S. Relations
Argentina: Background and U.S. Relations Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs Rebecca M. Nelson Specialist in International Trade and Finance December 9, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43816 Argentina: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Argentina, a South American country with a population of around 41 million, has had a vibrant democratic tradition since its military relinquished power in 1983. Current President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, from a center-left faction of the Peronist party, was first elected in 2007 (succeeding her husband, Néstor Kirchner, who served one term) and is now approaching the final year of her second term. Argentina’s constitution does not allow for more than two successive terms, so President Fernández is ineligible to run in the next presidential election, scheduled for October 2015. The presidential race is well underway with several candidates leading opinion polls, including two from the Peronist party. Argentina has Latin America’s third-largest economy and is endowed with vast natural resources. Agriculture has traditionally been a main economic driver, but the country also has a diversified industrial base and a highly educated population. In 2001-2002, a severe economic crisis precipitated by unsustainable debt led to the government defaulting on nearly $100 billion in foreign debt owed to private creditors, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and foreign governments. Subsequent Argentine administrations resolved more than 90% of the country’s debt owed to private creditors through two debt restructurings offered in 2005 and 2010; repaid debt owed to the IMF in 2006; and, in May 2014, reached an agreement to repay foreign governments. -
South America List of Political Parties
Manifesto Project Dataset: South America List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2020b from December 23, 2020 Manifesto Project Dataset: South America - List of Political Parties Version 2020b 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The Manifesto Data Collection: South America covers parliamentary and presidential elections in South America. The following list documents all the parties, candidates and elections contained in the dataset. The list includes the name of the party or (candidate) alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation, the name of the presidential candidate (if this applies) as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. If parliamentary and presidential elections occur at roughly the same time (not necessarily on the same date but within a time frame of one or two months) parties and candidates usually run on the same manifesto. In these cases we report the party/alliance that backed a candidate and the candidate’s name. The same information is provided for presidential elections. If a parliamentary election occurred independently from a presidential election we only report parties and alliances but no candidates. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and the party id if it exists) of this split or merger parties.