Arthur Morrison and the East End

This, the first critical biography of Arthur Morrison (1863–1945), presents his East End writing as the counter-myth to the cultural production of the East End in late-Victorian realism. Morrison’s works, particularly Tales of Mean Streets (1894) and A Child of the Jago (1896), are often discussed as epitomes of slum fictions of the 1890s as well as prime examples of nineteenth-century realism, but their complex contemporary reception reveals the intricate paradoxes involved in representing the turn-of-the-century city. Arthur Morrison and the East End examines how an understanding of the East End in the Victorian cultural imagination operates in Morrison’s own writing. Engaging with the contemporary vogue for slum fiction, Morrison redressed accounts written by outsiders, positioning himself as uniquely knowledgeable about a place considered unknowable. His work provides a vigorous challenge to the fictionalised East End created by his predecessors, while also paying homage to Charles Dickens, George Gissing, Walter Besant and Guy de Maupassant. Ex- amining the London sites which Morrison lived in and wrote about, this book is an excursion not into the Victorian East End, but into the fictions constructed around it.

Eliza Cubitt received her BA and MA from King’s College London and was awarded a PhD from University College London (UCL) in 2016. She has published work on Morrison, W. Somerset Maugham and Mar garet Harkness. She has taught at UCL and at Universität Tübingen, Germany. Since 2014, she has been a committee member of the Literary London Society. Routledge Studies in Nineteenth-Century Literature

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Arthur Morrison and the East End The Legacy of Slum Fictions Eliza Cubitt

For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge.com Arthur Morrison and the East End The Legacy of Slum Fictions

Eliza Cubitt First published 2019 by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2019 Taylor & Francis The right of Eliza Cubitt to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Cubitt, Eliza, author. Title: Arthur Morrison and the East End: the legacy of slum fictions / Eliza Cubitt. Description: New York: Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in nineteenth-century literature | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2019001178 (print) | LCCN 2019004882 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Morrison, Arthur, 1863–1945. | Authors, English—19th century—Biography. | East End (London, England)—In literature. Classification: LCC PR5089.M7 (ebook) | LCC PR5089.M7 Z63 2019 (print) | DDC 823/.8 [B]—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019001178

ISBN: 978-0-367-18823-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-19851-9 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by codeMantra To Marlowe and Joe

Contents

List of Figures ix Acknowledgements xi

Introduction 1 Arthur Morrison (1863–1945): An East End Writer 1 ‘The Pure Fame of the Place’: The Unreal Victorian Slum 3 ‘Who Knows Arthur Morrison?’ 5 The Problem of Realism: Whose Reality Is It Anyway? 8 The Legacy of Slum Fictions 14

1 Poplar and Ratcliff 24 Arthur Morrison: ‘Another Coming Man’ 24 ‘The Scenes of His Wondering Childhood’: 1863–1887 28 On Being Ministered to: ‘A Grateful People’ 30 In Darkest Dockland and the Way Out 32

2 Whitechapel 44 Writing the Victorian East End 44 ‘Cockney Corners’: Sketches of the East End 45 Sketches of Whitechapel, 1872–1889 51

3 Mile End 68 The People’s Palace: A ‘Possibility, a Certainty and a Fact’ 68 At the Palace, Looking West 71 From Mile End to The Strand 75 ‘Henley’s Regatta’ 78 The Pursuit of Happiness 81

4 Limehouse and Stratford 92 ‘A Street’ and the Reappraisal of the Slum 92 Behind the Doors: Dangerous Domesticity 95 viii Contents ‘Behind the Shade’: Gossip and the Silenced 101 Regions of Strange Order 104 Becoming ‘Them’: The Reception of Tales 106

5 Shoreditch, Bethnal Green and the ‘Jago’ 114 Father Jay and the Nichol Slum in Fiction 114 Creative Reconstruction: Morrison’s ‘Jago’ and the Boundary Street Scheme 126

6 Blackwall and the Docks 141 Repenting for Realism 141 Landscapes of the Mind: Epping and Blackwall in To London Town (1899) 142 ‘Romance and Squalor’: The Hole in the Wall (1902) 152

7 Return to the East End 164 ‘I Foresaw a Story’: The Bathos of the Journalist-Narrator in Divers Vanities (1905) 164 Heads and Tales: London and Elsewhere 171 ‘I Knew the Place, Indeed’: Return to the Mean Streets 173 The Inescapable Jago: Literary Hauntings 175 ‘The Story That I Am to Tell Again’: Folk Realism 177

Conclusion 186 ‘My Own Country’: Rewriting the East End 186 The Duty of the Respectable: The Self-Made Man of Letters 186 ‘Another Way Out’: ‘The Farthest East’ 189 Afterwords: ‘To Correct Your Recollections…’ 191 ‘Well now, Arthur Morrison, How to Put into Words?’ 194

Index 201 List of Figures

2.1 Gustave Doré: ‘Whitechapel – A Shady Place’, 1872 53 2.2 Gustave Doré, ‘The Bull’s Eye’, 1872 54 2.3 Gustave Doré, ‘Opium Smoking: The Lascar’s Room in “Edwin Drood”’, 1872 54 2.4 John Thomson, ‘London Nomades’, 1877 57 2.5 John Thomson, ‘“Hookey Alf,” of Whitechapel’, 1877 57 5.1 Reverend Jay’s boxing ring and lodgings 116 7.1 Cunning Murrell’s Horoscope 181 8.1 Morrison at the Trial of John Jasper, 7 January 1914 192 8.2 Arthur Morrison in his seventies, with thanks to Mr and Mrs Best 194

Acknowledgements

I owe thanks to many people who have helped in various ways to allow me to complete this project. I am very grateful to Matthew Beaumont and Juliette Atkinson for their supervision of my PhD at UCL, and to my examiners Greg Dart and Nadia Valman. You have read my work patiently and thoughtfully, and your support has meant a great deal. I am also thankful to my excellent tutors at King’s College, London. For sources, I owe thanks to Noboru Koyama, Mr and Mrs Best, George Lensing, Lyn Rees, Peggy Jay, Chris Bischof, Charlotte Mitchell, Mary Shannon, Richard Dennis, Tony Williams of The Dickensian, Owen Roberts, Simon Joyce, Laura Wright, and staff at Rare Books in the British Library, staff at UCL Libraries, Cambridge University Library, Hull History Centre, Richmond Central Library, Brotherton Library Special Collections, the University of Reading Special Collec- tions, Lilly Library Indiana and Tower Hamlets Local History Library. I am grateful for years of interesting conversations with my colleagues in the Literary London Society – particularly Peter Jones, Jenny Bavidge, Martin Dines, Flore Janssen and Lisa C. Robertson. The field of ‘Arthur Morrison studies’ is a small one, but characterised by excellent scholarship – I am particularly grateful for the diligent and inspiring work of Peter Keating, Peter Miles, Sarah Wise, Stan Newens and Diana Maltz. This book would not have been possible without the patient and generous help and support of James Newton, Rebecca Hahn, Kate Phillips, Lubna Rahman (for the playlist and much more), Rahul Rana, Katy Cook, Peter Jones, Lisa C. Robertson and Diana Maltz (again) – sounding boards, proof readers, friends: I’m not sure how people who don’t know you manage to do anything at all. My wonderful family – Cubitts, Todds, Simpsons and Robinsons. Camilli and Stu – thank you for looking after C.R. Jane, Malc, Mark and Lani – thank you for the loan of a room (or various rooms) of my own. And T.F.M. – with love and thanks for decades of support and friendship. Marlowe. You were absolutely no help at all. I couldn’t have done it without you. As ever, my grateful thanks are due to Joe Simpson.

Introduction

Arthur Morrison (1863–1945): An East End Writer Describing the East End in 1773, topographer John Noorthouck wrote that ‘these parishes […] in general close and ill-built […] afford little wor- thy of observation’.1 For nineteenth-century journalists, reformers and slum fiction writers, however, it was precisely the close, ill-built houses and the struggle for life in these overcrowded places that fascinated and entranced. The Victorians transformed the idea of the East End: West End writers and their readers sought excitement and horror in the East, characterised in fiction and non-fiction by murder, squalor, slums, desperation and vice. Writing and rewriting, visiting and exhorting others to visit that other district at the periphery of the city, Victorians created in literature the legendary place of the East End. The term ‘East End’ came into use in the 1880s and was quickly cir- culated in ‘press […] pulpit […] and music hall’, furthering the representation of the East End as another place.2 The term not only conjured geographical difference, ‘as though a whole people had been cut off from the mainstream of civilisation’: ‘East End’ was also a signifier of the con- nection between morality and space.3 As an extension of the Victorian conceit of the separation between the ‘deserving’ and the ‘undeserving’ poor, the term ‘East End’ was elided with dubious morality, if not outright criminality. The Reverend Arthur Osborne Jay, priest of the Holy Trinity parish in Shoreditch, explained that by the term ‘East End’:

I do not merely mean a certain portion of London […] [or] the vast army of hardworking respectable poor […] [but] the semi-criminal or criminal class who happen to congregate chiefly there.4

In The Anarchists (1891), J.H. Mackay described the East End as presenting a massive and otherworldly threat to the West:

The East End of London is the hell of poverty. Like an enormous black, motionless, giant Kraken, the poverty of London lies there in lurking silence and encircles with its mighty tentacles the life and wealth of the City and of the West End.5 2 Introduction By the late 1880s, when native East Ender Arthur Morrison began publishing his urban writings, the literary marketplace had already been saturated with depictions of the East End, and particularly the problem of its slums. The East End had been deeply mythologised in both fiction and non-fiction. Yet despite decades of journalistic and fictional examination, late-Victorian accounts of the East End portrayed it as a new problem, perpetuating the tenet that the place was unknown and unknowable. As historians and literary critics have explicated in recent years, the late-Victorian East End had visions both dystopian and fantastic imposed upon it.6 It was not only seen as a city apart, as Sir Walter Besa nt described it in East London (1901), but as a nation apart.7 As Jack London later described, it was ‘the “East End” of all England’ – a vast abyss in which the mysterious poor struggled and suffered.8 In 1897, W. Somerset Maugham’s Liza of Lambeth (1897) was described in The Globe as ‘another work of East End life’ about ‘the slums of Lambeth’: East End had come to describe any working- class area of the city, all of which were denoted ‘slums’. Not even the geographical distinctions between Lambeth (in South London) and the East End prevailed. Revisionist historians Mayne and Murray urge that ‘our understanding of such places is not fixed by the writings of social reformers, novelists and evangelists’ but it was precisely through the nineteenth-century superfluity of representations of the London slum that the East End had come to represent something beyond itself.9 The efforts of Arthur Morrison to resist this picture have not been fully investigated. Morrison spent his writing career vexing the view of the East End written by these outsiders. Raising the rhetorical question, in 1891, ‘who knows the East End?’, he made it clear that he intended to confront the speculative and sensational representations of the area. Engaging with the contemporary vogue for slum fiction, Morrison redressed accounts written by outsiders, positioning himself as uniquely knowledgeable about a place considered unknowable. Born in Poplar to a family who had their roots in Ratcliff and the docks, a site made infamous by murder and legendary by Thomas De Quincey’s satire describing the violence, Morrison’s personal and professional legacy lies in an East End characterised by literary representations of the place by outsiders. Looking beyond his most well-known work, A Child of the Jago (1896), this book uses his complete writings on the East End to develop Morrison’s image as a slum fiction writer, suggesting that in fact he greatly complicated accepted ideas of the slum and of the East End. Throughout his oeuvre, Morrison attempted to provide a corrective to the image of the East End perpetuated by his forebears. Many other commentators had represented ‘the poor as erotic objects of elite spec- tatorship’.10 Morrison neither overtly sympathised with nor elevated the poor in a form of fantastical positive discrimination. His purpose in writing of the East End was twofold. He disregarded the accepted view Introduction 3 of the East End as a single, extensive slum and, rather than suggesting ways that it might be improved, he attempted to account for its lasting presence. Where other writers treated the East End metonymically to describe the abject poverty of Victorian cities, Morrison required in his fiction that the East End simply represented itself. Further, while his predecessors had hoped to inspire change by tackling the problem of housing in their writings and presenting the moral case for interventions, Morrison’s detached narrative voice seems to allot no moral judgement. He perceived change as always insufficient; indeed, problematic. In his non-fiction sketches and particularly in his 1894 collection Tales of Mean Streets, Morrison located the sinister in the ordinary rather than in the extreme.11 Tales suggests that the streets of the East End were governed by forces of concord, which made very little of the fantastic or dramatic possible there. For Morrison, the East End was a site of everyday horrors: a place where poverty caused quiet desperation and silent suffering. Yet in A Child of the Jago, Morrison created a realist myth of the East End which has persisted in the cultural imagination, assisting in the perpetuation of a sense of the entire area as both ‘intan- gible and geographical’.12 In his earlier writing, Morrison had attempted to subvert the legendary nature of the nineteenth-century East End using measured prose and cynical humour. In Jago, he employed the established modes of slum fiction writers and social explorers: juxtaposing melodrama with an officious mock-ethnographic style, he achieved the mythopoeia of a slum which has lasted as long as Jack the Ripper legends and occupies a similar space in the public imagination.13 Morrison realised the replacement of history with literature: the sign Jago became, and remains, synonymous with the name of the real slum on which the novel was based, the Nichol.14 Morrison’s work therefore engages with the central paradox of the East End in the Victorian imagination. A widespread fantasy accepted by non-slum dwellers that slums contained a more ‘real’ version of life meant that images projected onto the East End in fiction were believed in. As the city became modernised beyond recognition, the least modernised areas seemed to retain the greatest reality. Victorians imagined the East End concomitantly as more real than the London inhabited by the wealthy, and as a site of fantasy.

‘The Pure Fame of the Place’: The Unreal Victorian Slum The idea of the late-Victorian slum encapsulated a fear of the poor, which was:

no longer the fear and loathing of the riotous and criminal urban poor of the first Victorian age, or the anthropological curiosity of the second, it was a fear that an isolated, undernourished, diseased 4 Introduction yet hedonistic and feckless working mass was dragging down the country and threatening the decline of Britain and the Empire.15

The worry was that the evolution of the city seemed to be matched by the devolution of its people – that the nation was ‘producing a degenerate, sickly race in the slums of the great cities’.16 In the East End, it seemed that the ‘fittest’ really were the ones who lived through disease and squalor: it was a place in which natural selection was in fact natural, unal- tered by progress. The world beyond the Aldgate Pump was repeatedly described as a newly discovered wonder, with language reminiscent of travelogues describing the furthest reaches of the empire – it was ‘darkest London’; the ‘depths’; the ‘abyss’. The East End was represented as an uncomfortable reminder of the ob- solete in the modern city: ‘a spectacle of the slum London of the past’.17 Slums are urban places ‘characterised by overcrowding, poor or informal housing, inadequate access to safe water and sanitation, and insecurity of tenure’.18 They are usually segregated from the central urban space.19 As Charles Booth observed in his statistical study of London poverty, the segregation of the poor increased as the city grew. Sites already isolated were further detached when the new boulevard-style streets were built, particularly in central London. Access to deprived places was severed in favour of creating access for vehicles and technology – slums were ‘caught and held in successive railway loops’.20 Modernisation in- variably meant less space for the poor: it entailed ‘a continual pushing back, back, down, down, of the poor’.21 Slums were razed, but the lack of appropriate new housing created greater overcrowding and increased prices.22 As London developed, the inhabitants of slums, the unrecom- pensed victims of clearance and progress, became isolated from modernity in a new topography. As the West End became more modernised, the poor were pushed further East – they were being ‘improved off the face of the Earth’.23 Realist representations of slums alternately struggled with and ex- ploited this spatial division. The late nineteenth-century slum was imaginatively located in the East End, beyond the familiar centre of the city, while West London was characterised as both artificial and recognisable. At the turn of the century, social explorer C.F.G. Masterman described the separation as ‘a phenomenon and a problem unique in the history of the world […] segregation has reached its extreme limit’.24 The challenge of slum literature in the late-Victorian period was not only to represent a place beyond that which was understood as London, but also beyond that which was understood as place.25 A critical examination of Morrison’s work reveals intricate paradoxes about what it meant to represent this part of the city at the turn of the century. Morrison’s understanding of the situation of the East End in the cultural imagination – the knowledge that ‘what is there is what has been Introduction 5 made by the specific practices of writing [and representation]’ – collides with his deep knowledge of ‘local actualities of past lives and places’.26 Morrison believed that slum fictions had failed to represent the urban working class. His work is a self-conscious reaction to the sensational writings of the East End, which had been incessant throughout his life- time. Denying an artistic commitment to ‘realism’, Morrison nonetheless achieved an unusual verisimilitude, using a spare, detached prose to portray the East End with ‘a new reality and an immediate presence’.27

‘Who Knows Arthur Morrison?’ In 1967, P.J. Keating mooted that ‘Arthur Morrison’s position in the history of the English novel is firmly fixed and is unlikely to enjoy any major re-evaluation’.28 Keating’s work on Morrison has itself provided a corrective to his statement.29 Although his Biographical Study in the 1969 edition of Jago relied, as Keating said, ‘more on conjecture than established fact’, it raised questions which are still fruitful for Morrison scholars.30 Further biographical research by Michel Krzak and MEP Stan Newens has built on Keating’s discoveries.31 Newens’s work was invaluable in revealing information about Morrison’s birth and details of his early life. The recent digitisation of archives has enabled further research into Morrison’s life than was previously possible. The timing of Keating’s article was judicious: with the launching of the History Workshop helmed by Raphael Samuel, scholars explored the history and literature of the East End more fully as part of their aim to democratise history. Samuel, Newens and historian Bill Fishman contributed, in 1985, to a BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) Radio 4 programme about Morrison and the Jago, presented by Andrew White- head. The laudable aims of this group were to re-examine the history of the East End with emphasis on lives lived by the poorer members of society, and to assert its interest and value. These scholars took up many of the mysteries identified by Keating. Yet even this estimable group could not resist the conflation of the terms ‘Jago’ and ‘Nichol’. In the Radio 4 programme, music in a minor key and language such as ‘troglodytes’ jar with the efforts to de-sensationalise the history of the place. Samuel, writing the history of Arthur Harding, who grew up in the Nichol, de- clares in the programme that when they first met, Harding had no record of his childhood beyond what was in novels like Morrison’s. Samuel’s oral history of Harding provides an intriguing insight into the perva- siveness of the term ‘Jago’. Used in the text as a metonymy for the inhabitants, the ‘Jagos’, ‘Jago’ also became interchangeable with the term ‘Nichol’ for the slum’s real inhabitants, as Harding confirms.32 The programme ultimately describes Morrison’s depiction of the per- vasive criminality of the site as ‘monstrous and absurd libel’.33 Nonethe- less, the ‘Jago’ has, in part, been treated as historical by these scholars 6 Introduction because of the lack of working-class histories and voices. The efforts of the History Workshop, then, demonstrate the paradoxes of the equation of Morrison’s East End writings with actuality, even as they disputed the representation of that actuality. This has been corrected by Sarah Wise’s recent revisionist history of the Nichol, which evades the trap of reading Morrison’s fiction as history and redresses many of the errors about the area it perpetuated. Wise’s history helps us to evade this confounding of the distinction between reality and realism, a boundary that was already gravely at issue for Victorians. The difficulty, for scholars of working- class literature, is that realism has as its focus the ‘ordinary’ or everyday but that one errs to read it as a straightforward unmediated representation. As Raymond Williams avers in his definition of realism, we must not forget that ‘to see [realism] as reality’ is to deliberately exclude the work of the artist, and ‘in extreme cases to pass off a fiction or a conven- tion as the real world’.34 Unless we view realism with these nuances, we risk both missing its artistic merit and asking it to be more accountable than it is able to be. Despite efforts to rediscover and uncover Morrison, realism’s unfash- ionable reputation in the later twentieth century meant that his work was still of marginal interest. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of interest in Morrison in literary studies. This development was concomi- tant with the urban focus of cultural studies in the late 1990s and early 2000s, as well as the reclamation of realism by scholars. In 2007, Rachel Bowlby wrote that ‘poor old realism’ had been dismissed for too long by a literary criticism that viewed realism as an unfortunate interval between romanticism and modernism, lacking historical significance and without ‘formal innovation’.35 Bowlby, Beaumont and others contributed to the correction of this bias in the 2007 book Adventures in Realism. In 2008, Stan Newens’s short study Arthur Morrison: The Novelist of Realism in East London and Essex and Wise’s history of the Nichol, The Blackest Streets: The Life and Death of a Victorian Slum, were published. Also in 2008, the Faber Finds imprint, which aims to rediscover noteworthy but out-of-print works of English literature, published some of Morrison’s most popular works.36 In academic circles, simultaneously a quiet rediscovery was taking place. Predominantly, these studies have focused on Jago. This book aims to redress the lack of attention to Morrison’s other works, focusing on Morrison’s overall picture of the turn-of-the-century city. There is a persistent fascination with the enigma of the East End in both literary and cultural studies. We are still eager to ask, if unable to answer, the question Morrison asked in 1891: ‘who knows the East End?’ The ‘Arthur Morrison and the East End’ conference at Queen Mary University of London in November 2013, marked the beginning of a coherent effort by the academic community to address the biographical Introduction 7 mysteries and intricacies of style in Morrison’s work. Rapid gentrifica- tion and the concurrent increased severity of housing issues in the East End today have amplified interest in the questions he sought to answer. The continuing interest in Morrison in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries was aided by the publication of excellent literary and cultural histories interested in the East End, particularly Judith Walkowitz’s City of Dreadful Delight (1992), Koven’s Slumming (2004) and Pamela Fox’s Class Fictions: Shame and Resistance in the British Working-Class Novel, 1890–1945 (1994).37 In 1994, John L. Kijinski’s essay on Morrison’s ethnography pointed to the ‘particularly frighten- ing’ solutions of penal settlements for the poor voiced by Morrison.38 Regenia Gagnier’s Subjectivities: A History of Self-Representation in Britain, 1832–1920 (1991) and Raymond Williams’s The Country and the City (1973) considered Morrison’s contribution to the representation of working-class voices and discussed Morrison’s unusual narrative style. In the 2000s, work by Jessica Maynard, Dan Bivona and Roger Henkle returned Morrison to the academy for discussion. Henkle’s in- structive essay on ‘Morrison, Gissing and the Stark Reality’ provides a Marxist insight into Morrison’s work, as well as studying its presen- tation of gender relations.39 Maynard’s 2008 essay ‘Arthur Morrison, The Floating World and the Pictorial Method in A Child of the Jago: Painters of the East’ yokes together seemingly contradictory interests of Morrison’s – his slum fiction and his Japonisme. Maynard displays how Morrison’s interest in Ukioy-e or ‘Floating World’ images reflects both the everyday nature and the unreality of that everyday experience in the East End.40 More recently, work by Matthew K. McKean, Adrian Hunter and Arlene Young have looked at crowds and imperialism, philanthropy and affect in Morrison’s work, and Audrey Murfin has considered the relationship of Morrison’s writing to urban photography. The above selection demonstrates the persistent interest in the place of the East End as described in the work of Arthur Morrison. My intention is to avoid some common approaches to Morrison’s work. I challenge the contention that he ought to be categorised as a ‘slum fiction’ writer. Such a deduction relies heavily on readings of Jago to the exclusion of his other works. Indeed, Jago is the only one of his works that confronted outright and at length the Victorian dilemma of the slum. Rather, I present his East End work as a response to the slum fiction that preceded it. Although deliberately drawing on many tropes and motifs of earlier writers, Morrison’s East End writing reconfigured the imagined East End. I concur with Diana Maltz that Morrison’s sensibility was influenced by the wharves and docks; imaginatively, a world away from the Nichol slum.41 While acknowledging the centrality of Jago to his reputation and stylistic development, I endeavour to produce a rounded criticism of Morrison’s work. 8 Introduction One critical approach has been to appraise Morrison as a proto- sociologist, with his primary value as historical sociology. As C.H. Peake wrote in 1967, reading Morrison’s work one encounters ‘the dangers of confusing fiction with sociology or social history’.42 Commentators from Morrison’s contemporaries onwards have repeatedly fallen into this snare.43 As Nicholas Tingle suggests, the way to avoid such un- productive analyses is ‘to assert that the value of a literary work is not dependent on its “real” content’.44 Many previous approaches assess Morrison’s value in terms of his correspondence to apodictic truth. This book aims rather to understand his writing in relation to the reception of realism and the position of the East End in late-Victorian literature and culture, both of which greatly complicated the idea that the closer a fiction came to truth, the more successful it could be as a fiction. In recent years, literary studies have moved beyond assessing whether or not a realist place was ‘real’ as such, and into discussions of how the actuality of places was complicated by their fictive representations. This enquiry has been mirrored in the work of cultural historians. Seth Koven has claimed that the imagining of the Victorian slum ‘opened up a gap between facts and fantasies into which elite men and women could and did project their own needs, desires, and values’.45 This conceit has also been interrogated by historian Andy Croll who argues that many historians ‘no longer seem willing to contemplate the underworld as a social reality, preferring instead to conceive of it as a “mythical”, “imagined” construct’.46 Mayne and Murray’s revisionist archaeological history of the slum reflects this, arguing that ‘slums are constructions of the imagination’.47 The value of many social explorers and slum fiction writers has in recent years been located in how the fantasy of the ‘real’ func- tions in their texts. This enables a challenge to analyses such as Krzak’s, which suggests that Morrison’s value lies in his stylistic and topical faith- fulness to a historico-sociological foundation.48 Krzak’s conclusion, that ‘because the contemporary picture, with its rhetoric, is so consistent, we may infer that Morrison’s fiction is based on reliable facts, and insist on his first-hand knowledge of the places he describes’, is no longer ger- mane.49 The pursuit of what is ‘real’ in Morrison’s fiction should not be allowed to occlude Morrison’s rhetorically nuanced language.

The Problem of Realism: Whose Reality Is It Anyway? Morrison’s contemporaries looked at his work as corresponding to a form of realism very specific to the 1890s. Sensitive to the accuracy or otherwise of his picture, Jane Findlater’s examination of ‘The Slum Movement in Literature’ situated Morrison at the latter stages of the ‘slum movement’, as one who expressed the slums not as a moral lesson but ‘an object in pity and terror’. While Dickens wrote in ‘that decent age when an author still thought that he owed his readers some apology Introduction 9 for introducing them into low society’, Findlater correctly observed that Morrison’s fiction had no such moral imperative.50 Holbrook Jackson similarly recognised that Morrison was a ‘new realist’ who ‘depicted slum life as a thing in itself at a time when people still looked upon the slums, much as they had done in the time of Dickens, as a subject for romantic philanthropy’.51 Late-Victorian readers and critics responded to both realist and romantic representations of the slums as a challenge to material concepts of truth and reality. It is the slum itself, rather than a text’s generic align- ment, that leads to this search for material confirmation in these texts. Richard Whiteing, author of No. 5 John Street (1899), who described his slum novel as ‘romantic literature’, recalled in his 1902 Preface that ‘the more realistic interrogatories are sometimes singularly bald. Is the house known to the London Directory? In which of the innumerable John Streets does it stand? Did the writer actually live in it?’52 Across all genres, critics shared an anxiety towards the pursuit of the real, measur- ing the success of the work against its likelihood in actuality. A monolithic categorisation of Morrison as a realist is impossible. Such a judgement is disavowed by the variation within his wider oeuvre, which exemplifies generic mobility. It is urban and parochial, realist and symbolic, folkloric and proto-modernist. Writing in the wake of aestheticism, and sharing many of its influences, Morrison’s ultimate aim was not to censure or improve. Like his aesthetic friends, he believed that the only responsibility of the writer was to write of life ‘as he sees it’.53 He shifted genres throughout his career, writing ‘tales different in scope and design’, refusing to fix his practice into one mode.54 Even within his East End work, his shifts of address and tone are too enormous to conform to a single category, no matter how complex the category itself is. The oft-noted quandary, that any definition of realism itself reaches pitfalls at the earliest interrogation, can therefore not be solved but only further opened up by attention to Morrison’s technique. Ostensibly the simplest form of representation, realism shows ‘things as they really are’. But this always prompts the question, ‘but how are they?’55 Even the most successful attempts to provide an exhaustive definition of realism as such are always broad: for example, Pam Morris’s definition of realism as ‘any writing that is based upon an implicit or explicit assumption that it is possible to communicate about a reality beyond the writing’.56 Such definitions always prompt further questions. Yet the capacious category had a significant bearing on Morrison’s development as a writer, even as he disavowed its influence in a sort of re- verse intellectual snobbery which ‘decline[d] the labels of the schoolmen and sophisters’.57 Realism was the movement in literature away from a focus on grandiose subjects and romantic or implausible plotlines. Re- alist writers intended to focus on the lives lived by the majority, rather than an aristocratic minority. They endeavoured to represent in art and 10 Introduction literature, with specificity of place and time rendered in exhaustive de- tail, the lives of ordinary people.58 Realism used pared-down descrip- tions of the ordinary and banal to objectively and accurately express quotidian human life. It drew on naturalism in the influence of natural history and the natural sciences and in the acknowledgement of mate- rialism. The late-Victorian mode of realism self-consciously enacted a ‘facing up to things’, daring to confront the actual, rather than writing about the ideal.59 This was complicated by Morrison’s depiction of the Jagos as an exceptional, extraordinary urban people whose lives were disturbingly irregular, ungoverned by daily patterns of work and sleep. English literary realism was both a repudiation of earlier Victorian notions of ‘purity’ and an embrace of artistic developments in Europe. In France, ‘réalisme’ had been used since 1857.60 Writers determined to treat of ‘life as it is’ were inspired by French naturalism, led by Émile Zola.61 In England, Frierson notes, ‘naturalism called attention to the evils of restraint and taboo, and it revealed the world of everyday affairs as being of marvellous interest if viewed in the critical spirit and treated with honesty’.62 Naturalism was the effort to render literature with scientific causal- ity. Prompted by Zola’s essay on ‘Experimental Fiction’, the aim was to examine the impact of heredity and environment on characters, using the omniscient narration of the earlier century to describe the effects. Naturalism demonstrated the determinist view of humanity; the fixed- ness of human patterns of life ascribed not to destiny but to the combined effects of heredity and environment. In light of the recent developments in natural history and the natural sciences, naturalism sought truth about the material human condition through literature. Zola’s method relied on an exhaustive investigative process when researching novels, so that naturalism claimed an ability to convey apodictic truth. Miles suggests that in the late-Victorian period:

The rise in influence and authority of natural philosophy and the social sciences effectively worked to confirm and amplify the claim of realism to be the inevitable mode of representation and analysis of a responsible literature.63

This slightly oversimplifies the responses to realism, which were by no means a straightforward acceptance of realist literature as truthful, but instead revealed an ontological crisis over what could be known to be true, and depicted as such. Morrison’s focus on the East End and the ordinary lives lived there accorded him the title ‘realist,’ but his intent was in fact to challenge this location of the ‘real’ in lives that were often extraordinary and could never be ‘real’ to those who stood outside them. His East End was not a site of ‘absolute difference’ but demonstrated to his readers ‘strangely familiar’ people and sites.64 Morrison was not Introduction 11 a social realist, but his work is critical of structures that condemn ordinary people. He was writing at a time when he deduced that literary interventions into ordinary lives had already failed. Realism in England was also a response to the expansion of democracy, which enforced an encounter with the consciousness of working people. Late Victorians were ‘conscious of something wrong underneath modern progress, they realised that free trade, reform bills, philanthropic activity and missions had made neither health nor wealth’.65 The economic depression of 1874–1896 led to new social problems, and new social fear, particularly as it coincided with efforts to expand suffrage. As Edmund Gosse wrote in 1893, ‘we have this huge mass of individuals around us, each item in the coagulation struggling to retain and to exercise its liberty’.66 There were members of society who now counted as never before. Rachel Bowlby has averred that realism developed in response to this: ‘in the spirit of the democratising movements of the nineteenth century, bringing into literary or painterly view common worlds of experience that had previously been aesthetically unseen, disregarded or out of bounds’.67 The increasing democratisation of the literary landscape, however, did not make for an acceptance of realism qua realism. Rather, it changed the perception of the audience. When the critic H.D. Traill read Jago, he declared it a failure of realism. By the time of publication, the slum had been replaced by the first London Country Council housing estate; the place was no longer a slum. Traill observed that Morrison’s research had indeed taken place during the destruction of the Nichol, and declared that his supposedly objective methods could therefore not provide an accurate picture.68 Morrison observed that his depiction of the Jago was objected to for being simultaneously too real and not real enough; for recording the truth and for exaggerating the truth, for telling unnecessary realities; for writing of a place that once existed, that never existed, and that no longer exists. Morrison responded to Traill’s criticism with an East End joke:

There is a story current in the East End of London, of a distracted lady, who, being assailed with a request for the loan of a saucepan, defended herself in these words: ‘Tell yer mother I can’t lend ’er the saucepan, consekince o’ ’avin’ lent it to Mrs Brown, besides which I’m a’usin’ of it meself, an’ moreover it’s gone to be mended, an’ what’s more, I ain’t got one.’ In a like spirit of lavish objection, it has been proclaimed in a breath that I transgress:- because (1) I should not have written of the Jago in all the nakedness of truth; (2) my description is not the least like; (3) moreover, it is exaggerated; (4) though it may be true, it is quite unnecessary, because the Jago was already quite familiar, and everybody knew all about it; (5) the Jago houses have been pulled down; and (6) that there never was any such place as the Jago at all.69 12 Introduction Traill’s criticism paradoxically suggests that he was never prepared to believe in the reality of the realist text, yet insisted upon realism being observed. He deemed realism an artistic failure when it did not cor- respond with actuality. In their debate, the necessity of reflecting the reality of urban lives and places with minute accuracy is revealed. The discussion between Morrison and Traill discloses the peculiar responsibility realism was ascribed: that is, to reflect or represent life precisely, even in the midst of extraordinary change. The debates between Traill and Morrison are representative of the debates surrounding realism at the time. The materiality of the basis of slum fiction was seen as essential so that slum fiction could achieve material benefits. As a critic said in praise of Jago, ‘it ought to do solid works in its generation’.70 The phrase ‘solid works’ suggests both the moral and material capabilities of the book. Christian action, it implies, could be achieved by the novel, which contained the potential for actual effects in the real world. The troubled reception of slum literature projected the need for an active solution to the problem of the slums. Accounts of slums in the late-Victorian period were expected to become accounts for slums. Traill was both impressed and disquieted by Morrison’s work. He ap- preciated Morrison’s ‘vividly and vigorously drawn’ characters, and his pleasing ‘command of pathos’.71 Nonetheless, Traill was made uneasy. His description of the text as ‘New Realism’ did not refer to a sense of reality provided by the text. He upbraids the novel for being at once realist and unrealistic:

What, however, has most astonished one of Mr Morrison’s critics fresh from a perusal of A Child of the Jago, is the impression of extraordinary unreality which, taken as a whole, it leaves behind it. To a critic opposed to the theories and methods of so-called realism, this is naturally rather disconcerting (9).

The ultimate reality of the fictional place is under examination. Traill’s frustration is that in Morrison’s representation, the Victorian East End remains both notorious and obscure. The destruction of the slum that takes place in the novel is used by Traill to deduce that the novel is an unsuccessful representation:

No wonder that many who know the East-End of London well have protested against this picture. The houses in that area […] have been cleared of its former occupants and their dens, and the original of the Jago has, it is admitted, ceased to exist. But I will make bold to say that as described by Mr Morrison […] it never did and never could exist (13). Introduction 13 The urban landscape was not a mirror of the text; therefore, the novel was, for Traill, a failure of realism. For other readers, however, the very absence of the site on which the novel was based projected the realist text into historical fact, so that the novel as a whole operated as a mise-en- abyme, filling in the abyss created when the slum was razed and remain- ing as a relic to tell the history of the place. Traill’s criticism prompted a debate that was essential in forming an image of Morrison as a reluctant realist. Comparing Morrison to Ste- phen Crane, who had recently published Maggie: A Girl of the Streets (1893), he evaluated Morrison as the leader of this new movement in literature, while deriding the school itself as ‘unreal with the falsity of the half-truth, and as old as the habit of exaggeration’ (2). Morrison’s essay in retaliation, ‘What is a Realist?’ (1897), repudiated his purported aspi- ration to realism but insisted upon the novel’s truth. It reveals Mor rison’s feelings of literary superiority despite his lack of familiarity with current trends in literature or adherence to any movement. This emerges concomitantly with his increasing confidence in his own abilities as a writer. It expounds his distaste for the limitations placed on art by genre categories. The question mark in the title of Morrison’s article suggests the impossibility of ever resolving the definition: Morrison rejected the term ‘realism’, which he reasonably suggested is inconstant, not only in its application but also in its meaning. English realism was often dismissed by critics as unpleasant and dull due to its concerns with the everyday. Poet Edmund Gosse (1849–1928), for example, regretted that many realist novels of the period expressed ‘the same obsequious attitude towards a suppositious public clamouring for the commonplace’.72 The late-Victorian outpouring of docu- mentary realism, however, suggests that the ‘clamouring’ was real. The strict, spare form of late-Victorian realism responded to the earlier depictions of the chaos of the slum, neutering its fantastic elements and rendering the inhuman human. The writer of the late-Victorian slum ‘builds a written city to control the urban wilderness around him’.73 Representing the destruction of the city, Morrison troubled the ability of the realist writer to account for and control the chaos represented by the slum. Morrison was a writer operating at the limits of late-Victorian realism. He was writing when fictional realism was thought to be giving way to factual accounts of the city space, but he also recognised and challenged the problem that the nineteenth century had ‘“imagined” [the East End] into existence’ and rendered it spectacular.74 His work pushes against the boundaries of the representation of the slum and the boundaries of realism. Morrison’s contribution to the late-Victorian literature of the East End, arising from his own deep knowledge of the place, was subtle, affecting, substantial and enduring. 14 Introduction The Legacy of Slum Fictions Morrison wrote supernatural stories, detective fiction, plays, novels and short stories. This study focuses on Morrison’s East End work, not because he is best understood as a slum novelist, but because his under- stated style is best expressed in these works: they constitute his most important contribution to literature. While his fictional works form the core of this interrogation, Morrison’s non-fiction London writings are looked in depth. These provide evidence of his development as a writer and demonstrate his brilliantly nuanced vision of the city in which he spent most of his life. Without denying the significance of his East End ‘trilogy’ of Tales, Jago and To London Town (1899), this study will expand upon previous examinations of Morrison’s work by looking in depth at his journalism, his 1902 novel The Hole in the Wall and the short story collection Divers Vanities (1905). In the chapters that follow, I examine Morrison’s life and artistic development as it relates to the places in which he spent his youth and the two most productive decades of his literary career. Morrison’s progress from an East End street to the literary circles of the West End was, if not unique, certainly uncommon at this time. He occupied an unusual space between East and West as a workingman of literary sensibilities, a prominent figure who eschewed the possibilities for literary celebrity available to him and common among his peers. I discuss his literary friendships and involvement with many prominent figures of literary production, and uncover his reluctance to promote himself in the literary world, despite his aptitude. Morrison was placed at the forefront of innovations to change and ‘save’ the East End. From his school, which was part of the Poplar Wesleyan Methodist Mission, to his first employment at the Architect’s Office of the London School Board, his clerkship for the Beaumont Trustees and his time at the philanthropic institution the People’s Palace, writing his most well-known novel about the Boundary Street Scheme to destroy the notorious Nichol slum, Morrison was positioned as a unique observer of social reform in the late-Victorian period. The first chapter discusses Morrison’s childhood in Poplar and the docks, and his aware- ness that these places were created both in actuality and in fictional representations. I outline the history of the area and suggest the impact upon him of the changing city. The second chapter establishes Morrison’s earliest East End writings as confrontations to the representations of the East End produced by his predecessors. I look at the Whitechapel texts by Blanchard Jerrold and Gustave Doré, and Adolphe Smith and John Thomson and note that the production of these preceded the increasing social notoriety of the area after the Whitechapel murders of 1888–1889. By 1888, the term ‘East End’ had become a term expressing notoriety, baseness and Introduction 15 savagery. I discuss Morrison’s early column ‘Cockney Corners’, written for The People: A Weekly Newspaper for all Classes (1888–1889) as a negation of the East End conjured by these fictions. In these pieces, Morrison suggests the East End’s resistance to both the murders and the actions of philanthropists. He adopts a strained optimism to suggest that the East End is impervious to influences from both above and below. In the third chapter, I look at Morrison’s relationship to the People’s Palace, a philanthropic institution allegedly inspired by Walter Besant’s novel All Sorts and Conditions of Men (1882).75 The Palace is a material manifestation of the East End as a place formed by literature written by outsiders; as such, Morrison’s relationship to it was complex. As the subeditor of The Palace Journal, ‘the literary organ’ of the People’s Palace, from March to December 1889 under editor Besant, Morrison republished some of his ‘Cockney Corners’ and wrote columns for the working-class users of the Palace.76 I discuss his time here as formative for his perspective: he developed his own literary voice inspired by but also in opposition to Besant’s. Writing full time from 1890 for periodicals including The Strand and Tit-Bits and demonstrating an ability to strike the popular tone de- sired by those publications, Morrison came to the attention of editor W.E. Henley in 1892. Their friendship was formative for Morrison’s life and Henley’s judicious editing of Tales was absolutely crucial to the hon- ing of Morrison’s stark, affectless yet deeply affecting work. Mor rison’s progress as a writer is discussed in the fourth chapter, with a focus on his astutely observed collection of short stories, Tales of Mean Streets (1894). In Tales, Morrison problematizes both sensational and patron- ising visions of working-class Londoners. He damns rather than praises the collectivity of the East End, which later, particularly autobiographi- cal, commentators revered.77 Morrison revealed for the first time in fiction the zealous pursuit of respectability in the mean streets, in which no lengths are too far to ensure the good reputation of individuals and neighbourhoods and to secure the maintenance of their separation from slums. Tales, I assert, is not a slum fiction, but a reaction to the slum writings that preceded it. In the fifth chapter, I examine Morrison’s most well-known novel, A Child of the Jago (1896). In Jago, Morrison confronts both the sensational and the cathartic visions of the slum produced by his predecessors. The chapter considers the role of the local priest, Arthur Osborne Jay, and the particular problem presented by the Nichol slum in fiction. The Boundary Street Estate looks in towards a bandstand built upon the rubble of the Nichol. Iain Sinclair has described this bandstand as if it is layered over the novel, making the real place a palimpsest over the fictional site: he calls it ‘a curious elevation, a mound from which roads radiate out, as if in answer to a riddle […] Dreadnought flats that have replaced the rookeries of Arthur Morrison’s Jago’.78 The sign ‘Jago’ steps 16 Introduction into the lacunae of historical accounts: I examine why, of three novels written about the Nichol from 1895 to 1897, Morrison’s is the only one that achieves historical significance. Morrison was proud of Jago’s success but cautious of it: in a gleeful letter thanking his U.S. publisher, Herbert S. Stone, Morrison praises Stone gratefully but jokes that more glory would come at a cost: ‘If only you had stretched the 397 pages into 400, I should have been a foot higher and got my hat broken’.79 As Maltz has argued, Morrison’s later fiction was greatly affected by the criticisms of Traill and others. In the sixth and seventh chapters, I locate the changes in his representation that were prompted by the perceived contumely of his ‘realism’ in A Child of the Jago. In the bildungsromans To London Town (1899) and The Hole in the Wall (1902), both set around Blackwall, Morrison expresses an uncharacteristic nostalgia. In To London Town, Morrison portrays the docks as a place of quiet fascination, situating as he does one of his only successful romantic relationships beneath the lowered skies in the grey, straight streets of Blackwall. The use of nostalgia is particularly affecting in The Hole in the Wall, which is in many ways his most assured work. In 1947, John Betjeman included The Hole in the Wall in his review of ‘Bad Old Days, but Good Old Books’.80 The novel is remarkable for its depiction of the romance of the notorious Ratcliff Highway, transformed by the eyes of a child from a fearful place into a place of wonder. Divers Vanities (1905), the subject of the final chapter, reveals Morrison’s enduring interest in the workaday East End. This collection of short stories is reminiscent of Morrison’s earlier style in its abruptness and understatement. The irony and satire of his earlier work are less brittle here. These stories examine similar subjects to Tales and Jago, but Morrison adopts a narrative pose that renders crime more engaging than grave. Despite his apparent inability to leave the Jago behind, I argue that these stories contribute new aspects of Morrison’s work to our understanding. For the last 40 years of his life, as I discuss in the conclusion, Morrison’s focus was on another East – on the art of Japan, in which he became an expert, publishing his acclaimed The Painters of Japan in two volumes (1910–1911). Yet the East End remained a palpable draw for Morrison – indeed, his interest in Chinese and Japanese art had been facilitated by his perusal of those artworks as they arrived in the docks. The Painters of Japan was reviewed favourably by Laurence Binyon, the poet, playwright, art historian and in later life Professor of Poetry at Harvard.81 One of the compliments Binyon directs at this work could have been equally reasonably levelled at Morrison’s East End fiction: ‘he does not flinch’, Binyon observes, but writes with ‘scrupulous candour’.82 It is clear from his earliest writings that Morrison was aware of the East End as a place that had repeatedly been written about: East London was itself a palimpsest. No matter how much he endeavoured to trans- form its imaginings with a brutally realistic and stark prose, he would Introduction 17 also, in both fiction and non-fiction, inevitably be contributing to its symbolic status. Morrison’s writing is a response to the late-Victorian location of the real at the margins of the city, among the poorest and most desperate inhabitants. His work shows how the daily horrors of ordinary poverty are perpetuated not only despite but often because of good intentions and well-meaning interventions. Morrison denied the effectuality of efforts by outsiders to assuage the problems of the East, while presenting East Enders as desperately incapable of helping them- selves. His work entirely disproves the conceit that slum fictions could cure the problem of the slums in the East End of London in the late nineteenth century, denying ‘the promise […] that again and again, from the garbage, the scattered feathers, the ashes and broken bodies something new and beautiful may be born’.83 Morrison provides a vigorous challenge to the fictionalised East End created by his predecessors. Morrison’s work has been broadly and lastingly disseminated. In the now gentrified part of Shoreditch where he set his most well-known novel, ‘Jago’ has become a sign that indicates belonging to the area by its new, middle-class inhabitants. It is used by Joe Corré’s clothes store ‘A Child of the Jago’ on Great Eastern Street, to sell ostentatiously shabby clothes with a luxe-tramp aesthetic. A new development of flats on Old Nichol Street was bathetically named Jago Apartments, and a new restaurant serving Jewish fusion food, ‘The Jago’, opened in 2014. The sign ‘Jago’ operates as an in-joke for those who, in the opposite movement to Morrison, come from affluent suburbs to make the East End their home. I rather think such adoption of the name Jago would have amused Morrison – but perhaps he would have cautioned those who use it that the self-satisfaction it implies can result simultaneously in being a foot higher, and having one’s hat broken. The charm that the East End held for outsiders was well understood by Morrison: that anything is possible about the unknown. Morrison’s refusal to allow outsiders to describe his East End is apparent in his texts, but his writing offers concomitantly both clarity and mystifica- tion. Writing slightly after Morrison, Thomas Burke, author of Lime- house Nights (1912), explained the nature of the East End in the popular imagination: ‘facts fade away and die, but legends are invulnerable and immortal, and the East End legend, I suppose, will last as long as there is any East End’.84 At issue in the study of this unusually perspicacious writer is the way in which Morrison both knowingly responded to and unwittingly created, through an apparently uncontrived prose style, some of the most enduring legends of the East End.

Notes 1 Noorthouck, A New History of London (London: 1773), p. 769. 2 Fishman, East End 1888, p. 9; Ackroyd, London, p. 675. 3 Fishman, East End 1888, p. 10. 18 Introduction 4 Jay, ‘The East-End and Crime’, The New Review, 407. 5 Mackay, cited in Fishman, East End 1888, p. 9. 6 See, for example, Koven, Slumming (2004); Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight (1992). 7 Throughout East London (1901), Besant describes the East End as a city in and of itself. 8 London, The People of the Abyss, p. 141. 9 Mayne and Murray, The Archaeology of Urban Landscapes, p. 5. 10 Koven, Slumming, p. 283. 11 All future references will be as Tales, and references will appear in the text, from Faber edition, 2008. 12 O’Neill, My East End, p. xxii. 13 Further references will be to Jago, and citations will appear in the text. References are to Peter Miles’s 2012 edition unless otherwise stated. 14 Samuel, East End Underworld; Yelling, Slums and Slum Clearance, p. 117; Stewart (LCC), Housing of the Working Classes in London, p. 35. 15 Mancoff and Trela, eds., Victorian Urban Settings, p. 19. 16 Rose, The Relief of Poverty 1834–1914, p. 31. 17 Anon., ‘Sunday in East London: Shoreditch and Bethnal Green West’, 246. 18 Davis, Planet of Slums, p. 22. 19 Ibid., pp. 22–23. 20 Booth, Descriptive Map of London Poverty, n.p. 21 Rev. G.W.M. Cree cited in Dyos, ‘The Slums of Victorian London’, 35. 22 Rev. Harry Jones, prebendary of St Paul’s and former rector of St George’s in the East (Ratcliff Highway) wrote in 1884 that some places were better destroyed, even if there were nothing to replace them – but he seems to have been unusual in this statement. It was widely recognised that the destruction of slums worsened the problems of overcrowding and thus hastened the de- terioration of housing. Jones, ‘Life and Work’, p. 53. 23 C.R., ‘The Methods of Mr Morrison’, 531. Simon Joyce points out that this reviewer, sympathetic to Morrison’s aims and methodology, is likely Clarence Rook, who interviewed Morrison at home in 1897. 24 Masterman, ed., The Heart of the Empire, p. 11. 25 Miles argues that the East was in fact a global concept: ‘The connotations of West and East thus oscillate between denoting parts of London and a larger ideological geography opposing the West, as Christendom, to a threatening “other” along Europe’s Eastern and Southern borders….’ Miles, Jago, p. 196. n. 18. 26 Mayne and Murray, The Archaeology of Urban Landscapes, p. 2; Williams, Keywords, p. 261. 27 Morrison, ‘What is a Realist?’ in Miles edn. Jago, pp. 3–8 (p. 4). 28 Keating, ‘Who Knows Arthur Morrison?’, East London Papers, Vol. 10 (1967), 43 – 47. 29 Keating’s work on Arthur Morrison is outlined in the Bibliography, above. 30 Keating, Foreword and ‘Biographical Study’, p. 11. 31 Krzak, ‘Preface’ to Morrison, Tales of Mean Streets (London: Faber and Faber, 2008), pp. 7–17. 32 Arthur Harding uses the name ‘Jago’ interchangeably with ‘Nichol’ in Samuel’s East End Underworld. 33 Whitehead, Andrew, presenter ‘The Jago: The Blackest Pit in London’ 1985, BBC Radio 4 produced by John Theocharis. www.andrewwhitehead. net/history-workshop.html [accessed 10 June 2011] 34 Williams, Keywords, p. 261. Introduction 19 35 Bowlby, ‘Foreword’ to Adventures in Realism, pp. xiv-xv. 36 A Child of the Jago, The Hole in the Wall and To London Town were all published by Faber Finds (London: Faber, 2008). Although the editions are sound, these introductions are somewhat outdated. 37 Fox’s conclusions regarding Morrison’s shame of his East End origins have been questioned recently by Maltz and Joyce. 38 Kijinski, ‘Ethnography in the East End’, 500. 39 Henkle, ‘Morrison, Gissing and the Stark Reality’. 40 Maynard, ‘Arthur Morrison, the Floating World and the Pictorial Method in A Child of the Jago’. 41 See Maltz, ‘Maritime Subculture’. 42 Peake, ‘Re-readings: The Hole in the Wall’, 35. 43 Morrison himself suggested that his method had been a transcription of ‘typical facts’ and ‘norms’, so that those who took him at his word read Jago in particular in this light. See ‘What is a Realist?’, p. 7. 44 Tingle, ‘Realism, Naturalism, and Formalism’, 55. 45 Koven, Slumming, p. 285. 46 Croll, ‘Who’s Afraid of the Victorian Underworld?’, 30. 47 Mayne and Murray, The Archaeology of Urban Landscapes, p. 1. 48 Krzak, ‘Arthur Morrison’s East End of London’, p. 153. 49 Ibid. 50 Findlater, ‘The Slum Movement in Literature’, 448. 51 Jackson, The Eighteen Nineties, p. 39. 52 Whiteing, ‘Preface’, p. viii; i. 53 Morrison, ‘What is a Realist?’, p. 3. 54 Ibid., p. 8. 55 Blatchford, My Favourite Books, p. 222. 56 Morris, Realism, p. 6. 57 Morrison, ‘What is a Realist?’, p. 3. 58 Ordinary people being in the nineteenth-century definition, the working- class, that is, people without inherited wealth and property. 59 Williams, Keywords, p. 259. 60 Jules Champfleury’s Le Réalisme appeared in this year. 61 Linton, from ‘Candour in English Fiction’, in Ledger and Roger Luckhurst (eds.) The Fin de Siècle, p. 113. 62 Frierson, The English Novel in Transition, p. xiii. 63 Miles, Introduction, Jago, p. xxii. 64 Cuming, ‘Home is home be it never so homely’, 374. 65 Rose, The Relief of Poverty, p. 32. 66 Gosse, Questions at Issue, p. 35. 67 Bowlby, ‘Foreword’, Adventures in Realism, p. xiii. 68 Traill, The New Fiction, p. 13. 69 This joke is also made by Freud in The Interpretation of Dreams (1899) and The Joke and Its Relation to the Unconscious (1906), although Freud refers to a kettle. Peter Miles hopes that the explanation is to be found in Freud having read A Child of the Jago: ‘A Child of the Jago, Freud, and youth crime today’. Arthur Morrison, ‘What is a Realist?’ (1897), reprinted as the ‘Pref- ace to the Third Edition’ in Miles, Jago, pp. 3–8 (p. 6). Further references will appear in the text. 70 Daily Chronicle, c. 1894/5, extract as printed in the first edition of A Child of the Jago, Miles, ‘Morrison and His Critics’, (Everyman, 1996) p. 223. 71 Traill, The New Fiction, pp. 8–9. Further references will appear in the text. 72 Gosse, Questions at Issue, p. 23. 20 Introduction 73 Sharpe, Unreal Cities, p. 13. 74 Newland, The Cultural Construction of London’s East End, p. 18. 75 This was Besant’s thought, and Wilde agreed, describing the Palace in The Decay of Lying (1891), as an example of literature producing effects in life. The trustees, however, were not all in agreement that Besant had been the inspiration. See Chapter 3. 76 Morrison, ‘Cockney Corners XII. The People’s Palace’, 2. 77 See O’Neill, My East End. 78 Sinclair and Atkins, Liquid City, p. 126. Arnold Circus has perplexed many. Occult novelist Arthur Machen thought there was a leyline (ancient topographical power marker) running through it. (Spitalfields Life, March 31 2018) and Alfred Watkins (1855–1935), amateur archaeologist and ac- cording to Merlin Coverley’s Occult London (2008) the first proponent of leylines as hidden geographical markers of religious and historical note says there is a leyline at the ‘ancient mound’ of ‘Arnold’s Circus’, presumably not knowing that the mound was not ancient at all, but made of the rubble of the ruined slum. 79 Letter, Morrison to Stone, 9 Dec 1896, in Miles, (2012), p. 167. 80 Betjeman, ‘Bad Old Days, but Good Old Books’, Daily Herald, 4. 81 Hatcher, ‘Binyon, (Robert) Laurence (1869–1943)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 82 Binyon, ‘The Painters of Japan’, 428. 83 John Berger cited in Davis, Planet of Slums, p. 199. 84 Burke, The Real East End, p. 2.

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