The 1996 Nicaraguan Elections
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Ortega for President: the Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 89, October 2010 | 47-63 Ortega for President: The Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua Henri Gooren Abstract: This article analyses various connections between Daniel Ortega’s surprising victory in the presidential elections of 5 November 2006, his control of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacio- nal (FSLN) party, and the changing religious context in Nicaragua, where Pentecostal churches now claim almost one quarter of the population. To achieve this, I draw from my fieldwork in Nicaragua in 2005 and 2006, which analysed competition for members between various religious groups in Managua: charismatic Catholics, the Assemblies of God, the neo-Pentecostal mega-church Hosanna, and the Mormon Church. How did Ortega manage to win the votes from so many religious people (evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics alike)? And how does this case compare to similar cases of populist leaders in Latin America courting evangelicals, like Chávez in Venezuela and earlier Fujimori in Peru? Keywords: Nicaragua, religion, elections, FSLN, Daniel Ortega. Populist leadership and evangelical support in Latin America At first look, the case of Ortega’s surprise election victory seems to fit an estab- lished pattern in Latin America: the populist leader who comes to power in part by courting – and winning – the evangelical vote. Alberto Fujimori in Peru was the first to achieve this in the early 1990s, followed by Venezuelan lieutenant-colonel Hugo Chávez in the late 1990s and more recently Rafael Correa in Ecuador (Op- penheimer 2006). These three populist leaders came to power thanks to the break- down of an old party system, which gradually became stagnant and corrupted. -
The Carter Center News Spring 1990
THE CARTER CENTER NEWS SPRING 1990 Carter, Council Monitor Nicaraguan Elections Peaceful Transition of Power First in Country's History On April 25, the Nicaraguan people inaugurated a new president in the first peaceful transfer of power to an elected opposition in the country's history. of Nicaragua chose their new president in a free and fair election," said President Carter, who led an international delegation to monitor the February 25 elections. The delegation was formed under the auspices of the Council of Freely-Elected Heads of Government, chaired by President Carter and based at The Carter Center of Emory University (CCEU). The Council joined delegations from the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) in monitoring the elections. Following the transfer of power from the Sandinista (FSLN) government of Daniel Ortega to the coalition government (UNO) of Violeta Chamorro, President Carter said, "Both Daniel Ortega and Violeta Chamorro deserve the world's respect and admiration for the way they handled the transition. Former President Ortega has set his country on the road to democracy. President Chamorro has been entrusted by the people of Nicaragua with the difficult task of healing the division in that nation and nurturing the newly-born democratic spirit. It is my sincerest hope that peace and democracy will flourish in Nicaragua." The Invitation In the summer of 1989, President Carter and the Council were invited to observe the elections by thenPresident Daniel Ortega, the Union of National Opposition (UNO), and the Supreme Electoral Council. The Nicaraguan election project was directed by Robert Pastor and Jennie Lincoln, director and associate director respectively of CCEU's Latin American and Caribbean Studies program. -
KAS International Reports 08/2015
8|2015 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 21 NICARAGUA’S DREAM TO BUILD ITS OWN CANAL CHINESE INVESTOR BEGINS MEGA PROJECT – OUTCOME UNCERTAIN David Gregosz / Mareike Boll INTRODUCTION Crises, wars and conflicts are focusing Germany’s political atten- tion on Greece, Ukraine and Islamist terrorism in the Middle East. This is understandable given the challenges associated with these regions. The difficulty is that at the same time, new developments are taking place in seemingly remote corners of the world. Care- fully observed by Germany’s foreign policy actors, these issues David Gregosz are as yet unknown to the wider German public. is Head of the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung’s “Eco- One such region is Latin America. Generally ignored by the media nomic Programme in Germany, state and non-state actors from Mexico’s borders to for Latin America (SOPLA)”. This southern Cape Horn are pursuing their own interests. Many of regional project is these are linked with trade and security issues of great signifi- based in Santiago cance to Germany, as a decision-making power and export nation. de Chile. One prominent example: a Chinese investor has plans to develop a trade route between the Atlantic and the Pacific in Nicaragua, the poorest country in Central America. This article discusses this development, placing the construction of what is often called the ‘Nicaragua Canal’ in historical context, and examining the bidding process and the relevant stakeholders. The project’s economic, social and environmental impacts are addressed, and we present some conclusions are presented for discussion. Mareike Boll is an economist and has studied in Flens- burg, Bayreuth and Medellín, Colombia. -
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: a Study Mission Report of the Carter Center
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua Study Mission Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: A Study Mission Report of the Carter Center THE NOVEMBER 2011 ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA: A STUDY MISSION REPORT OF THE CARTER CENTER OVERVIEW On November 6, 2011 Nicaragua held general elections for president and vice president, national and departmental deputies to the National Assembly, and members of the Central American Parliament. Fraudulent local elections in 2008, a questionable Supreme Court decision in October 2009 to permit the candidacy of incumbent President Daniel Ortega, and a presidential decree in January 2010 extending the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) magistrates in office after their terms expired provided the context for a deeply flawed election process. Partisan election preparations were followed by a non-transparent election day and count. The conditions for international and domestic election observation, and for party oversight, were insufficient to permit verification of compliance with election procedures and Nicaraguan electoral law, and numerous anomalies cast doubt on the quality of the process and honesty of the vote count. The most important opposition party rejected the election as fraudulent but took its seats in the legislature. Nicaragua’s Supreme Electoral Council dismissed opposition complaints and announced that President Daniel Ortega had been re-elected to a third term. In addition, the official results showed that Ortega’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party had won enough legislative seats both to reform articles of the constitution (requires a 60% majority) and to call a constituent assembly to write a new constitution (requires 66%). -
Nicaragua Condemns Use of U.S. Advisers In
Fight to make Creole Haiti's official language . 10 TH£ Washington sends military aid to Haitian army . 11 Shop-floor justice-main issue in GE strike . 15 A SOCIALIST NEWSWEEKLY PUBLISHED IN THE INTERESTS OF WORKING PEOPLE VOL. 50/NO. 15 APRIL 18, 1986 75 CENTS Nicaragua condemns use All out for April19 of U.S. advisers in war antiwar BY CINDY JAQUITH MANAGUA, Nicaragua-In a national broadcast interview with Sandinista televi sion on April 8, Nicaraguan President protest Daniel Ortega condemned the deepening direct involvement of U.S. personnel in BY STEVEN FUCHS Washington's mercenary war against Nica SAN FRANCISCO - "The time has ragua. He also appealed especially to the come for those of us truly concerned about Honduran government to resist U.S. gov peace to take to the streets." That is how ernment pressures to start a military con Carlos Munoz of the Faculty Committee flict with Nicaraguan troops. for Human Rights in El Salvador explained Ortega explained that Washington is the importance of the April 19 Mobiliza building "a sixth army" in Central Ameri tion for Peace, Jobs and Justice. ca, alongside the armies of Honduras, Nic As Washington escalates its aggression aragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Costa against the people of Nicaragua, the dem Rica. This sixth army is the mercenary onstration takes on even greater impor forces who are financed and run by the tance. U.S. government and who launch attacks M<tny thousands of people will march on on Nicaragua, mainly from bases in Hon Aprill9 to demand no U.S. -
Spotlight on Nicaragua
February 16, 2021 CLOSING OF POLITICAL AND CIVIC SPACES: SPOTLIGHT ON NICARAGUA TABLE OF CONTENTS February 16 Agenda ................................................................................................................ 2 Part I: Nicaraguan Spring: The Rise & Repression of a Protest Movement ............. 5 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space Part II: How Did We Get Here? Background on the Current Political Landscape ... 7 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space El Pacto: Leftist on Paper but Not in Practice Questionable Reelections Reforms Favor Authoritarianism An Economy in Ruins Impacts of COVID-19 and Hurricanes Eta & Iota The 2021 Election Part III: Recent Laws Limiting Civic Space .......................................................................... 15 Law of Regulation of Foreign Agents Special Law of Cybercrimes Law of Life Sentence Law of Defense of the Rights of the People to Independence, Sovereignty, Self-determination for the Peace Penal Code Reform A Diverse and Divided Opposition Civic Alliance for Justice & Democracy White & Blue Unity Great National Coalition Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights U.S. Policy and the Biden Administration’s Challenges Speaker Biographies ................................................................................................................ 24 1 February 16, 2021 AGENDA AGENDA Welcome & Introduction Introduction to Topics for Meeting Understanding the Current Context of Nicaragua • Current Political -
Reputación Y Resultados
CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP Non venal edition Creative Commons License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) Developing Ideas from LLORENTE & CUENCA, January, 2018 Lagasca, 88 - 3rd floor 28001 Madrid (Spain) Edition: Anatomía de Red Design: Joaquín Gallego Content INTRODUCTION A challenged and anxious society José Antonio Zarzalejos 13 CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP The Ethical Challenge of the New Citizenship José Antonio Llorente 19 GLOBAL CITIES Latin America challenged by smart cities Javier Rosado & Raimundo Diaz 25 Citizen Engagement versus Tourism-phobia: The Role of Citizens in a Country’s Brand Juan Arteaga & Anel Hernandez, 31 Mexico City: Keys and Challenges to Building a Smart City for Citizens Alejandro Romero & Arie Ellstein 45 Improving ourselves as citizens Daniel Silberfaden 53 The Major Challenges Facing Cities Jordi Serra del Pino 57 TERRITORIES AND COMMUNITIES The dawn of the phygital consumer David G. Natal & Julio Alonso 63 Inbound Marketing: User-based Communications Iván Pino & Diego Romero 71 Grassroots: The Power of Organized Communities Joan Navarro & Laura Martínez 77 Liquid Democracy and Exponential Technology for Transforming the World Ana Lorenzo 83 PUBLIC AFFAIRS The Doria Effect: The Impact of Communication on the Management of a City Juan Carlos Gozzer & Thyago Mathias 91 Latin America’s New Wave of Populism—a Movement More Alive Than Ever Before Luisa García & Claudio Vallejo 101 The Impossible Politics of Walls José Antonio Zarzalejos 127 Does Every Trump Have a Silver Lining? Cecilia Soto 133 REPUTATION & SUSTAINABILITY The case of -
Chávez, Daniel. Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015
Chávez, Daniel. Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015. Print. 363 pp. ________________________________________________ JOSÉ MARÍA MANTERO XAVIER UNIVERSITY The recent work Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State by Daniel Chávez offers a timely study of recent Nicaraguan history and the distinct cultural and political manifestations of national utopian projects. As ambitious, grounded, and well-documented as the study is, the work would have benefited from a more Central and Latin American contextualization of utopia, the central theme and theory of the analysis. Essays and poems by Simón Bolívar, José Martí, Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Enrique Rodó, José Carlos Mariátegui, and works such as La raza cósmica (1925) by José Vasconcelos and the poem “Salutación del optimista” from Cantos de vida y esperanza (1905) by Rubén Darío, for example, call for a defense of Latin American identity and for the construction of an America where no one nation was subjugated by another and the influence of the United States in national and international affairs was offset by the strength of a continental consciousness. In all, Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State is a valuable contribution to the field of Nicaraguan and Latin American studies that combines the study of lesser-known documents (the inauguration speeches of the Anastasio Somoza García and Violeta Chamorro, for example) -
Nicaragua: Revolution and Restoration
THE NEW GEOPOLITICS NOVEMBER 2018 LATIN AMERICA NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since independence, Nicaragua has suffered periodic internecine warfare, deep distrust between contending factions dominated by powerful caudillos (strongmen), and interventions by foreign powers. While the United States was frequently a party to these conflicts, local Nicaraguan actors often outmaneuvered U.S. diplomats. At the end of the Cold War, internationally supervised elections yielded an interlude of relatively liberal democracy and alternation of power (1990-2006). To the consternation of the United States, Sandinista Party leader Daniel Ortega regained the presidency in 2007, and orchestrated a successful strategy of coalition-building with the organized private sector and the Catholic Church. Supported by the international financial institutions and the Venezuelan Chavista government, Nicaragua achieved strong economic performance with moderately inclusive growth. President Ortega used those economic resources to gradually capture or suppress—one by one—many of the nation’s political institutions, eroding institutional checks and balances. Ortega’s strategy of co-opting all centers of power extended to the military and national police. The restoration of traditional caudillo politics and the fusion of family-state-party-security forces were all too reminiscent of the Somoza family dynasty (1934-1979). Frustrated by Ortega’s narrowing of democratic -
Nicaragua's President Ortega
No. 2097 January 11, 2008 Nicaragua’s President Ortega: The Balancing Act After One Year James M. Roberts Marketing himself as a completely redesigned the vegetarian and carnivorous socialist camps. The 2007 model, with sleek new lines and reassuring former Comandante is walking a tightrope, appear- sound bites, Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega per- ing to support capitalism and the U.S.–Central suaded 38 percent of Nicaraguan voters to elect him America–Dominican Republic Free Trade Agree- president in November 2006 on his third try since ment (CAFTA–DR) and maintaining relations with leaving office in 1990. Ortega, now 62, assumed the the U.S. while seeking close relations with and cash presidency for the second time in January 2007. As from world troublemakers such as Iranian Presi- he approaches the first anniversary of his inaugura- dent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Chávez, and Colo- tion, however, many design flaws in the clunky nel Muammar Qadhafi of Libya. 1979 model Ortega are beginning to manifest them- What the U.S. Should Do. The U.S. should selves again. carefully monitor the situation in Nicaragua and Across South America, a number of countries are give Ortega every encouragement to continue down backsliding into a variety of long-discredited social- the path of democratic governance and neoliberal ist models. In some cases, countries are being ruled market reform. If he chooses to follow the Chavista by despotic hard-leftist and populist caudillos path instead, the U.S. should take every opportu- (strongmen). The leaders of this resurgent Latin left- nity to counter Ortega’s influence and steer Nicara- ist wave generally fall into two camps: “vegetarian” gua back onto the right track. -
Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: the Chamorro Years (1990-1996)
Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Tatiana Argüello Vargas August 2010 © 2010 Tatiana Argüello Vargas. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) by TATIANA ARGÜELLO VARGAS has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patrick Barr-Melej Associate Professor of History José A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT ARGÜELLO VARGAS, TATIANA, M.A., August 2010, Latin American Studies Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996) (100 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patrick Barr-Melej This thesis explores the role of culture in post-revolutionary Nicaragua during the administration of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). In particular, this research analyzes the negotiation and redefinition of culture between Nicaragua’s revolutionary past and its neoliberal present. In order to expose what aspects of the cultural project survived and what new manifestations appear, this thesis examines the followings elements: 1) the cultural policy and institutional apparatus created by the government of President Chamorro; 2) the effects and consequences that this cultural policy produced in the country through the battle between revolutionary and post-revolutionary cultural symbols in Managua as a urban space; and 3), the role and evolution of Managua’s mayor and future president Arnoldo Alemán as an important actor redefining culture in the 1990s. -
Nicaragua at the Crossroads: the Candidacy of Herty Lewites
Nicaragua at the Crossroads: The Presidential Candidacy of Herty Lewites Midge Quandt During my trip to Nicaragua in March and April 2006, I talked with several political actors about the presidential candidacy of Herty Lewites, a moderate Sandinista who was expelled from the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in March 2005 for challenging the leadership of Daniel Ortega. This November election is crucial because Ortega and the right wing liberal figure Arnoldo Aleman have shared near dictatorial powers since their political pact in 1999. They have come to dominate all political institutions in the country except for the executive branch. Herty is running on a coalition ticket called The Herty Alliance 2006 with the aim of opening up and democratizing the political process. If he wins, Nicaragua will join the growing number of countries in Latin America that have left or center left governments which are resisting to a greater or lesser degree the dictates of neo-liberalism. The people I interviewed were all Sandinistas, but only one belonged to a political party. To give the reader a flavor of the different perspectives on Herty, I have excerpted four interviews. For purposes of clarity, I put my own comments in boldface and the interviewee’s quoted responses in regular type. Descriptive material about the interviewees is set in italics. Sofia Montenegro is a leader of the feminist movement and a writer and journalist. I consider myself a Sandinista without a party, which applies to a lot of people. So far my involvement in the women’s movement commits me to preserve the autonomy of the movement.