Parliamentary Ethics Committees

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Parliamentary Ethics Committees PARLIAMENTARY ETHICS COMMITTEES QUERY SUMMARY Can you help identify good practice in organising Parliaments have a key role to play in the fight against parliamentary ethics commissions? corruption and the duty to uphold to the highest standards of integrity. In recent years, many countries PURPOSE have established comprehensive ethics regimes to ensure that MPs perform their functions in an ethical Our National Assembly is adopting a code of ethics manner, and that encompasses a code of conduct, and asked for our help in setting up a parliamentary specific ethic rules detailing the requirement to fulfil ethics committee. the code and a regulatory institution to enforce these rules. CONTENT The institution charged with monitoring and enforcing 1 Parliamentary ethics: role and organisation of the code is a key contributing factor to its oversight bodies effectiveness. There are three major approaches to 2 Country examples enforcement, including: self-regulation – the 3 References regulatory body is created within the legislature, such as in Poland and Ireland; external regulation – an \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ external body, independent from the legislature, is created; a combination of both – elements of self- Author(s): regulations are combined with an external, Marie Chêne, [email protected] independent regulatory body, such as in France, the United Kingdom and the United States. Date: 25 November 2016 © 2016 Transparency International. All rights reserved. This document should not be considered as representative of the Commission or Transparency International’s official position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. This Anti-Corruption Helpdesk is operated by Transparency International and funded by the European Union. PARLIAMENTARY ETHICS COMMITTEES 1 PARLIAMENTARY ETHICS: ROLE Irrespective of the approach, it is important to ensure AND ORGANISATION OF that the institution in charge of enforcing OVERSIGHT BODIES parliamentary ethical standards is perceived as legitimate and that its procedures are transparent. In Parliaments have a key role to play in the fight terms of resources, the funding allocated to an ethics against corruption. In most countries they have the committee or regulator are also essential to enable it constitutional mandate to oversee and hold to fulfil its role and ensure its independence. The government to account through their roles in budget should be stable and secure, with the legislation, representation, allocation of resources flexibility to secure additional resources in periods and oversight functions in sensitive areas such as where there are an unusually high number of budget processes. As such, parliaments have the investigations (OSCE 2012). duty and responsibility to set an example of incorruptibility to foster the legitimacy of and citizens’ Self-regulation confidence in the institution and ensure that MPs perform their functions in the public interest instead The first “self-regulation” model has been the of private or partisan political interests (The preferred option in countries such as Greece, International Bank for Reconstruction and Ireland, Germany and Poland (Council of Europe Development/The World Bank 2006). 2009). This involves establishing a regulatory system within the legislature model, either through The adoption of ethics codes can greatly contribute political groups or at the parliamentary assembly to the promotion of high standards of integrity in level. parliaments by establishing a standard for parliamentarians’ behaviour, clarifying acceptable This model typically involves the creation of a special and unacceptable forms of behaviour, and creating ethics committee in charge of dealing with the an environment that is less likely to tolerate unethical reporting, investigations and sanctioning of MPs behaviour (Pelizzo and Stapenhurst 2006). While the breaching the code and relies on the collective self- content of the ethics code provides guidance for control of MPs (OECD 2011). Such standing parliamentarians on ethical conduct, an effective committees typically include members or is even ethics regime also needs to include systems for chaired by members of the opposition. The powers enforcement and sanctions to deter potential to summon and question parliamentarians varies offenders. Thus, comprehensive parliamentary greatly across countries (King Prajadhipok’s Institute ethics regimes usually comprise three key elements: 2009). 1) a code of conduct outlining expected behaviours of legislators; 2) formal and specific ethical rules Another form of oversight involves having the detailing the requirements necessary to fulfil this president of parliament or the house speaker to code, including financial disclosure guidelines; and oversee the code, but this model is not widespread. 3) a regulatory institution to enforce these rules and provide parliamentarians with advice on ethical In the United States, for example, a special ethics conduct (National Democratic Institute 1999). committee comprised of parliamentarians oversees all aspects of ethics violations, from receiving the The institutionalisation of the code – in other words, complaints to recommending appropriate sanctions. which institution is in charge of sanctioning members It has jurisdiction over members and officers of the violating the code – is a major factor affecting the House, can investigate allegations of unethical effectiveness of the code of ethics (Pelizzo and conduct, provides interpretary and advisory rulings Stapenhurst 2006). The key question in this regard and can impose sanctions, but refers the issue to the is to determine whether parliaments can be trusted entire chamber for a final vote (National Democratic to police themselves through a special ethics Institute 1999; Pelizzo and Stapenhurst 2006). committee or whether investigations should be handled by an external, independent body, such as In Germany, the speaker of the parliament is the anti-corruption agency. charged with regulating minor matters (for example, conduct in the chamber, use of improper language or There are three major models for establishing the failure to obey the rules of procedures) while more institution in charge of advising parliamentarians and severe breaches are handled by a dedicated enforcing the rules, with some variations across committee (OSCE 2012). countries, including: 1) self-regulation; 2) external regulation; and 3) a combination of the two. PARLIAMENTARY ETHICS COMMITTEES Self-regulation may be an appropriate option in External regulation by an independent oversight countries where the executive has a tendency to body or individual is perceived by many as more dominate parliaments, and has traditionally been the credible than oversight by an internal parliamentary preferred option to protect parliaments’ committee as it limits the risks of politicisation (OSCE independence from the executive branch (OSCE 2012; King Prajadhipok’s Institute 2009). 2012). In countries where the policies and principle of public accountability are already mainstreamed In 2006, the OSCE parliamentary assembly throughout the public sector, and institutions have recommended participating states to establish an reached a sufficient degree of professionalism, “office of public standards to which complaints about parliamentary ethics committees may be a viable violations of standards by parliamentarians and their option due to their knowledge of their field and staff may be made”, specialised in parliamentary stronger legitimacy. conduct or a general anti-corruption agency upholding standards in all areas of public office The OECD recommends that self-regulation be (OSCE 2012). Similarly, the OECD suggest that supported by “real transparency” and long-term centralised bodies are more suitable for emerging democratic practices of fair and free elections, democracies because they enable greater suggesting that such an approach can best be systematisation and professionalisation of oversight effective and inspire confidence in the context of functions (OECD 2011). stable and democratic tradition, a trusted electoral system and a free media (OSCE 2012; OECD 2011). A key question for external regulation remains to determine to whom external regulators should be However, the capacity of MPs to provide effective accountable. If the body reports to the executive self-control is increasingly questioned as a model branch and/or has judicial powers, this could aimed at restoring public trust in politicians, as the undermine the separation of powers and idea of politicians regulating themselves is unlikely to independence of the legislature (OSCE 2012). retain public credibility. The model has also been criticised for turning legislators into investigators, However, with this approach, the challenge is that it judges and juries, rather than limiting their role to the breaches of the regulations subject to criminal ratification of a judgement reached by an impartial proceedings and therefore may interfere with the adjudicator (GOPAC 2009). As a result, recent years provisions of rules of parliamentary immunity. In have seen a move towards external regulation, partly addition, as an externally-enforced regime, it is likely reflecting a loss of confidence in parliaments’ ability to limit the sense of ownership of the provisions by to regulate themselves
Recommended publications
  • 45627 WBI DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Public Disclosure Authorized
    45627 WBI DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Public Disclosure Authorized Legislative Oversight Public Disclosure Authorized and Budgeting A World Perspective Editors Rick STAPENHURST Riccardo PELIZZO David M. OLSON Public Disclosure Authorized Lisa von TRAPP Public Disclosure Authorized Legislative Oversight and Budgeting WBI Development Studies Legislative Oversight and Budgeting A World Perspective Rick Stapenhurst, Riccardo Pelizzo, David M. Olson, and Lisa von Trapp, Editors Washington, DC © 2008 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 :: 11 10 09 08 This volume is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- ment / The World Bank. The fi ndings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this volume do not necessarily refl ect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the govern- ments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly.
    [Show full text]
  • Deutscher Bundestag Dor Präsident
    Deutscher Bundestag Dor Präsident Ihrer Exzellenz der Marschallin des Sejm der Republik Polen Frau Ewa Kopacz WARSCHAU REPUBLIK POLEN Berlin, 13. April 2012 Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Prof. Dr. Norbert Lammert, MdB Platz der Republik 1 ich danke Ihnen und Präsident Bogdan Borusewicz für den mit 11011 Berlin Schreiben vom 29. März 2012 übermittelten zweiten Kompro- Telefon: +49 30 227-72901 Fax: +49 30 227-70945 missvorschlag betreffend die Ausgestaltung der Interparlamen- [email protected] tarischen Konferenz zur Begleitung der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik und der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik. Da wir uns bei meinem Besuch in Warschau vor acht Wochen bereits über die Frage der Delegationsgrößen ausgetauscht ha- ben, wird es Sie nicht überraschen, dass ich der von Ihnen nun vorgeschlagenen freien Teilnehmerformel ("formula of open participation") nicht zustimmen kann. Mit dem Ihnen bereits übermittelten Beschluss des Deutschen Bundestages vom Juni 2011, der nicht nur eine feste, sondern darüber hinaus auch eine nach der Größe der Mitgliedstaaten gestaffelte Zahl von Delegationsmitgliedern aus den nationalen Parlamenten for- dert, ist eine in das Ermessen der jeweiligen Parlamente gestell- te Delegationsgröße nicht vereinbar. Sie haben die bei Ihnen eingegangenen Stellungnahmen aus 32 Kammern zu Ihrem ersten Vorschlag analysiert und stellen in Ihrem Brief vom 29. März 2012 fest, dass die Zahl derer, die auf einer gleichen Delegationsgröße sowohl aus nationalen Parla- menten als auch aus dem Europäischen Parlament beharren, sich mit denen die Waage hält, die sich für Ihren Vorschlag der sechsköpfigen Delegationen aus den nationalen Parlamenten und den 16 Delegierten aus dem EP aussprechen. Eine völlige Freigabe hatte kein Mitgliedsparlament gefordert.
    [Show full text]
  • Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians
    Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Warsaw, 2012 Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10, 00–251 Warsaw, Poland http://www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2012, ISBN 978–92–9234–844–1 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. Designed by Homework Cover photo of the Hungarian Parliament Building by www.heatheronhertravels.com. Printed by AGENCJA KARO Table of contents Foreword 5 Executive Summary 8 Part One: Preparing to Reform Parliamentary Ethical Standards 13 1.1 Reasons to Regulate Conduct 13 1.2 The Limits of Regulation: Private Life 19 1.3 Immunity for Parliamentarians 20 1.4 The Context for Reform 25 Part Two: Tools for Reforming Ethical Standards 31 2.1 A Code of Conduct 34 2.2 Drafting a Code 38 2.3 Assets and Interests 43 2.4 Allowances, Expenses and Parliamentary Resources 49 2.5 Relations with Lobbyists 51 2.6 Other Areas that may Require Regulation 53 Part Three: Monitoring and Enforcement 60 3.1 Making a Complaint 62 3.2 Investigating Complaints 62 3.3 Penalties for Misconduct 69 3.4 Administrative Costs 71 3.5 Encouraging Compliance 72 3.6 Updating and Reviewing Standards 75 Conclusions 76 Glossary 79 Select Bibliography 81 Foreword The public accountability and political credibility of Parliaments are cornerstone principles, to which all OSCE participating States have subscribed.
    [Show full text]
  • Models of Bicameral Parliaments. a Comparative Approach a Comparative Parliaments
    POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ACTIVITIES AND INSTITUTIONS POLITICAL Zbigniew Machelski Models of bicameral parliaments. A comparative approach Regardless of any structural properties “chambers of reflection” that were to ensure and internal differences (unicameralism vs. full optimisation and high standard of the bicameralism), the parliament defines the legislative process. This is a reference to the formal framework within which other or- tradition of the Republican Rome, whose Se- ganisations and institutions in society are to natus (literally council of elders) has become operate. The aim of the article is not so much a nearly universally recognised role model1. to analyse but to classify bicameralism. Each The reference to tradition is important, but classification has its strengths and weakness- it does not explain all contemporary polit- es. First, as in the case of most tools used in ical phenomena, which are the domain of comparative methods, it carries with it a risk political science. Studies conducted in the of simplifications, without which, howev- mid-1990s confirmed that 126 legislatures er, formal modelling is impossible. Second, in various geographical regions of the world making comparisons is associated with easy were unicameral, while 56 were bicameral2. manipulation of some variables. This often In the initially bicameral system, unicamer- stems from political scientists’ own prej- alism has clearly become dominant. udice, when they try to examine political The discussion about the sense of the phenomena in accordance with their own bicameral system keeps coming back from preferences. In analyses of bicameralism, time to time, also in Poland3. Critics of bi- this is manifested in a tendency to attribute cameralism are trying to demonstrate that rationality only in the case of federal or large the bicameral structure of the parliament is states.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Participants Liste Des Participants
    LIST OF PARTICIPANTS LISTE DES PARTICIPANTS 142nd IPU Assembly and Related Meetings (virtual) 24 to 27 May 2021 - 2 - Mr./M. Duarte Pacheco President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Président de l'Union interparlementaire Mr./M. Martin Chungong Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Secrétaire général de l'Union interparlementaire - 3 - I. MEMBERS - MEMBRES AFGHANISTAN RAHMANI, Mir Rahman (Mr.) Speaker of the House of the People Leader of the delegation EZEDYAR, Mohammad Alam (Mr.) Deputy Speaker of the House of Elders KAROKHAIL, Shinkai (Ms.) Member of the House of the People ATTIQ, Ramin (Mr.) Member of the House of the People REZAIE, Shahgul (Ms.) Member of the House of the People ISHCHY, Baktash (Mr.) Member of the House of the People BALOOCH, Mohammad Nadir (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders HASHIMI, S. Safiullah (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders ARYUBI, Abdul Qader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of the People Member of the ASGP NASARY, Abdul Muqtader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of Elders Member of the ASGP HASSAS, Pamir (Mr.) Acting Director of Relations to IPU Secretary to the delegation ALGERIA - ALGERIE GOUDJIL, Salah (M.) Président du Conseil de la Nation Président du Groupe, Chef de la délégation BOUZEKRI, Hamid (M.) Vice-Président du Conseil de la Nation (RND) BENBADIS, Fawzia (Mme) Membre du Conseil de la Nation Comité sur les questions relatives au Moyen-Orient KHARCHI, Ahmed (M.) Membre du Conseil de la Nation (FLN) DADA, Mohamed Drissi (M.) Secrétaire Général, Conseil de la Nation Secrétaire général
    [Show full text]
  • Dissolution of the Parliament According to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland
    Katarzyna Dunaj University of Humanities and Sciences in Siedlce, Poland DISSOLUTION OF THE PARLIAMENT ACCORDING TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND Abstract Dissolution of the parliament is a characteristic feature of parliamentary system of government. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland has adopted a rationalized parliamentary system of government, inter alia the constructive vote of no confidence, modeled on the German Basic Law. For this reason the president can dissolve the House of Representatives ( Sejm ) only in two situations: in the event that a vote of confidence has not been granted to the Council of Ministers pursuant to Article 155 Paragraph 1 or if, after 4 months from the day of submission of a draft Budget to the Sejm, it has not been adopted or presented to the president for signature (Article 225). Furthermore the Sejm may shorten its term of office by a resolution passed by a majority of at least two-thirds of the votes of the statutory number of Deputies (Article 98, Paragraph 3). Key words: dissolution of the parliament, Constitution of the Republic of Poland, president . Dissolution of parliament is an inherent feature of the parliamentary system of government. In the event of a cabinet crisis (a vote of no-confidence passed by the parliament towards the government) a normal means of its removal is dissolution of the parliament and selecting by means of elections a new government majority. Therefore, this institution is common in the constitutions of European states i. However, it is not known by the United States Constitution of 1787, which adopted a presidential system of government, characterized by, among others the lack of the equivalent of the Council of Ministers.
    [Show full text]
  • Poland's Constitution of 1997
    PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 constituteproject.org Poland's Constitution of 1997 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 Table of contents Preamble . 3 Chapter I: The Republic . 3 Chapter II: The Freedoms, Rights, and Obligations of Citizens . 7 Chapter III: Sources of Law . 17 Chapter IV: The Sejm and The Senate . 19 Chapter V: The President of the Republic of Poland . 26 Chapter VI: The Council of Ministers and Government Administration . 32 Chapter VII: Local Government . 36 Chapter VIII: Courts and Tribunals . 38 Chapter IX: Organs of State Control and For Defence of Rights . 44 Chapter X: Public Finances . 47 Chapter XI: Extraordinary Measures . 49 Chapter XII: Amending the Constitution . 51 Chapter XIII: Final and Transitional Provisions . 52 Poland 1997 Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:44 • Motives for writing constitution • Preamble Preamble Having regard for the existence and future of our Homeland, Which recovered, in 1989, the possibility of a sovereign and democratic determination of its fate, We, the Polish Nation -all citizens of the Republic, • God or other deities Both those who believe in God as the source of truth, justice, good and beauty, As well as those not sharing such faith but respecting those universal values as arising from other sources, Equal in rights and obligations towards the common good
    [Show full text]
  • Minute of the 14Th EU-Russia PCC, 19-20
    EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT EU-RUSSIA PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION COMMITTEE MINUTES FOURTEENTH MEETING Monday 19 September 2011, 14h30-18h30 and Tuesday 20 September 2011, 8h45-12h30 WARSAW, POLAND CONTENTS 1. Adoption of draft agenda (PE 467.621) 2. Adoption of Minutes of the 13th EU-Russia PCC Meeting on 15-16 December 2010 in Strasbourg (PE 467.623) 3. Two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall - impacts for the region, the European Union and the Russian Federation Welcome speech by: - the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Sejm on behalf the Marshall of the Polish Sejm Introductory statements by: - the Co-Chairmen of the PCC - the Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland on behalf of the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy - the Russian Ambassador in Poland 4. Exchange of views on the special status of Kaliningrad region in the EU visa policy. 5. Follow-up of the works of WG1/2011 on Common neighbourhood issues and policies - exchange of views with Mr Schulz and Mr Klimov 6. Follow-up of the works of WG 2/2011 on Science and Research cooperation, rural development, and environmental protection - exchange of views with Mr Fleckenstein and Mr Gorbunov 1 PE 495.732 7. Follow-up of the works of WG 3/2011 on Sport, sport infrastructure and youth policies - exchange of views with Mr Peterle and Mr Klimov 8. Exchange of views on parliamentary election standards in the EU and in Russia in the presence of representatives of the OSCE/ODIHR Office in Warsaw and the Russian Central Electoral Committee 9.
    [Show full text]
  • Planting Parliaments in Eurasia, 1850–1950
    Planting Parliaments in Eurasia, 1850–1950 Parliaments are often seen as Western European and North American institutions and their establishment in other parts of the world as a derivative and mostly defec- tive process. This book challenges such Eurocentric visions by retracing the evo- lution of modern institutions of collective decision-making in Eurasia. Breaching the divide between different area studies, the book provides nine case studies cov- ering the area between the eastern edge of Asia and Eastern Europe, including the former Russian, Ottoman, Qing, and Japanese Empires as well as their succes- sor states. In particular, it explores the appeals to concepts of parliamentarism, deliberative decision-making, and constitutionalism; historical practices related to parliamentarism; and political mythologies across Eurasia. It focuses on the historical and “reestablished” institutions of decision-making, which consciously hark back to indigenous traditions and adapt them to the changing circumstances in imperial and postimperial contexts. Thereby, the book explains how represent- ative institutions were needed for the establishment of modernized empires or postimperial states but at the same time offered a connection to the past. Ivan Sablin is a research group leader in the Department of History at Heidelberg University, Germany. Egas Moniz Bandeira is a researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Legal History and Legal Theory, Frankfurt am Main, Germany. Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia 152. Caste in Early Modern Japan Danzaemon and the Edo Outcaste Order Timothy D. Amos 153. Performing the Politics of Translation in Modern Japan Staging the Resistance Aragorn Quinn 154. Malaysia and the Cold War Era Edited by Ooi Keat Gin 155.
    [Show full text]
  • Meeting of the OECD Global Parliamentary Network 1-2 October 2020 List of Participants
    as of 02/10/2020 Meeting of the OECD Global Parliamentary Network 1-2 October 2020 List of participants MP or Chamber or Political Party Country Parliamentary First Name Last Name Organisation Job Title Biography (MPs only) Official represented Pr. Ammar Moussi was elected as Member of the Algerian Parliament (APN) for the period 2002-2007. Again, in the year Algerian Parliament and Member of Peace Society 2017 he was elected for the second term and he's now a member of the Finance and Budget commission of the National Algeria Moussi Ammar Parliamentary Assembly Member of Parliament Parliament Movement. MSP Assembly. In addition, he's member of the parliamentary assembly of the Mediterranean PAM and member of the executif of the Mediterranean bureau of tha Arab Renewable Energy Commission AREC. Abdelmajid Dennouni is a Member of Parliament of the National People’s Assembly and a Member of finances and Budget Assemblée populaire Committee, and Vice president of parliamentary assembly of the Mediterranean. He was previously a teacher at Oran Member of nationale and Algeria Abdelmajid Dennouni Member of Parliament University, General Manager of a company and Member of the Council of Competitiveness, as well as Head of the Parliament Parliamentary Assembly organisaon of constucng, public works and hydraulics. of the Mediterranean Member of Assemblée Populaire Algeria Amel Deroua Member of Parliament WPL Ambassador for Algeria Parliament Nationale Assemblée Populaire Algeria Parliamentary official Safia Bousnane Administrator nationale Lucila Crexell is a National Senator of Argentina and was elected by the people of the province of Neuquén in 2013 and reelected in 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Joanna Marszałek-Kawa1 the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan. the Organisation of Work, Competences and Legal Status Of
    „Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego” ------- Nr 2 (18)/2014 ------- Joanna Marszałek-Kawa1 The Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The organisation of work, competences and legal status of deputies Keywords: The Republic of Kazakhstan, legislature, unicameral parliament, bicameral parliament, deputy, presidential system Słowa kluczowe: Republika Kazachstanu, legislatywa, jednoizbowy parlament, dwuiz- bowy parlament, deputowany, system prezydencki Summary According to the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan of 30 August 1995, Ka- zakhstan has a presidential form of government. The executive power in Kazakhstan has two branches, i.e. it consists of the head of state – the President of the Republic – who is elected for the period of seven years in general, equal, direct and secret elections, and of the government, which is accountable to the President and the Parliament. On the basis of the provisions of chapter 12 of the Constitution of the Republic of Ka- zakhstan of 28 January 1993, the unicameral parliament called the „Supreme Coun- cil” was the only representative and legislative body of the Republic. Two years later, in the referendum held in August 1995, citizens voted for the establishment of a bicamer- al parliament. The work and activity of the legislative branch, its structure and powers, is regulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, The Constitutional Law № 2529 of 16 October 1996 entitled On the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Sta- tus of Its Deputies as well as other acts, such as parliamentary rules of procedure of both chambers or the Regulations of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan adopted by both chambers of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan at their joint session on 20 May 1996.
    [Show full text]
  • Cichocki Paper
    Democracy and Accountability in the Enlarged European Union National Parliaments and the Control of Governments in European Affairs: Possibilities for the Newcomers Marek A.Cichocki The Laeken Declaration of December 2001 addresses, among other questions, the issue of the place of national parliaments in the process of ever closer European integration. It was more or less at that time, too, that a debate on the issue was launched in the candidate states. Initially, it had a rather general character, being part of the debate on the future political and institutional shape of the European Union, as clearly demonstrated by the contributions of the Polish government, and in particular of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, from the years 2000/20011. It was only with time, as the negotiation process was drawing to a close, that a belief appeared, at least in the circles of analysts and political scientists in the candidate states, that the role of the national parliament in European integration was for the acceding states a crucial domestic political issue touching upon the very nature of their political systems. I. The Determinants In my argument I would like to focus, generally, on the case of Poland, as the one I know the best. At the very beginning it should be noted, however, that a few important determinants, external as well as domestic, need to be taken into account when considering the possible systemic solutions to be adopted in the candidate states concerning the future role of their national parliaments in the integration process. Now I will try to discuss briefly the most important ones.
    [Show full text]