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Performance, Communication, and Gods in Republican Rome

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Performance, Communication, and Gods in Republican Rome Histos () XVI–XXVI REVIEW–DISCUSSION PERFORMANCE, COMMUNICATION, AND GODS IN LATE REPUBLICAN ROME Trevor S. Luke, Ushering in a New Republic: Theologies of Arrival at Rome in the First Century BCE . Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, . Pp. i + :. Hardcover, $.. ISBN >:-->->-. eaving and returning to Rome was a moment of heightened expecta- tion. Cicero was downcast to discover, on his return from Sicily, that Lno-one had noticed he had gone. Crassus left Rome with the execra- tions of a tribune, Ateius Capito, ringing in his ears, and never returned. Flaminius found that the people ignored his return with glorious spoils be- cause he had ignored them; Pompey had to linger outside the city; Sulla claimed that he did not sleep the night he entered Rome. Luke takes the ac- counts of return to the city in the late Republic and early empire as his theme, and argues that the manipulation of ceremonial was part of the reli- gious context of political power, and that the gradual development of this ran alongside the heightened language around deification. The introduction combines two ideas: the pervasive ideological connec- tion between power and religion at a state level, and the capacity for individ- uals to construct ‘personal political theologies’ from the components of the religious world. The first idea is well worn, but the second is a little more challenging, and the two taken together produce an interesting theoretical base to support the rest of the work. This concept of personal theology is then applied systematically to a series of case studies on arrival and depar- ture. Before turning to these, it is worth reflecting on the methodological consequences of this standpoint. The way that religion and power co-exist still requires some thinking through. The argument has to go further than simply saying that religion and politics were one and the same thing, or that politics was suffused with the religious. Insofar as religion is a communicative system, any interpenetra- tion has to be externally comprehensible. 1 Yet that does not mean that Rome 1 See G. Binder and K. Ehlich, edd., Religiöse Kommunikation—Formen und Praxis vor der Neuzeit (Bochum, >); J. Rüpke, Religion in Republican Rome: Rationalization and Ritual Change (Philadelphia, ) –. Anna Clark, in an excellent paper ‘Ciceronian Correspond- ences? Gods as elements of social communication ( Att . ., ., .:)’ (https://www.academia.edu/:/Ciceronian_Correspondences_Gods_as_elements_ of_social_communication_Att._._._.:_ ), has urged that we should not start from ISSN: - Copyright © Smith May Review of Luke, Ushering in a New Republic XVII was in any straightforward sense a theocracy. So this opens up the sort of in- terpretation which sees religion as a mechanism which provided opportuni- ties for competitive display. The spectacle of arrival and departure is overlain with religious aura, which adds to solemnity and underlines the importance of the actors, without actually being necessarily strongly sacral. The most consistent interpreter of the value of spectacle in the construction of power has perhaps been Karl Hölkeskamp. 2 By now we are attuned to the signifi- cance of these narratives. Yet speaking of them as personal theologies is somewhat novel. Luke argues that he does not intend to imply stable theolo- gies, in other words, he does not need to assume consistency and intention. Instead he allows for personal choices in the Roman marketplace of religion, a term we owe to Andreas Bendlin. 3 Arrival and departure are obvious moments to choose in discussing the spectacle of Roman power; the gods drew closer at one’s comings-in and go- ings-out. For the most part this is strongly connected to military activity. The general on his way to his province, or returning to a triumph were inevitably moments highly imbued with potential for display. Seldom if ever could the gods have been said to smile more on a Roman than when he came back in celebration of victory. The late Republic sees a growth in the stage manage- ment of such events, perhaps one of the reasons why the triumph was not en- tirely stable as a ritual. 4 We have little information over how such an event was co-ordinated and what relationships were with city officials to ensure that all went off reasonably smoothly. It may not have been a free-for-all, but it did permit choice and individualism, and this is perhaps a good model for the interaction of civic religion on the one hand and personal interpretation and innovation on the other. the distinct categories, but look instead at their combinations; and I am very grateful to her for a discussion of some of this material. 2 K.-J. Hölkeskamp, ‘Hierarchie und Konsens. Pompae in der politischen Kultur der römischen Republik’, in A. H. Arweiler and B. M. Gauly, edd., Machtfragen: zur kulturellen Repräsentation und Konstruktion von Macht in Antike, Mittelalter und Neuzeit (Stuttgart, :) >– and ‘The Roman Republic as Theatre of Power: The Consuls as Leading Actors’, in H. Beck, A. Duplá, M. Jehne and F. Pina Polo, edd., Consuls and Res Publica: Holding High Office in the Roman Republic (Cambridge, ) –: are two examples of a consistent theme; see also A. Bell, Spectacular Power in the Greek and Roman City (Oxford, ) and E. Flaig, Ritualisierte Politik. Zeichen, Gesten und Herrschaft im Alten Rom. Historische Semantik Band 2 (Göttingen, ). 3 A. Bendlin, ‘Looking Beyond the Civic Compromise: Religious Pluralism in Late Re- publican Rome’, in E. Bispham and C. Smith, edd., Religion in Archaic and Republican Rome: Evidence and Experience (Edinburgh, ) –. 4 M. Beard, The Roman Triumph (Cambridge, Mass., >); see now C. H. Lange and F. Vervaet, edd., The Roman Republican Triumph: Beyond the Spectacle (Rome, ). XVIII Christopher Smith The way in which this was ‘theological’ is perhaps another matter. 5 Ro- man religion is not a religion of the book, and therefore the extent to which it could dogmatic was highly limited, and if religion was only just becoming an object of analysis in the late Republic, the idea of a theology is perhaps premature. Even if we take a fairly broad view of the term, if the theology was meant to be understood by others, the nature of the mechanisms of communication meant that it needed to be basic and broad of brush. One of the useful aspects of the volume is that looking at rather practical and spec- tacular moments means looking at moments where abstraction is made con- crete and visible. It is no surprise that Luke concentrates on the best known stories from Marius and Sulla on. Another obvious methodological problem is left un- addressed. A great deal of the relevant information comes from Plutarch, and part of Plutarch’s goal is to manage his material into formally satisfying nar- ratives. We may choose to believe that beneath the Plutarchan shapes lie the deliberate patterning of a Sulla, for instance, and it seems highly likely that the Republican autobiography tended to culminate in the triumph, but that still would not resolve the question of whether we are seeing reality or its rep- resentation. 6 For Luke, one supposes, this might not matter, but there is something underexplored in the claim that narrative shape and theology can be identified with each other. It is not immediately clear in what way Sulla, who fairly clearly used omens and self-identification with the divine as a key mechanism within his narrative, ever intended to explain the ways of god to man. To make that argument would be to engage in a somewhat different kind of account of the way religion worked in late Republican texts. 7 5 Luke’s concept of theology seems rather different from that of C. Ando in Ando, ed., Roman Religion (Edinburgh, ) – and Ando, The Matter of the Gods: Religion and the Roman Empire (California, :) –: and –>. Luke’s theologies are highly individual, but communicative, whereas Ando distinguishes between a theology of praxis and theo- logical speculation. There is much of relevance in I. Gildenhard, Creative Eloquence: The Construction of Reality in Cicero’s Speeches (Oxford, ). In some ways, Gildenhard comes close to arguing for Cicero as having a unique theology, defined () as ‘the ability and will- ingness to operate with concepts and categories, figures of thought, normative patterns, or, indeed, idiosyncratic visions about the human, society and the world that are pro- found, substantial, and distinctive’. However, as some reviewers have noted, Gildenhard’s Cicero has few contemporary interlocutors, and we certainly could not assume that Mari- us operated in the same way. 6 C. Pelling, ‘Was there an Ancient Genre of “Autobiography”? Or did Augustus Know what he was Doing?’, in C. Smith and A. Powell, edd., The Lost Memoirs of Augustus and the Development of Roman Autobiography (Swansea, ) –. 7 For an enduringly useful account see D. Feeney, Literature and Religion at Rome: Cultures, Contexts and Beliefs (Cambridge, :). Review of Luke, Ushering in a New Republic XIX Anecdote therefore makes a rather critical contribution. When Pompey replies to the censor’s request as to whether he has performed the necessary military service, and he replies ‘Yes and under my own command’ (Plut. Pomp. .), we learn a good deal about the ways in which Pompey planned a highly public event. The question appears formulaic, so one would not imag- ine that Pompey came up with the reply off the cuff. 8 However we are a long way from theology here, and I am not sure that the idea of a theological per- sona is sufficiently theorised to be of use. The striking speech acts as a com- ponent in self-presentation, and the apparent ancient appetite for the suc- cessful bon mot, which to an extent passes into common parlance, is one thing; ‘godspeak’ is another.
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