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Economic and Political Membership in French Liberal Thought

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Economic and Political Membership in French Liberal Thought INDUSTRY AND INCLUSION: ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL MEMBERSHIP IN FRENCH LIBERAL THOUGHT A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Gianna Englert, M.A. Washington, DC June 3, 2016 Copyright 2016 by Gianna Englert All Rights Reserved ii INDUSTRY AND INCLUSION: ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL MEMBERSHIP IN FRENCH LIBERAL THOUGHT Gianna Englert, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Richard Boyd, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The concept of citizenship is ancient, but it remains a subject of ongoing debate and contestation. As the history of political exclusions reveals, fundamental claims to universality or human rights prove insufficient for extending the rights of citizenship. The issue is better framed in terms of qualities, capacities, and expectations: which capacities and activities do we and should we expect of those with whom we share a political community? On what basis should we allocate citizenship, and conversely, on what basis might we exclude certain persons from that category? This project turns to the French liberal tradition in the nineteenth century for insight into these questions. Specifically, I examine how expectations of economic capacity and commercial activity structured standards for political inclusion. French liberals tied the rights of citizenship to commercial values and economic activities – property ownership, market participation, and industriousness among them. Drawing on the writings of François Guizot, Alexis de Tocqueville, and Édouard Laboulaye, I argue that liberals offered a sociological view of citizenship. They saw economic participation as educative, as it could unite self-interested, atomized persons by granting them a clear stake in society and a common interest in preserving liberty. Economic activity integrated persons as members of the political community, and thus justified their legal status as citizens, or participants in the franchise. Ultimately, liberals iii presented a flexible, expanding vision of political capacité (capacity) in relation to economic participation, whereby the very definition of the citizen evolved alongside changing social and economic conditions. This project highlights the tension between the more inclusionary potential of liberal capacité and liberals’ failures in political practice, but challenges prevailing views that dismiss the entire tradition as merely opportunistic or intellectually incoherent. In addressing the relationship between informal, social membership and formal, legal inclusion, I argue that French liberal thought can speak to persistent questions surrounding the extension of citizenship in liberal democracies. vi Acknowledgements I owe a debt of gratitude to my committee members, who have guided me through this process over the last several years. The ideas that would later become this dissertation arose out of a seminar with Richard Boyd my first semester of graduate school, and his advice that I follow and explore those ideas has made me a far better political theorist and a more careful thinker. In seminars and conversations, Bruce Douglass always brought me back to the big questions that drove me to study politics in the first place. I am lucky to have engaged in many discussions with Shannon Stimson, and to have left each of them with more insights about my own work than I thought possible. I am also grateful to have had Cheryl Welch join the committee and take such an active interest in the project. The chapters on individual French thinkers are much improved in light of her comments and suggestions. Throughout my time at Georgetown, I have grown as a scholar and friend thanks to David Golemboski, Jooeun Kim, Briana McGinnis, Karen Taliaferro, and Chris Utter. In my early years in the program, Josh Mitchell made sure I had full funding, and Gerry Mara showed me just how loudly the history of political thought can speak to contemporary questions. Joshua Cherniss, Loubna El Amine, and the participants of the Georgetown Theory Workshop provided thoughtful insights and suggestions about portions of this project. Aurelian Craiutu carefully read the work on Guizot in this dissertation, and offered important comments that forced me to clarify my own thinking. James Harrigan consistently reminded me to “be myself” while writing, and this entire project has benefited from that advice. Portions of this dissertation were written thanks to research grants from the Institute for Humane Studies and the Georgetown Department of Government. Thanks especially to Nigel vii Ashford and Phil Magness at the IHS, who have provided support throughout my graduate career. Political theory is the study of foundational things, of those ideas and practices that support certain ways of life and ways of thinking. In writing this dissertation, I have had many opportunities to reflect upon my own foundations. My parents, grandparents, and sister have been my first and greatest sources of love and encouragement, and I am thankful for everything they have given me. viii This dissertation is dedicated to my grandfather, Nick Loperfito (1927-2015), who taught me that the best work comes with patience. ix Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction: French Liberalism and the Question of Political Inclusion........................................1 Chapter 2 Economic Participation and Social Interest: François Guizot on Evolving Political Capacity .....30 Chapter 3 Tocqueville, Pauperism, and the Problem of Political Membership .............................................80 Chapter 4 To Enlighten the Franchise: Édouard Laboulaye and the New Liberal Party .............................128 Chapter 5 The Limits and Promises of Liberal Citizenship .........................................................................174 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................192 v Chapter 1 Introduction: French Liberalism and the Question of Political Inclusion “…it is clear that the first thing that must be sought is the citizen; for the city is a certain multitude of citizens. Thus who ought to be called a citizen and what the citizen is must be investigated...there is often much dispute, for not everyone agrees that the same person is a citizen.” – Aristotle1 “There is no notion more central in politics than citizenship, and none more variable in history, or contested in theory.” –Judith Shklar2 Though the political world has changed dramatically since the days of Aristotle and the Athenian polis, Judith Shklar’s more contemporary claim suggests that at least two elements of political life have remained constant: citizenship remains both central and contested, among the most essential categories and the most ambiguous. There are many stories to be told (and indeed, many have been told) about the historical variability of citizenship, from the injustices of slavery, to the exclusion of women and the working classes from the franchise, to problems of statelessness and semi-citizenship.3 But the variability of citizenship also underscores its centrality, as that which distinguishes insider from outsider. Possessing “citizenship” entitles one to a bundle of rights, freedoms, and privileges, inaccessible to those who cannot effectively claim it.4 1 Aristotle, Politics, trans. Carnes Lord (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984) 1274b40-1275a2. 2 Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Question for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991) 1. 3 See Hannah Arendt on citizenship as “the right to have rights” and the problem of displaced persons in The Origins of Totalitarianism (San Diego: Harcourt Publishers, 1976). On the phenomenon of partial citizenships, see Elizabeth Cohen, Semi-Citizenship in Democratic Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 4 In presenting this image, I invoke Michael Walzer (who follows Arendt) on citizenship as “the primary political good” from which all other social benefits flow. Walzer, Spheres of Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1983) 30. 1 Tied to each of these insights is a fundamental question: what are the requirements for inclusion in a given political community? We might answer with reference to ascriptive characteristics, birth, culture, and ethnicity among them, as the qualities that grant citizenship in a particular place. As the history of exclusions reveals, though, such characteristics prove neither necessary nor sufficient for extending the full complement of rights and freedoms associated with political inclusion.5 Nor do claims to shared “humanness” or natural rights ground the rights of citizenship, in practice or in theory. Even liberal thought, as an ostensibly universal, cosmopolitan tradition, links citizenship to certain qualities and characteristics on the part of individuals. One need only look to John Locke’s concern with “foxes and polecats” in political society, or to John Stuart Mill’s emphasis on “civilization” and rationality, for evidence of the overarching focus on capabilities that precedes the extension of liberal citizenship and political rights.6 In light of both the empirical realities of citizenship and its theoretical foundations, the question is perhaps better framed in terms of collective expectations and individual capabilities: which qualities, capacities, and activities do we and should we expect, even demand, of those with whom we share a political community?
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