Planting Parliaments in Eurasia, 1850–1950
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The German North Sea Ports' Absorption Into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914
From Unification to Integration: The German North Sea Ports' absorption into Imperial Germany, 1866–1914 Henning Kuhlmann Submitted for the award of Master of Philosophy in History Cardiff University 2016 Summary This thesis concentrates on the economic integration of three principal German North Sea ports – Emden, Bremen and Hamburg – into the Bismarckian nation- state. Prior to the outbreak of the First World War, Emden, Hamburg and Bremen handled a major share of the German Empire’s total overseas trade. However, at the time of the foundation of the Kaiserreich, the cities’ roles within the Empire and the new German nation-state were not yet fully defined. Initially, Hamburg and Bremen insisted upon their traditional role as independent city-states and remained outside the Empire’s customs union. Emden, meanwhile, had welcomed outright annexation by Prussia in 1866. After centuries of economic stagnation, the city had great difficulties competing with Hamburg and Bremen and was hoping for Prussian support. This thesis examines how it was possible to integrate these port cities on an economic and on an underlying level of civic mentalities and local identities. Existing studies have often overlooked the importance that Bismarck attributed to the cultural or indeed the ideological re-alignment of Hamburg and Bremen. Therefore, this study will look at the way the people of Hamburg and Bremen traditionally defined their (liberal) identity and the way this changed during the 1870s and 1880s. It will also investigate the role of the acquisition of colonies during the process of Hamburg and Bremen’s accession. In Hamburg in particular, the agreement to join the customs union had a significant impact on the merchants’ stance on colonialism. -
Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians
138th IPU ASSEMBLY AND RELATED MEETINGS Geneva, 24 – 28.03.2018 Governing Council CL/202/11(b)-R.2 Item 11(b) Geneva, 28 March 2018 Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians Report on the mission to Mongolia 11 - 13 September 2017 MNG01 - Zorig Sanjasuuren Table of contents A. Origin and conduct of the mission ................................................................ 4 B. Outline of the case and the IPU follow up action ........................................... 5 C. Information gathered during the mission ...................................................... 7 D. Findings and recommendations further to the mission ................................ 15 E. Recent developments ................................................................................... 16 F. Observations provided by the authorities ..................................................... 17 G. Observations provided the complainant ....................................................... 26 H. Open letter of one of the persons sentenced for the murder of Zorig, recently published in the Mongolian media ................................................................ 27 * * * #IPU138 Mongolia © Zorig Foundation Executive Summary From 11 to 13 September 2017, a delegation of the Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians (hereinafter “the Committee”) conducted a mission to Mongolia to obtain further information on the recently concluded judicial proceedings that led to the final conviction of the three accused for the 1998 assassination of Mr. Zorig -
LAW of MONGOLIA ORGANIC FOOD LAW of MONGOLIA 07 April, 2016 Ulaanbaatar City
LAW OF MONGOLIA ORGANIC FOOD LAW OF MONGOLIA 07 April, 2016 Ulaanbaatar city ORGANIC FOOD CHAPTER ONE General provisions Article 1 . Purpose 1.1. The purpose of this law is to regulate all aspects on organic agriculture, production of organic food, feed and fertilizer, their certification, trade, import, use of organic logo and advertisement. Article 2. The legislation on organic food 2.1. Legislation on organic food consists of the Constitution of Mongolia[l], Law on food[2], Law on food safety[3], Law on natural plants[4], Law on Forestry[5], Law on Standardization and Accreditation[6], Law on phytosani tary control of animal and plant originated products and raw materials at the border[7], and this law, and other legislative acts issued in conformity with all. 2.2. If an international treaty to which Mongolia is party states in different way, the provisions of international treaty shall prevail. Article 3. Scope 3.1. This law shall apply to agricultural originated organic food, unprocessed raw materials and products, natural plant originated organic food, organic feed, organic fertilizer and seed and seedlings. 3.2. This law shall not apply to produce food from raw materials of wild animals, and regulate activities of the public food. 17 Article 4. Definitions 4.1. The following terms, which used in this law shall be interpreted as follows: 4.1.1."organic food" is that given in 3.1.5 in Law on Food; 4.1.2."organic production" means to enterprise organic agricultural production of primary and food processing compliant with the requirements established in this Law; 4.1.3. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
The Emergence of Health & Welfare Policy in Pre-Bismarckian Prussia
The Price of Unification The Emergence of Health & Welfare Policy in Pre-Bismarckian Prussia Fritz Dross Introduction till the German model of a “welfare state” based on compulsory health insurance is seen as a main achievement in a wider European framework of S health and welfare policies in the late 19th century. In fact, health insurance made medical help affordable for a steadily growing part of population as well as compulsory social insurance became the general model of welfare policy in 20th century Germany. Without doubt, the implementation of the three parts of social insurance as 1) health insurance in 1883; 2) accident insurance in 1884; and 3) invalidity and retirement insurance in 1889 could stand for a turning point not only in German but also in European history of health and welfare policies after the thesis of a German “Sonderweg” has been more and more abandoned.1 On the other hand, recent discussion seems to indicate that this model of welfare policy has overexerted its capacity.2 Economically it is based on insurance companies with compulsory membership. With the beginning of 2004 the unemployment insurance in Germany has drastically shortened its benefits and was substituted by social 1 Young-sun Hong, “Neither singular nor alternative: narratives of modernity and welfare in Germany, 1870–1945”, Social History 30 (2005), pp. 133–153. 2 To quote just one actual statement: “Is it cynically to ask why the better chances of living of the well-off should not express themselves in higher chances of survival? If our society gets along with (social and economical) inequality it should accept (medical) inequality.” H.-O. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Between Anarchy and Leviathan: A Return to Voluntarist Political Obligation Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8pj296m6 Author Hallock, Emily Rachel Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Between Anarchy and Leviathan: A Return to Voluntarist Political Obligation A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Emily Rachel Hallock 2013 © Copyright by Emily Rachel Hallock 2013 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Between Anarchy and Leviathan: A Return to Voluntarist Political Obligation by Emily Rachel Hallock Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2013 Professor Carole Pateman, Chair No defense of the liberal-democratic state can do without political obligation, yet existing theories cannot provide a successful account of political obligation. Existing accounts of obligation cannot parry critiques from rival theories, nor refute philosophical anarchists’ formidable attack on obligation. To move discussion of obligation forward, this dissertation offers an alternative solution to what George Klosko has called the ‘voluntarist paradox’ of liberal-democratic political obligation. While liberal ideas about the individual require that any obligation to obey be assumed through a voluntary act, individuals do not voluntarily assume obligations frequently enough to support legitimacy claims. In response to this paradox, most scholars deploy non-voluntary justifications for a general obligation to obey, while philosophical anarchists deny that such an obligation exists at all. In contrast, I argue that overcoming the voluntarist paradox requires a radically different view of the aims and scope of political obligation. -
45627 WBI DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Public Disclosure Authorized
45627 WBI DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Public Disclosure Authorized Legislative Oversight Public Disclosure Authorized and Budgeting A World Perspective Editors Rick STAPENHURST Riccardo PELIZZO David M. OLSON Public Disclosure Authorized Lisa von TRAPP Public Disclosure Authorized Legislative Oversight and Budgeting WBI Development Studies Legislative Oversight and Budgeting A World Perspective Rick Stapenhurst, Riccardo Pelizzo, David M. Olson, and Lisa von Trapp, Editors Washington, DC © 2008 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 :: 11 10 09 08 This volume is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- ment / The World Bank. The fi ndings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this volume do not necessarily refl ect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the govern- ments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. -
Deutscher Bundestag Dor Präsident
Deutscher Bundestag Dor Präsident Ihrer Exzellenz der Marschallin des Sejm der Republik Polen Frau Ewa Kopacz WARSCHAU REPUBLIK POLEN Berlin, 13. April 2012 Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Prof. Dr. Norbert Lammert, MdB Platz der Republik 1 ich danke Ihnen und Präsident Bogdan Borusewicz für den mit 11011 Berlin Schreiben vom 29. März 2012 übermittelten zweiten Kompro- Telefon: +49 30 227-72901 Fax: +49 30 227-70945 missvorschlag betreffend die Ausgestaltung der Interparlamen- [email protected] tarischen Konferenz zur Begleitung der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik und der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik. Da wir uns bei meinem Besuch in Warschau vor acht Wochen bereits über die Frage der Delegationsgrößen ausgetauscht ha- ben, wird es Sie nicht überraschen, dass ich der von Ihnen nun vorgeschlagenen freien Teilnehmerformel ("formula of open participation") nicht zustimmen kann. Mit dem Ihnen bereits übermittelten Beschluss des Deutschen Bundestages vom Juni 2011, der nicht nur eine feste, sondern darüber hinaus auch eine nach der Größe der Mitgliedstaaten gestaffelte Zahl von Delegationsmitgliedern aus den nationalen Parlamenten for- dert, ist eine in das Ermessen der jeweiligen Parlamente gestell- te Delegationsgröße nicht vereinbar. Sie haben die bei Ihnen eingegangenen Stellungnahmen aus 32 Kammern zu Ihrem ersten Vorschlag analysiert und stellen in Ihrem Brief vom 29. März 2012 fest, dass die Zahl derer, die auf einer gleichen Delegationsgröße sowohl aus nationalen Parla- menten als auch aus dem Europäischen Parlament beharren, sich mit denen die Waage hält, die sich für Ihren Vorschlag der sechsköpfigen Delegationen aus den nationalen Parlamenten und den 16 Delegierten aus dem EP aussprechen. Eine völlige Freigabe hatte kein Mitgliedsparlament gefordert. -
Buryat State University the Supreme Court of The
BURYAT STATE UNIVERSITY THE SUPREME COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BURYATIA THE COMMERCIAL COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BURYATIA THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE HEAD AND THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BURYATIA THE INSTITUTE OF CONFUCIUS OF BURYAT STATE UNIVERSITY THE RUSSIAN CHINA LAW CENTER THE RUSSIAN MONGOLIAN LAW CENTER THE ASSOCIATION OF COMPARATIVE LAW OF CHINA THE ASSOCIATION OF LAWYERS OF CHINA MONGOLIAN STATE UNIVERSITY THE INSTITUTE OF COMPARATIVE LAW OF BEIJING UNIVERSITY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND LAW THE LAW SCHOOL OF HEILONGJIANG UNIVERSITY INFORMATION LETTER Dear colleagues! The Center for Legal Support of Russia and Asian-Pacific Region’s Countries Cooperation of Buryat State University invites you to participate from June 28th to 1 July 1st, 2018 in VII International scientific-practical conference “State and legal systems of Asian-Pacific region countries: setting the polycentric world order and the potential of international and comparative law” The purpose of the conference is to strengthen international legal cooperation between the states, scientific communities and the youth of Asian-Pacific region countries and Russia. Objectives: - setting, developing and widening of scientific interaction with universities, scientific research institutions, comparative law centers from other countries, information exchange, popularization of research results and works in certain areas of science and between them including to form new interdisciplinary projects; - increasing the level of information exchange between scientific, educational and -
Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians
Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Warsaw, 2012 Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10, 00–251 Warsaw, Poland http://www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2012, ISBN 978–92–9234–844–1 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. Designed by Homework Cover photo of the Hungarian Parliament Building by www.heatheronhertravels.com. Printed by AGENCJA KARO Table of contents Foreword 5 Executive Summary 8 Part One: Preparing to Reform Parliamentary Ethical Standards 13 1.1 Reasons to Regulate Conduct 13 1.2 The Limits of Regulation: Private Life 19 1.3 Immunity for Parliamentarians 20 1.4 The Context for Reform 25 Part Two: Tools for Reforming Ethical Standards 31 2.1 A Code of Conduct 34 2.2 Drafting a Code 38 2.3 Assets and Interests 43 2.4 Allowances, Expenses and Parliamentary Resources 49 2.5 Relations with Lobbyists 51 2.6 Other Areas that may Require Regulation 53 Part Three: Monitoring and Enforcement 60 3.1 Making a Complaint 62 3.2 Investigating Complaints 62 3.3 Penalties for Misconduct 69 3.4 Administrative Costs 71 3.5 Encouraging Compliance 72 3.6 Updating and Reviewing Standards 75 Conclusions 76 Glossary 79 Select Bibliography 81 Foreword The public accountability and political credibility of Parliaments are cornerstone principles, to which all OSCE participating States have subscribed. -
Russians and Ottomans in the Press During the First World War
DEPICTING THE ENEMY: RUSSIANS AND OTTOMANS IN THE PRESS DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR A Ph.D. Dissertation By ZHARMUKHAMED ZARDYKHAN Department of History Bilkent University Ankara September 2007 Светлой памяти профессора Стэнфорда Дж. Шоу (1930-2006) посвящается... DEPICTING THE ENEMY: RUSSIANS AND OTTOMANS IN THE PRESS DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by ZHARMUKHAMED ZARDYKHAN In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2007 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. --------------------------------- Asst. Prof. Oktay Özel Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. --------------------------------- Asst. Prof. Ferdan Ergut Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. --------------------------------- Asst. Prof. Paul Latimer Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. --------------------------------- Asst. Prof. Evgeni Radushev Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. -
Unicameralism in Denmark: Abolition of the Senate, Current Functioning
16 Unicameralism in Denmark Abolition of the Senate, current functioning and debate Asbjørn Skjæveland Introduction The Danish Senate, the Landsting, not only experienced a crisis but was also abolished. This paper investigates the abolition of the Landsting and the introduc tion of unicameralism (Arter 1991; Eigaard 1993; Thorsen s.d.). Furthermore, it investigates how well Danish unicameral democracy is working, and it pre sents the current low-intensity debate on the possible introduction of an additional chamber. This chapter shows that while redundancy, which is due in part to the development of the composition of the Landsting, did play a role in its abolition, so did party tactics and even the entanglement with the matters of voting age and royal succession. Thus, the full explanation for the introduction of unicameralism cannot be found in the category of rational, national-level explanations. Yet Dan ish democracy is doing fine. Danish voters are satisfied and the overall diagnoses of political scientists are generally positive. Clearly, not all democracies need a senate to do well. Only rarely is a new senate proposed as a solution to problems identified by observers and actors. Per Stig Møller (former minister and MP for the conservatives [Det Konservative Folkeparti]) is an exception to the rule. He suggests that it would be a good idea to reintroduce something resembling the Landsting (Møller & Jensen 2010). Still, Danish democracy is not perfect, and in a recent book it has been suggested that it could be improved by introducing an additional chamber elected by lottery (Mulvad, Larsen & Ellersgaard 2017) to improve the descriptive representation of the Danish Parliament, since the new chamber would mirror the composition of the Danish voters in terms of descrip tors, such as gender and education.