Background- Nicaragua1 Nicaragua Is a Small Central American
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Ortega for President: the Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 89, October 2010 | 47-63 Ortega for President: The Religious Rebirth of Sandinismo in Nicaragua Henri Gooren Abstract: This article analyses various connections between Daniel Ortega’s surprising victory in the presidential elections of 5 November 2006, his control of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacio- nal (FSLN) party, and the changing religious context in Nicaragua, where Pentecostal churches now claim almost one quarter of the population. To achieve this, I draw from my fieldwork in Nicaragua in 2005 and 2006, which analysed competition for members between various religious groups in Managua: charismatic Catholics, the Assemblies of God, the neo-Pentecostal mega-church Hosanna, and the Mormon Church. How did Ortega manage to win the votes from so many religious people (evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics alike)? And how does this case compare to similar cases of populist leaders in Latin America courting evangelicals, like Chávez in Venezuela and earlier Fujimori in Peru? Keywords: Nicaragua, religion, elections, FSLN, Daniel Ortega. Populist leadership and evangelical support in Latin America At first look, the case of Ortega’s surprise election victory seems to fit an estab- lished pattern in Latin America: the populist leader who comes to power in part by courting – and winning – the evangelical vote. Alberto Fujimori in Peru was the first to achieve this in the early 1990s, followed by Venezuelan lieutenant-colonel Hugo Chávez in the late 1990s and more recently Rafael Correa in Ecuador (Op- penheimer 2006). These three populist leaders came to power thanks to the break- down of an old party system, which gradually became stagnant and corrupted. -
The Carter Center News Spring 1990
THE CARTER CENTER NEWS SPRING 1990 Carter, Council Monitor Nicaraguan Elections Peaceful Transition of Power First in Country's History On April 25, the Nicaraguan people inaugurated a new president in the first peaceful transfer of power to an elected opposition in the country's history. of Nicaragua chose their new president in a free and fair election," said President Carter, who led an international delegation to monitor the February 25 elections. The delegation was formed under the auspices of the Council of Freely-Elected Heads of Government, chaired by President Carter and based at The Carter Center of Emory University (CCEU). The Council joined delegations from the United Nations and the Organization of American States (OAS) in monitoring the elections. Following the transfer of power from the Sandinista (FSLN) government of Daniel Ortega to the coalition government (UNO) of Violeta Chamorro, President Carter said, "Both Daniel Ortega and Violeta Chamorro deserve the world's respect and admiration for the way they handled the transition. Former President Ortega has set his country on the road to democracy. President Chamorro has been entrusted by the people of Nicaragua with the difficult task of healing the division in that nation and nurturing the newly-born democratic spirit. It is my sincerest hope that peace and democracy will flourish in Nicaragua." The Invitation In the summer of 1989, President Carter and the Council were invited to observe the elections by thenPresident Daniel Ortega, the Union of National Opposition (UNO), and the Supreme Electoral Council. The Nicaraguan election project was directed by Robert Pastor and Jennie Lincoln, director and associate director respectively of CCEU's Latin American and Caribbean Studies program. -
Mutual Integration Versus Forced Assimilation
Mutual Integration Versus Forced Assimilation: The Conflict between Sandinistas and Miskitu Indians, 1979-1987 by Jordan Taylor Towne An honors thesis submitted to the Honors Committee of The University of Colorado at Boulder Spring 2013 Abstract: This study aims to i) disentangle the white man’s overt tendency of denigrating indigenous agency to ethnic identity and, through the narrative of the Miskitu people of Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast, display that this frequent ethnic categorization oversimplifies a complex cultural identity; ii) bring to the fore the heterogeneity inherent to even the most seemingly unanimous ethnic groups; iii) illustrate the influence of contingent events in shaping the course of history; and iv) demonstrate that without individuals, history would be nonexistent—in other words, individuals matter. Through relaying the story of the Miskitu Indians in their violent resistance against the Revolutionary Sandinistas, I respond contrarily to some of the relevant literature’s widely held assumptions regarding Miskitu homogeneity, aspirations, and identity. This is achieved through chronicling the period leading to war, the conflict itself, and the long return to peace and respectively analyzing the Miskitu reasons for collective resistance, their motives in supporting either side of the fragmented leadership, and their ultimate decision to lay down arms. It argues that ethnic identity played a minimal role in escalating the Miskitu resistance, that the broader movement did not always align ideologically with its representative bodies throughout, and that the Miskitu proved more heterogeneous as a group than typically accredited. Accordingly, specific, and often contingent events provided all the necessary ideological premises for the Miskitu call to arms by threatening their culture and autonomy—the indispensible facets of their willingness to comply with the central government—thus prompting a non-revolutionary grassroots movement which aimed at assuring the ability to join the revolution on their own terms. -
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: a Study Mission Report of the Carter Center
The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua Study Mission Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The November 2011 Elections in Nicaragua: A Study Mission Report of the Carter Center THE NOVEMBER 2011 ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA: A STUDY MISSION REPORT OF THE CARTER CENTER OVERVIEW On November 6, 2011 Nicaragua held general elections for president and vice president, national and departmental deputies to the National Assembly, and members of the Central American Parliament. Fraudulent local elections in 2008, a questionable Supreme Court decision in October 2009 to permit the candidacy of incumbent President Daniel Ortega, and a presidential decree in January 2010 extending the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) magistrates in office after their terms expired provided the context for a deeply flawed election process. Partisan election preparations were followed by a non-transparent election day and count. The conditions for international and domestic election observation, and for party oversight, were insufficient to permit verification of compliance with election procedures and Nicaraguan electoral law, and numerous anomalies cast doubt on the quality of the process and honesty of the vote count. The most important opposition party rejected the election as fraudulent but took its seats in the legislature. Nicaragua’s Supreme Electoral Council dismissed opposition complaints and announced that President Daniel Ortega had been re-elected to a third term. In addition, the official results showed that Ortega’s Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) party had won enough legislative seats both to reform articles of the constitution (requires a 60% majority) and to call a constituent assembly to write a new constitution (requires 66%). -
Organization of American States Electoral Observation Mission Municipal Elections Nicaragua
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS NICARAGUA November 5, 2017 FINAL REPORT TABLE OF CONTENTS I. FINAL REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL ...............................................................................1 1. BACKGROUND .................................................................................................................................. 1 2. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 1 3. PRE-ELECTORAL STAGE .................................................................................................................... 2 4. ELECTION DAY .................................................................................................................................. 4 5. POST-ELECTORAL STAGE .................................................................................................................. 6 6. RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................................................................................... 7 6.1. Electoral Organization and Technology ................................................................................. 7 6.2. Voter Registry ......................................................................................................................... 9 6.3. The Electoral Branch ............................................................................................................ 11 6.4. Election dispute resolution -
Spotlight on Nicaragua
February 16, 2021 CLOSING OF POLITICAL AND CIVIC SPACES: SPOTLIGHT ON NICARAGUA TABLE OF CONTENTS February 16 Agenda ................................................................................................................ 2 Part I: Nicaraguan Spring: The Rise & Repression of a Protest Movement ............. 5 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space Part II: How Did We Get Here? Background on the Current Political Landscape ... 7 State-Sponsored Violence & the Closing of Political Space El Pacto: Leftist on Paper but Not in Practice Questionable Reelections Reforms Favor Authoritarianism An Economy in Ruins Impacts of COVID-19 and Hurricanes Eta & Iota The 2021 Election Part III: Recent Laws Limiting Civic Space .......................................................................... 15 Law of Regulation of Foreign Agents Special Law of Cybercrimes Law of Life Sentence Law of Defense of the Rights of the People to Independence, Sovereignty, Self-determination for the Peace Penal Code Reform A Diverse and Divided Opposition Civic Alliance for Justice & Democracy White & Blue Unity Great National Coalition Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights U.S. Policy and the Biden Administration’s Challenges Speaker Biographies ................................................................................................................ 24 1 February 16, 2021 AGENDA AGENDA Welcome & Introduction Introduction to Topics for Meeting Understanding the Current Context of Nicaragua • Current Political -
Recuerdos De Nicaragua: Remebering the Dress of Indigenous and Afro- Descendants of Nicaragua in German Moravian Photography By
1 RECUERDOS DE NICARAGUA: REMEBERING THE DRESS OF INDIGENOUS AND AFRO- DESCENDANTS OF NICARAGUA IN GERMAN MORAVIAN PHOTOGRAPHY BY JASMINE HELM In 1849, the German Moravian Church began a protestant Christian mission in Nicaragua. They built churches along the Mosquito Coast extending from southern Honduras throughthe eastern coastline of Nicaragua (fig. 1). The area is home to several indigenous groups including the Miskito, Mayangna (Sumo), Rama and Afro-descendant Creole and Garifuna (black-Caribe) communities. ―Unlike other Europeans of that era, they [Moravians] did not come to the Caribbean Coast of Central America in search of riches,‖1 notes scholar Benjamin Tillman. Rather, the missionaries‘ goal was to convert the native populations to Protestant Christianity and colonize the region. One of the methods to spread the news of their work, was photography. At the turn of the twentieth century, the Moravian missionaries and German immigrants in Nicaragua took ethnographic-style pictures of Moravian occupied Afro-descendant and indigenous communities (fig. 2,3). Many of the photographs were published and circulated as postcards for tourists entitled ―Recuerdos de Nicaragua.‖ They, were also used to internally to document Moravian conversion and were reproduced for publications or possibly for presentation (fig. 4,5). In these images, indigenous people are shown in both indigenous dress and in European-style garments. In contrast, Afro-descendant Creoles were photographed solely wearing European-style ensembles. The Moravian missionaries established infrastructure and civic support that was welcomed by the many Miskito, indigenous and Creole groups, the missionary presence altered the material culture endemic to the communities in the coast including dress. -
Reputación Y Resultados
CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP Non venal edition Creative Commons License (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) Developing Ideas from LLORENTE & CUENCA, January, 2018 Lagasca, 88 - 3rd floor 28001 Madrid (Spain) Edition: Anatomía de Red Design: Joaquín Gallego Content INTRODUCTION A challenged and anxious society José Antonio Zarzalejos 13 CHALLENGE: CITIZENSHIP The Ethical Challenge of the New Citizenship José Antonio Llorente 19 GLOBAL CITIES Latin America challenged by smart cities Javier Rosado & Raimundo Diaz 25 Citizen Engagement versus Tourism-phobia: The Role of Citizens in a Country’s Brand Juan Arteaga & Anel Hernandez, 31 Mexico City: Keys and Challenges to Building a Smart City for Citizens Alejandro Romero & Arie Ellstein 45 Improving ourselves as citizens Daniel Silberfaden 53 The Major Challenges Facing Cities Jordi Serra del Pino 57 TERRITORIES AND COMMUNITIES The dawn of the phygital consumer David G. Natal & Julio Alonso 63 Inbound Marketing: User-based Communications Iván Pino & Diego Romero 71 Grassroots: The Power of Organized Communities Joan Navarro & Laura Martínez 77 Liquid Democracy and Exponential Technology for Transforming the World Ana Lorenzo 83 PUBLIC AFFAIRS The Doria Effect: The Impact of Communication on the Management of a City Juan Carlos Gozzer & Thyago Mathias 91 Latin America’s New Wave of Populism—a Movement More Alive Than Ever Before Luisa García & Claudio Vallejo 101 The Impossible Politics of Walls José Antonio Zarzalejos 127 Does Every Trump Have a Silver Lining? Cecilia Soto 133 REPUTATION & SUSTAINABILITY The case of -
Chávez, Daniel. Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015
Chávez, Daniel. Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2015. Print. 363 pp. ________________________________________________ JOSÉ MARÍA MANTERO XAVIER UNIVERSITY The recent work Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State by Daniel Chávez offers a timely study of recent Nicaraguan history and the distinct cultural and political manifestations of national utopian projects. As ambitious, grounded, and well-documented as the study is, the work would have benefited from a more Central and Latin American contextualization of utopia, the central theme and theory of the analysis. Essays and poems by Simón Bolívar, José Martí, Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Enrique Rodó, José Carlos Mariátegui, and works such as La raza cósmica (1925) by José Vasconcelos and the poem “Salutación del optimista” from Cantos de vida y esperanza (1905) by Rubén Darío, for example, call for a defense of Latin American identity and for the construction of an America where no one nation was subjugated by another and the influence of the United States in national and international affairs was offset by the strength of a continental consciousness. In all, Nicaragua and the Politics of Utopia. Development and Culture in the Modern State is a valuable contribution to the field of Nicaraguan and Latin American studies that combines the study of lesser-known documents (the inauguration speeches of the Anastasio Somoza García and Violeta Chamorro, for example) -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara the Dynamic
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara The Dynamic Interrelationships between Ethnicity and Agrobiodiversity in the Pearl Lagoon Basin, Atlantic Nicaragua A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology by Nicholas Enyart Williams Committee in charge: Professor Susan C. Stonich, Chair Professor David López-Carr Professor Casey Walsh Dr. Andrea M. Allen, Michigan State University September 2015 The dissertation of Nicholas E. Williams is approved. ____________________________________________ Andrea M. Allen ____________________________________________ David López-Carr ____________________________________________ Casey Walsh ____________________________________________ Susan C. Stonich, Committee Chair June 2015 The Dynamic Interrelationships between Ethnicity and Agrobiodiversity in the Pearl Lagoon Basin, Atlantic Nicaragua Copyright © 2015 by Nicholas Enyart Williams iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My research would have not been possible without the help and support of many generous people. I wish to thank Drs. Susan Stonich, Casey Walsh, David López-Carr, and Andrea Allen for their time and commitment throughout the development of my research project and their invaluable feedback during the writing process. I also extend my appreciation to the Fulbright Program and John Fer at the U.S. Embassy in Managua for supporting me during my fieldwork in Nicaragua. I attribute so many of my achievements to the unwavering support of my family. In particular, thank you to my wife, Seeta, -
Nicaragua: Revolution and Restoration
THE NEW GEOPOLITICS NOVEMBER 2018 LATIN AMERICA NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG NICARAGUA: REVOLUTION AND RESTORATION RICHARD E. FEINBERG EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since independence, Nicaragua has suffered periodic internecine warfare, deep distrust between contending factions dominated by powerful caudillos (strongmen), and interventions by foreign powers. While the United States was frequently a party to these conflicts, local Nicaraguan actors often outmaneuvered U.S. diplomats. At the end of the Cold War, internationally supervised elections yielded an interlude of relatively liberal democracy and alternation of power (1990-2006). To the consternation of the United States, Sandinista Party leader Daniel Ortega regained the presidency in 2007, and orchestrated a successful strategy of coalition-building with the organized private sector and the Catholic Church. Supported by the international financial institutions and the Venezuelan Chavista government, Nicaragua achieved strong economic performance with moderately inclusive growth. President Ortega used those economic resources to gradually capture or suppress—one by one—many of the nation’s political institutions, eroding institutional checks and balances. Ortega’s strategy of co-opting all centers of power extended to the military and national police. The restoration of traditional caudillo politics and the fusion of family-state-party-security forces were all too reminiscent of the Somoza family dynasty (1934-1979). Frustrated by Ortega’s narrowing of democratic -
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IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights.