“One Off His Head'”:Escaping 'Clerkly Lives' in Middlebrow Fiction

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“One Off His Head'”:Escaping 'Clerkly Lives' in Middlebrow Fiction ‘WHAT THOUGHT OF ‘HEAD OFFICE’ TO “ONE OFF HIS HEAD’”: ESCAPING ‘CLERKLY LIVES’ IN MIDDLEBROW FICTION (1859-1945) by Nicola Jane Bishop, B.A., M.A. (Lancaster University) Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. Lancaster University, March, 2014 Declaration I declare that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in any form for the award of a higher degree elsewhere. UNIVEHSnV ’ 1 8 MAP, I7;i5 LANC AL'I ER 1 ProQuest Number: 11003770 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11003770 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ‘WHAT THOUGHT OF ‘HEAD OFFICE’ TO “ONE OFF HIS HEAD’” : ESCAPING ‘CLERKLY’ LIVES IN MIDDLEBROW FICTION (1859-1945) Nicola Jane Bishop, B.A., M.A. (Lancaster University) Thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. at Lancaster University, March, 2014 Abstract This thesis explores how the literary clerk, a nonentity by most accounts, became so emblematic of urban modernity by the early twentieth century that he served to unite the middle and high brows. While the thesis draws parallels with, and offers challenges to, our understanding of the parameters of modernist fiction, it does so through a detailed study of texts that are defined thus far as middlebrow. This includes the works of Victor Canning, Norman Collins, Keble Howard, P. G. Wodehouse, as well as Shan Bullock, H. G. Wells, Arnold Bennett, and Edwin Pugh. These authors address the plight of the clerk, and they do so from personal experience; most converted to full-time authorship after a period of office work. These novelists, then, are the product of a ‘clerkly’ fascination with reading, writing, and the acquisition of cultural capital. The narratives that they offer - filled with tales of clerical hardship - show that their sympathies lie with those who cannot write their way out of the office. This is a topographical study which identifies a series of ‘escapes’ that clerkly authors make available to their literary clerk. In framing the research in this way, this thesis assesses the validity of the typical clerk type before examining the spaces in which the clerk-character could begin to emerge as a viable literary ‘everyman’. The clerk is thus placed within those spaces which usually define him (the office and the suburb), demonstrating that underneath the fa$ade of conformity, there is a ‘human’ element. This human element is to be found in the subversion of office-time, the pleasurable retreat to the suburb, and, in the discovery of the ramble. This ultimate escape — an adventure in the Home Counties — showcases the moment in which the clerk-character, at last, becomes the clerk-author. 2 Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: The Office 32 Chapter Two: The Suburbs 78 Chapter Three: The Ramble 129 Conclusion: Everyman a Clerk 178 Bibliography 190 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr James Taylor for teaching me to develop and not dismiss ideas, and Professor John Schad for encouraging me to find the better writer within myself. I also could not have finished this thesis without the continuous and continuing support, dedication, and affection of my first and favourite academic. For every 5am dog walk, every Friday Bolognese, and every late-night proof-read of this work, I thank you, Sam. To Megan, for showing me the scenic route. 4 Introduction There are thousands like him. There they go, hurrying for the bridges, each in his cheap black coat, each with pale face and uneven shoulders: thousands of them. Slaves of the desk. Twopenny clerks. And he is one of them, just a little higher in the clerkly scale perhaps, just a little superior in attainments and status maybe: but unmistakably one of them. A Twopenny clerk. Why, yes. Still he, with all the others, is to be respected. He is doing his best. He is cheerful, manly in his small way, hopeful, amazingly contented. Also he has a soul, this figure that I see in the crowd, and he has an ideal [...].' Shan Bullock, Robert Thorne: Diary of a London Clerk (1907) The clerical worker captured the imagination of modernity. Following the creation of vast commerce, an expanding banking sector, and the administration of empire, a growing tide of clerks crossed London Bridge from their suburban dwellings, destined for impressive new office buildings in banks and businesses. While London has always been seen as a whirl of movement - Wordsworth, for example, described the city as an ‘endless stream of men and moving things’ - the nineteenth century marked the moment in which that ‘stream’, for so many authors and spectators, became primarily clerical.2 Thus Edgar Allan Poe called the ‘tumultuous sea of human heads’ a ‘tribe of clerks’ in 1840; P. G. Wodehouse represented his clerks in 1910 as a ‘human stream’; and finally, in 1922, T. S. Eliot saw the clerks as undone by death, ‘flow[ing] over London Bridge’.3 All three authors had, in fact, themselves been a part of the clerical mass. Michael Heller has recently suggested that by 1911 as many as ten per cent of all male workers in London were clerks,4 and there were more who 1 Shan Bullock, Robert Thorne (London: T. Werner Laurie, 1907), p. 138. 2 William Wordsworth, ‘Book VII: Residence in London’, The Prelude (Oxford: Woodstock Books, 1993), p. 177. 3 Edgar Allen Poe, ‘The Man of the Crowd’, Selected Tales (Oxford: Oxford University Press, year unknown), pp. 85-6; P. G. Wodehouse, Psmith in the City (Rockville, MD: Arc Manor, 2008), p. 20; T. S. Eliot, ‘The Waste Land’, Collected Poems and Plays (London: Faber and Faber, 1989), 11. 61-63, p. 63. 4 Michael Heller, London Clerical Workers 1880-1914: Development of the Labour Market (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2011), p. 1. 5 lived in the surrounding suburbs - those whom Norman Collins called the ‘half-urban hordes’ - commuting in each day to office buildings across the capital.5 The clerk not only personifies the commercial city but also typifies so many of the social changes that mark the nineteenth century: in particular, increasing suburbanisation and the democratisation of educational opportunities made available through the new Board Schools. It is no surprise, therefore, that in fiction the clerk became a figure of interest - or even, an ‘Everyman’ figure. This clerkly everyman not only suited the needs of a vast clerical audience but he also provided a fascinating, comic, and at times feared, social specimen. As Christopher Breward suggests, the ‘everyman’ was a ‘delineation [who was] depressingly uniform in his identity and habits’.6 Indeed, the middle classes so carefully avoided the petit-bourgeois clerk that the vastness of his class was subtly obscured from discourse. Instead, as Jonathan Wild has put it, the clerk becomes a spectre, lost within two-dimensional satire and stereotype.7 This thesis seeks, then, to bring the clerk figure to the fore by examining the clerkly subculture that arose from multiple representations produced both by middle-class observers and the clerks themselves. The focus will be on the construction of ‘clerkly’ spaces such as the office and the suburb demonstrating how the clerk came to reflect more widely the anxieties of everyday or ‘ordinary’ modernity. In doing so, I reclaim the title ‘everyman’ from what Breward called ‘journalistic jettison’ and draw attention to the collective empathy that saw the futility 5 Gregory Anderson suggests that there were only 91,000 clerks in 1851. By 1891, as F. M. L. Thompson calculates, the number of male clerks stood at 370,000, an increase of 279,000 from 1861, and by 1911, Heller suggests that at least 250,000 o f these clerks lived in the capital alone, with a further 129,430 clerks living in Middlesex, Essex, Surrey and Kent. By 1951, as Ross McKibbin suggests, there were 2.4 million ‘petty clerks and salesmen, insurance agents and shop assistants’ across England. Heller, London Clerical Workers, p. 1. Norman Collins, London Belongs to Me (London: Collins, 1947), p. 9; Anderson,Victorian Clerks (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), p. 2; Thompson, The Rise of Respectable Society: A Social History of Victorian Britain 1830-1900 (London: Fontana Press, 1988), p. 68; Heller,London Clerical Workers, p. 14; McKibbin, Classes and Cultures: England 1918-1951 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 45. 6 Christopher Breward, “‘On the Bank’s Threshold”: Administrative Revolutions and the Fashioning of Masculine Identities at the Turn o f the Century’,Parallax, 3:2 (1997), p. 112 - my emphasis added. 7 Jonathan Wild, The Rise of the Office Clerk in Literary Culture 1880-1939 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 1. 6 of clerkdom as a suitable symbol for fin-de-siecle anxieties and early-twentieth- century concerns.8 In placing the clerk at the heart of this narrative, I am suggesting that the dominance of the lower-middle-class clerk is a marker of the social shift that benefitted both authors and readers alike in creating a distinct petit-bourgeois hegemony. In this way, the lower-middle-class clerk benefitted most from Virginia Woolfs claims that ‘on or about December 1910 human character changed’ because, for a time, the self-confessed ‘nobody’ took centre stage.9 As Christine DeVine puts it, ‘Mr Polly and Kipps [...] represent no serious threat to the status quo [...but] their very existence in the popular fiction of the day, written by a well-known and popular author, constitutes in itself such a threat’.10 In a literary scene divided into two opposing camps - the ‘middle’ and ‘high’ brows - the clerk could threaten not only the status quo but the construction of opposition between these two groups (an opposition that has been continued until the present day).
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