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Central European Journal of International and Security Studies Vol 8, Issue 2 2 • 2014 Changes Power, Perspective, Identity current events at cejiss.org © cejiss 2014 cejiss acts as a forum for advanced exploration of international and security studies. It is the mission of cejiss to provide its readers with valuable resources regarding the current state of inter- national and European relations and security. To that end, cejiss pledges to publish articles of only the highest calibre and make them freely available to scholars and interested members of the public in both printed and electronic forms. editor in chief Mitchell Belfer pr & editorial support Daniela Zordová executive editor David Erkomaishvili assistants Sabina Domaskina (Research and Development Assistant) Nikol Chumová (Assistant) associate editors Imad El-Anis, Jean Crombois, Bryan Groves, Jason Whiteley Yulia Zemlinskaya academic centre Nigorakhon Turakhanova (Head), Adisa Avdić (Review Editor) Anja Grabovac (Research Manager) media centre Krizstina Szipková (Head), Jay Nemec (Web Design and Support) Simona Bartovicova (Web Support), Olga Strykova (Assistant), Laziz Omilov (Assistant) language editing Deborah Shulkes editorial board Benjamin R. Barber (Honorary Chair), Javaid Rehman, Ilan Danjoux Ibrahim A. El-Hussari, Efraim Inbar, Francesc Morata, Boris Popesko, Evan N. Resnick Cristian Nitoiu, Charles Robinson, Michal Romancov, Marat Terterov Yuliya Zabyelina, Natalia Piskunova, Gary M. Kelly, Kyle Atwell, Ladislav Cabada Harald Haelterman, Nik Hynek, Petr Just, Joachim Krause, David R. Marples Karel B. Müller, Suresh Nanwani, Tomas Pezl, Nicole Gallina, Nelli Babayan Benjamin R. Barber, Muhammad Atif Khan, Salvador Santino F. Regilme, Jr., Mils Hills Marek Neuman, Francesco Guimelli, Alica Kizekova, Adam Reichardt, Victor Sharduski Central European Journal of International & Security Studies C/o Metropolitan University Prague Dubečská 900/10, 100 31, Prague, Czech Republic Tel.: +420 724 587 171, Fax: +420 274 817 190, [email protected] cejiss is published by Metropolitan University Prague Press Printed in the eu issn: 1802-548x e-issn 1805-482x cejiss is not responsible for the contents of any external hyperlinks. The views expressed in this issue are solely those views of the respective authors and do not represent those of cejiss and its boards. cejiss is an Open Access journal. All of its content is freely available without charge. Users are al- lowed to copy, download, use, distribute, print, transmit and display the work publicly and to make and distribute derivative works, in any form or by any means electronic, photocopying, recording, or otherwise for any responsible purpose, without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author, subject to proper attribution of authorship. Contents Volume 8, Issue 2, July 2014 Editor’s 6 Enriching Iranium Analysis Mitchell Belfer Research 10 American “Foreign Policy” in Film Articles Post-World War II Identity Creation1 George Hays II 34 The British Broadcasting Company Half a Century of Covering Bahrain Nancy Jamal 49 The Limits of Human Development in Weak and Religiously Fractured States The Case of Lebanon Martina Ponížilová 75 Israel and Turkey From Realpolitik to Rhetoric? Petr Kučera 96 How the 2004 and 2007 EU Enlargements Weakened the CFSP and CSDP A Socio-Economic and Geopolitical Analysis Keith White-Hunt 115 Seeking Community Reconciliation Through Traditional Ceremonies A Strategy of Conflict Management Katerina Werkman 137 The “Marine” Factor What the Lepenisation of French Politics Really Means Barthélémy Courmont 164 Egypt’s Liberation Book Reviews The Philosophy of the Revolution Reviewed by Lucie Švejdová 167 British Foreign Policy Reviewed by Andrei Babadac 169 European Identity Reviewed by Sophia Alifirova 173 Global Health and International Relations Reviewed by Emel Elif Tugdar Editor’s Policy Analysis Enriching Iranium Mitchell Belfer Nearly 35 years ago, us diplomatic staff were taken hostage by a group of young Iranian revolutionaries, which included former Iranian Pres- ident Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The crisis, which lasted some 444 days, coupled with the failed rescue mission, Operation Eagle Claw (1980) – that caused the death of 8 us servicemen – has epitomised us-Iranian relations ever since. That is, until President Obama decided to break the us’s long-standing isolation of Iran in its misguided quest to reha- bilitate the Islamic Republic for the sake of nuclear containment. At least that is the official narrative. On the surface, the second Obama administration has negotiated the successful curtailment of Iran’s nu- clear programme so that the production of nuclear weapons remains a distant aspiration. If only this was true. Instead, the Islamic Republic has duped the us. It is now set to emerge as the main powerbroker in the Gulf region; the us has, ironically, empowered Iran and facilitated its long reach over Iraq and Syria to the Mediterranean Sea. In short the US, together with its French and German allies, are enriching Iran and the regional consequences are unforeseen, but likely tragic. What is less shrouded is the Iranian drive into Iraq and the support the Islamic Republic is lending to the embattled al Maliki government there. This demonstrates the long-assumed partnership between Iraq’s Shia government and Iran, a point that has many around the Gulf watching in guarded disbelief. While there is certainly a high de- gree of accuracy behind recent reports of the Sunni Islamist surge in northern and central Iraq, many have failed to adequately understand the why and the why now? The answer is clear; Iranian support to Syria’s Bashar al Assad es- sentially won the war there in May (2014) and Syrian border guards 6 – on instruction from Damascus – facilitated the movement of rebel fighters to Iraq. So, the defeat of Syria’s rebels created a massive bubble of extremist fighters and instead of expending additional resources in fighting them, an agreement was reached to allow their transfer to the Iraqi front. In doing so, Iran and Syria have forced the hand of the us, Editor’s which had a stark choice to make: allow Sunni Islamists in league with Analysis al Qaeda to overthrow an al Maliki government they encouraged and financially and militarily propped-up or work with their avowed adver- sary, Iran, in preventing that eventuality. While the choice was stark, few would have anticipated the speed with which it was taken. Obama’s team wasted little time in weighing us options and has thrown their stakes in with Iran and has played di- rectly into the Islamic Republic’s hand. Despite the heavy ‘Great Satan’ rhetoric used to publically debase the us, Iranian officials are pragmat- ic and understand Obama well. They rightly assume that the us gov- ernment cannot allow an Islamist takeover of Iraq after a decade-long intervention and the countless us material and human costs expended there for the sake of ridding the region of Saddam’s totalitarian regime and, in its aftermath, an al Qaeda-esq insurgency. Iran understands the us intolerance of radical Islam and helped create a new problem in Iraq that it will cynically assist in overcoming. So, Iran is attempting to recast itself as a moderate alternative in the region. Those who understand the Middle East know that the last thing Iran is, is moderate. However, the manner it is approaching the current Islamist surge is well calculated to show the international community that it is a responsible actor set on maintaining the status quo. What its true ambitions are, however, gravitate around increasing its economic activities, financial stability and political reach. Even be- fore this latest crisis, Iran had attracted many hundreds of companies from the us, France and Germany as a reward for negotiating over its nuclear programme. By February 2014, Iran was relieved of its eco- nomic meltdown and generated an estimated $45 billion (usd) for its national coffers. Unfortunately, there are few doubts as to where that money will end up. On 16 June, the International Atomic Energy Agency (iaea) re- ported that Iran has blocked access to secret nuclear sites, is generally opaque about the country’s nuclear programme and is not set to meet the impending P5+1 negotiations deadline. Iran is not complying with 7 its denuclearisation commitments. There are other issues as well. In April 2014, Jane’s International Defence Review reported that Iran was on track to complete the production and deployment of its Bavar 373 surface-to-air missile system. And, Iran’s deployments to Syria were cejiss costly, they need to reconstitute their asymmetrical forces and this will 2/2014 also cost money, as does keeping sectarian embers burning in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Money flowing into Iran ends up in the purs- es of the Revolutionary Guard and the Revolutionary Guard spends it on further armaments. Now that the Obama Administration has committed itself to work- ing with Iran for the stabilisation of Iraq, the Islamic Republic’s adven- turism will be overlooked and more sanctions will be lifted. The us, under Obama, is therefore culpable in enriching Iranium and ensuring the intransigent Shia state a place in the chambers of regional power. It is a sad commentary that the survivors of Iranian radicalisation and political violence among the us’s diplomatic corps and its allies have to elbow their way to a White House that seems to have forgotten the lessons of history. 8 Book Reviews Research Articles p. 163 → 10 American “Foreign Policy” in Film Post-World War II Identity Creation1 George Hays II 34 The British
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