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2018 Black Immigrants, Information Access, & Information Overload: A Three-Article Dissertation Ana Ndumu

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COLLEGE OF COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION

BLACK IMMIGRANTS, INFORMATION ACCESS, & INFORMATION OVERLOAD:

A THREE-ARTICLE DISSERTATION

ANA NDUMU

A Dissertation submitted to the School of Information in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Ana Ndumu defended this dissertation on May 29, 2018. The members of the supervisory committee were:

Gary Burnett Professor Directing Dissertation

Karin Brewster University Representative

Mia Lustria Committee Member

Lorraine Mon Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This is likely to be the only piece of real estate in my entire academic writing experience where I can keep it real, so I wish to earnestly express my gratitude to:

God—I don’t know about other people, but there is no way that I can do this professor thing without You. Thank You, Lord, and please continue to touch this brain of mine.

Mi Mamá y Papá—You were free-range parents before it was controversial (and, well, before we had access to the Internet and Keeping up with the Kardashians, too, but still). Thank you for allowing me to wander and question and collect experiences. You never judged me for preferring a library to a mall. And you probably still don’t exactly know what I do for a living (neither do I) but thank you for letting me just BE.

Jo—mi corazon, my muse, and ma joie de vivre—for holding it down, listening, talking me off the ledge, editing, checking stats, putting away laundry, and bringing me cups of coffee as I pounded away at the keyboard. I won the husband lottery. I love you, Baba.

Selena—my baby and, straight-up, my best friend. It has been pure ecstasy to watch you bloom into a fearless woman. You sprinkle goodness and joy everywhere, and so I'm proud of you for that. Go forth and transform!

My sassy Tía Amy—Who else can say that their dear aunt was their research assistant? You saved me a lot of money on therapy, translation, and survey collection. You’re rewired, not retired. Gracias, tía.

Dr. Gary Burnett—the illest and realest advisor, for advocating on my behalf along with guiding me on scholarship, argumentation, and the professorate. Thanks for kicking my ass so that I remember to produce careful, excellent work.

Dr. Mon—director of the iSchool, for pouring into me and entertaining my zany many ideas. I admire your hustle, professionalism, leadership and, most of all, your humility. You’re a freaking mogul. Thank you.

Dr. Lustria, Dr. Brewster, Dr. McIlraith—all remarkable (female) methodologists and statisticians. Thank you for helping me press on. I appreciate each of you.

To Dr. Lynn Akin—whom I have never met but whose brilliant dissertation inspired my inquiry.

To Lauryn Hill and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie—whom I have never met but whose artworks helped me plow through these chapters.

And to my tribe: • my cohort, Dawn and Tim, G’nowledge G’nomes rule! • the pastors and team at Go2Church in Tallahassee. Preach!

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• my Sisters of the Academy (SOTA) posse—Estee, Sophia, Kendra, Dr. Bertrand-Jones, and Dr. Lathan. “Read yourself full. Write yourself empty.” • my mentor, Renee Franklin Hill, and my girl squad, Dani, Keshia, Tiff, Nila, Shari, Alette, Kathy, Shaundra, Rhonda, and Aisha. We did it, ladies, yassss! • the entire Podemos Hablar Toastmasters crew but especially Teressa, Robin, Rauha, and Gloria for critiquing presentation after presentation. I'll be a polished speaker someday. • the remarkable iSchool family, especially Elaine Howard, Shonda Sampson, Kimberly Amos-Tata, Jade Stagg, Dr. Latham, Dr. Gross, Dr. Rodriguez-Mori, Dr. Mardis, Dr. K. Burnett, and Dr. Kazmer, Hyerin, Jongwook, Chen, Curtis, Biyang, Hengyi, Lynette, Lenese, Hany, Kristie, Jeanette, Christy, Adam and Laura-Edythe. Your help and positivity meant everything! • And to the many intrepid fellow Black immigrants who participated in my study and shared their stories. I am honored and provoked.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ...... vi List of Figures ...... vii Abstract ...... viii

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. ARTICLE ONE: BEYOND THE DIGITAL DIVIDE: ICT OWNERSHIP AND INTERNET ACCESS AMONG U.S. BLACK IMMIGRANTS ...... 25

3. ARTICLE TWO: TOWARD A NEW UNDERSTANDING OF IMMIGRANTS AND INFORMATION: A SURVEY STUDY ON BLACK IMMIGRANTS, INFORMATION ACCESS, & INFORMATION OVERLOAD ...... 43

4. ARTICLE THREE: NEW HORIZONS: HOW BLACK IMMIGRANTS IN THE U.S. NAVIGATE AND NEGOTIATE INFORMATION OVERLOAD...... 73

5. CONCLUSION ...... 92

APPENDICES ...... 113

A. IRB HUMAN SUBJECTS APPROVAL ...... 113 B. SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE...... 115 C. FOCUS GROUP SCRIPT ...... 122

Bibliography ...... 124

Biographical Sketch ...... 146

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 Relevant 2016 ACS questionnaire items ...... 32

Table 2.2 2016 ACS Black households descriptive statistics ...... 34

Table 2.3 ICT device access among Black immigrant households ...... 34

Table 2.4 Internet access among Black immigrant households ...... 35

Table 2.5 Internet & ICT Device access among general population households ...... 35

Table 2.6 T-tests for equality of means ...... 36

Table 3.1 Information overload indicators ...... 54

Table 3.2 Participant backgrounds ...... 58

Table 3.3 Survey study demographics ...... 59

Table 3.4 ICT & information resources ...... 61

Table 3.5 Information activities ...... 62

Table 3.6 Kruskal-Wallis H Test of information overload score variance ...... 64

Table 3.7 Information overload indicators with frequencies ...... 65

Table 3.8 Information overload responses ...... 66

Table 4.1 Focus group demographics ...... 79

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Dissertation design ...... 17

Figure 2.1 Comparison of Internet access – Black Immigrants and overall U.S. population ...... 37

Figure 2.2 Comparison of ICT device access – Black Immigrants and overall U.S. population ..37

Figure 3.1 Behavioral (linear) dimension of information overload ...... 50

Figure 3.2 Participants’ ethnicities ...... 57

Figure 3.3 Information overload scores ...... 63

Figure 5.1 Dissertation design with conclusion ...... 94

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ABSTRACT

LIS literature suggests that the information norms of immigrants are situated in information poverty, gatekeeping, and a digital divide—all of which inhibit access to information. Research primarily addresses how insufficient information leads to social exclusion. However, it is also possible for immigrants to be stressed by the vastness of information. This dissertation explores the ways in which Black immigrants living in the U.S. experience and negotiate information overload. Virtually no LIS studies explore the dynamics of information as a stressor from the point of view of Black immigrants. Although they are hardly homogeneous, attention to the norms of African, Afro-Caribbean and Afro-Latin individuals living in the U.S. is missing from the current body of LIS research. This three-part study involves 1.) analysis of data from the U.S.

Census Bureau’s 2016 American Community Survey to understand Blacks immigrants’ information and communication technology (ICT) and Internet access; 2.) survey research to further examine information access and behavior at a community level as well as measure information overload; 3.) focus group research to afford additional insight regarding information overload along with possible linkages with acculturative stress. Findings support that Black immigrants are digitally included, but face information overload and therefore social exclusion as a result of adjusting to life in the United States. Information overload is both a causal and determinant of acculturative stress. Finally, to be socially included, immigrants must be equipped with information resilience.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

"If you don’t understand, ask questions. If you’re uncomfortable asking questions, say you

are uncomfortable about asking questions and then ask anyway.

It’s easy to tell when a question is coming from a good place.”

-Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, Americanah , p. 406

1.1 Overview

Access to information is important for immigrant acculturation and social inclusion

(Caidi & Allard, 2005; Chu, 1999a; 1999b; Lloyd, Lipu & Kennan, 2010; Kennan, Lloyd,

Qayyum, & Thompson, 2011). LIS literature on the topic typically centers on information deprivation and predominantly highlights a state of ignorance that stems from a lack of resources. As Case (2010; 2016) contends, information is commonly thought of as necessary for reducing uncertainty. By contrast, it is possible for immigrants to have too many resource-related options and thereby experience short or long-term stress (Day, 2001). This, too, impacts acculturation and social inclusion. This aspect of the immigrant information experience, the abundance of information or information overload, is granted attention in this explanatory mixed methods project that is comprised of secondary analysis of census data, survey and focus group studies. The research herein is a response to the need to comprehend how immigrants are burdened by information upon relocation and whether this burden coincides with acculturative stress. Our field needs ongoing research on factors that come between immigrants and informed citizenship.

Given that this dissertation follows a three-article model, this introductory chapter differs from the standard in that it includes an abridged literature review along with a brief section on research design that is akin to a methods chapter. Each of the three articles that follow contain focused literature reviews and methodologies. For the traditional, extended literature review and methodology chapters, please consult the author to obtain the accompanying prospectus or dissertation proposal.

1.2 Abridged literature review

It is necessary to foreground this dissertation by reviewing the research milieu on immigrants and information access. A number of library and information science researchers

(Caidi & Allard, 2005; Chu, 1999a; 1999b; Lloyd, Lipu & Kennan, 2010) posit that immigrants— whether refugees, asylees, migrant workers, permanent residents, naturalized citizens, or undocumented—need ample resources to thrive in receiving countries, or what Mehra and

Papajohn (2007) refer to as “culturally alien information environments” (p. 12). Acculturation and social inclusion are predicated upon the extent to which immigrants are “in the know,” so to speak. Librarians and information professionals have long provided services for immigrants in the form of language classes, immigration and naturalization workshops, cultural heritage appreciation and more (Allard, 2015; Caidi, Allard, and Quirke, 2010; Kennen et al, 2011; Lloyd et al., 2013; Lloyd, 2014; Pyati, 2010; Quirke, 2006). In order to continue designing relevant services, it is important to understand user needs and circumstances.

1.2.1 LIS research canon

LIS research on immigrants has followed several threads. Early publications primarily promoted assimilationist rhetoric and positioned librarians as playing a vital role in

“Americanizing” immigrants (Crane, 1920; Daggett, 1911; Daniels, 1920; Flexner, 1941; Gratiaa,

1919; Guhin, 1920; Kallen, 1916; Jones, 1999; Lescohier, 1920; Miller, 1920; Prescott, 1920;

Reid, 1912; Roberts, 1910; 1911; Roberts, 1912; Rose, 1922; Sutliff, 1920; Wheaton, 1916; Yust,

1913). Though less alarmist, some contemporary publications still prescribe to the “New

American” theme (Koerber, 2016; Pierce, 2008)

A number of studies (Agada, 1999; Chatman, 1987; Chu, 1999; 1999b; Khoir, Du, &

Koronios, 2015; Metoyer-Duran, 1991; 1993) shed light on the role of gatekeepers and intermediaries who facilitate information dissemination among ethnolinguistic communities.

According to Caidi, Allard, and Quirke (2010), research also points to several challenges relating to integration such as language acquisition (Collin & Karsenti, 2012; Fisher, Marcoux, Miller,

Sanchez, & Ramirez, 2004; Koontz, 2008; Su & Conaway, 1995); employment and work-related issues (Chu, 1999a; 1999b; Jensen, 2002; Prock, 2003; Silvio, 2006); making connections with local communities (Caidi, Allard, Dechief, & Longford, 2009; Dechief, 2006; Lloyd, Kennan,

Thompson, & Qayyum, 2013; Kennan, Lloyd, Qayyum, & Thompson, 2011; Shen, 2013); finances and banking (Shoham & Strauss, 2008); housing (Prock, 2003); health information

(Fogel, 2003; Rooks, Wiltshire, Elder, BeLue and Gary, 2012; legal information (Prock, 2003); education-related concerns (Berry, 2007; Silvio, 2006); transportation (Su & Conaway, 1995).

The places that immigrants turn to for information is yet another branch of LIS research.

Some studies center on library usage among immigrants (Adkins, Moulaison, Derpic, 2017;

Burke, 2008; Quirke, 2006). Fisher/Pettigrew (1998; 1999; 2004a; 2004b) notably coined the theory of information grounds to describe the ways in which immigrants establish informal social spaces for information-sharing. Rodriguez-Mori’s (1999) grounded study on the

3 information behavior of Puerto Rican transplants to Central Florida similarly highlights the role of ad hoc information spaces (Rodriguez-Mori argues that, though they are immigrants, Puerto

Ricans often identify with the immigrant experience). Lingel (2011; 2015) examined wandering as an information-gathering mechanism among immigrants.

It can be said that research on the information behavior of immigrants focuses almost entirely on what happens upon migration. Pre-migration information practices are important to consider when studying foreign-born groups (Srinivasan & Pyati, 2005). Among the studies that do so are Lingel’s (2011; 2015) inquiry into personal agency and social capital on immigrant information techniques; Dali’s (2010; 2012; 2013) studies of the pre- and post-migration reading habits of Russian immigrants to Canada; and van der Linden, Bartlett, and Beheshti’s (2014) study on the cross between library experiences and immigrants’ post-migration perceptions and awareness of public library services.

Overwhelmingly, information illiteracy and information poverty are presented as the primary hindrances to integration (Benitez, 2006; Ono, 2008; Shen, 2013). However, this view of immigrants as those in information darkness is increasingly out of touch with modern understandings of the migration experience (Dekker & Engbersen, 2014; Nedelcu, 2012). A growing number of LIS scholars are acknowledging immigrant information networks and online diasporic communities (Pyati, Chu, Fisher, Srinivasan, Caidi, Allard, & Dechief, 2008). Shoham and Strauss (2008) argue that the appropriation of the new media by migrants has changed the way in which these individuals migrate, move, and negotiate their personal and national identities.

Multimedia helps those who live outside of their birth countries make strategies to deal with unfamiliar cultures (Shoham & Strauss, 2008). The concept of e-diaspora describes ICT-mediated

4 information environments. Though some LIS researchers (Aizlewood & Doody, 2002; Caidi &

MacDonald, 2008; Caidi, Allard, Dechief, & Longford, 2009; Lee, 2004; Lingel & Kim, 2015;

Mehra & Papajohn, 2007; Naficy, 2003; Roald, 2004; Shoham and Stam, 2001) investigated the ways in which immigrants use electronic devices, as Caidi, Allard and Quirke (2005) put it, “not much LIS research examines how ICTs fit within the information behaviors of immigrants” (p.

511). Nonetheless, LIS research in this area continues to be situated around physicality and, therefore, emphasizes offline and localized information practices.

1.2.2 Demography/population studies discipline

The domain of demography/population studies fares better when it comes to positioning digital devices and Internet-based information as modern-day migration or relocation tools (even among emigrants of developing countries). In this field, ICT is firmly entrenched as a component of the new ecosystem of migration (Dekker & Engbersen, 2013; Forunati, Pertierra, & Vincent,

2013). report that ICT access, skills and learning among immigrants are all increasing and that mobile devices are vital for locating employment (oftentimes the primary reason for migrating).

Mantovani (2013) argues that in our postmodern world, migrants are “digital subjects” or “e- actors” who are so effective in their information and ICT usage that they shape the development of new media such as Whatsapp. Pertierra (2013), Greschke (2013), Raycheva (2013) and

Stoyanov (2013) look at migration through the lens of Internet community platforms and ICT devices. At the turn of the 21 st century, immigrants were found to utilize Internet cafes for community building and socializing, even when they had access to the Internet at home

(Wakeford, 2003). This is still the case in some parts of the United States, such as Queens, New

York where old-fashioned, pay-by-the-hour cyber cafes thrive in immigrant enclaves (Sedacca,

2015). Nonetheless, portable, mobile technologies have radically changed how people migrate and acculturate. Several population studies (Collyer, 2016; Collyer & King, 2012; Green &

Waldinger, 2016; Kok & Rogers, 2017) confirm that smartphones and accompanying e-diaspora platforms such as apps and social media assist with not only strengthening nationalism and cultural heritage but facilitate acclimation to new countries by connecting immigrants with those with similar backgrounds.

Increasingly, there are new understandings of immigrant information behavior. Green &

Waldinger (2016) posit that where immigrants were once seen as “uprooted,” scholars now view them as “transplanted,” reflecting a new appreciation of social networks in migration and mobility. Nedelcu (2012) and Caidi, Allard, Dechief, & Longford (2009) find that ICTs are now essential for an individual’s psychosocial integration upon migration. With the Internet becoming more globalized, migrants are more likely to be introduced to digital resources prior to relocation; they then utilize these same digital resources to later construct hybrid identities. Kok and Rogers

(2017) call this transglocalization . If this is the case, migrants may need mechanisms for adjusting to new information environments or realities rather than introductions to ICTs. The enormity or unfamiliarity of a country’s information environment may be unfamiliar and overwhelming. Information overload, then, is a pertinent construct to examine as it relates to immigrant information behavior.

1.2.3 Prevalent methods

LIS research on immigrant information behavior is largely made up of best practices, case studies, or practitioner insights (Hildreth & Aytac, 2007; Turcios, Agarwal & Watkins, 2014).

Johannsen (2015) found that of the 243 articles on immigrants and public libraries that were

6 indexed in the Library and Information Science Abstract (LISA) database between 1960 and

2013, only 45 (18.8%) were scholarly (peer-reviewed) articles. Though valuable, thought pieces and localized accounts reveal little about the broader information practices of immigrants (Caidi,

Allard & Quirke, 2012). Concrete, data-driven understanding of immigrant information behavior can help move the research canon from analyst-constructed typologies (Marshall & Rossman,

1999) to community-centered knowledge.

Multimethod studies on immigrant information behavior are few. A particularly insightful multimethod study, however, is Khoir, Du and Koronios’ (2015) research that uses survey, photovoice activity, and interview techniques to investigate Asian immigrants’ resettlement experiences in Australia. Findings suggest that immigrants turn to various sources for information--particularly, the Internet, acquaintances, mass media, and formal organizations.

Khoir, Du, and Koronios’ triangulated approach informed the methodological design of this dissertation project. My research will similarly combine quantitative and qualitative methods to study the information experiences of Black immigrants residing in the U.S.

1.2.4 Types of immigrants that are studied

Mainstream Hispanics and Asians have long been at the center of LIS discussions on immigrants, and it is important to understand why: these groups have historically been present in the United States for much longer and in greater numbers than Black immigrants. [The history of

U.S. immigration is chronicled in the works of well-known sociologists such as Portes and

Rambaut (1997; 2006; 2014) and Foner and Fredrickson (2004)]. More recently, the topic of LIS services to foreign-born Muslims has also inspired several publications (see Caidi & MacDonald,

2008; Hornreich, 2011; Quirke, 2011). There is virtually no coverage on LIS services to African,

Afro-Caribbean, or Afro-Latin immigrants. Only three studies—Hancock’s (2009) case study on

African refugees in Australia and Silvio’s (2006) exploratory study on the information needs and information seeking behavior of southern Sudanese youth—exclusively examine information in the lives of Black immigrants.

1.3 Significance and purpose

LIS research on immigrants is limited by the lack of evidence-based conclusions along with narrow perspectives of the immigrant information experience (Booth, 2003; Eldredge, 1997;

2000a; 2000b; Hider & Pymm, 2008). The significance of the present project is that it:

1. shifts the discourse from the stance of deficiency (e.g., information poverty) to vastness

(e.g., information overload);

2. acknowledges diasporic and ICT-mediated resources; and

3. grants attention to an understudied population group: Black immigrants.

The goal of this dissertation is to investigate information access, particularly information overload, from an angle that has yet to be considered—that of the Black immigrant living in the

United States. This study might introduce several counter-narratives on information overload:

1.3.1 Information overload as part of everyday life

Most information overload studies pertain to information-intense settings: work, research, and business. However, as Agosto (2005) notes, “much of the human effort expended when seeking information is for non-work related, non-research-related, or non-school-related purposes” (p. 143). This prescriptive interpretation of information overload reflects the outdated nature of the research. Most studies were conducted prior to 1990 (Klapp, 1978; 1986; Miller,

1956; 1968; Miller 1960; 1963; 1964; 1978; Shannon & Weaver, 1949) and addressed how

8 business managers, researchers, or consumers mitigated floods of information. With information saturation now being an assumed part of developed societies, both popular and academic literature have pivoted from understanding it to understanding how to cope with it.

Notwithstanding, information overload research is largely at a standstill and rooted in dated analyses. The goal of this dissertation is to examine information overload within the realm of ordinary life and not necessarily systems or workplaces. Chapter three provides an in-depth analysis of information overload.

1.3.2 The lack of empirical research on information overload

As with research on immigrant information behavior, there is a research gap in this area.

Despite the lively discourse on information overload, there are few empirical studies on the phenomenon. Akin (1997) indicates that only 34 out of 200, or 17%, of information overload- related articles entailed experimental or research studies. The nature and quality of these projects appear to be dubious. Some researchers (Craig, 1977; Logue, 1982) required subjects to navigate or react to an inundation of information sources, an approach that, by contemporary standards, raises ethical concerns. Others (Laszlo, Begg & Sainsbury, 1994) required participants to execute scripts. It can also be said that the latter inquiry explores basic command-following, not information overload.

Information overload has gained notoriety in the media and society at large. Thus, suggestions for remedies prevail. LIS scholarship hardly fares better, as the discourse is also fueled by didactic, not data-driven, articles. At times, these publications present ambiguous prescriptions. Take Carlson’s (2003) advice for instance:

users must redefine their information needs and processing habits. Pre-filtering of

perceived information requirements to reduce the amounts of information actively sought

and acquired, while upgrading its quality, i.e. improving the precision/recall ratio, is a

learnable trait. (p. 11)

Yet, Carlson later writes that “excessive emphasis on technology-based solutions should definitely be avoided” (p. 13).

Critics like Akin (1997) write that “many articles, essay in nature, begin and end with the posture that there is too much information available today” (p. 19). Tidline (1999) similarly notes that “because the concept is frequently identified as a problem in popular culture, it is logical to assume that the existence and description of information overload has been documented through rigorous investigation. Such is not the case” (p. 485). Information overload will be operationalized and further explored in article two.

1.3.3 Possible linkages between information overload and immigrant information

behavior

No study explores whether information overload might be linked to immigrant acculturative stress. Although migrant mental health is a vibrant area of research, there is very little connection to information behavior. Theories on acculturative stress abound (Berry, Kim,

MInde & Mok, 1987; Rudmin, 2009). For those who relocate to other countries, the activities, complexity and overabundance in regard to information can provoke information overload. This sensation is similar to what Oberg (1960) termed “culture shock,” where an individual experiences strain, a sense of loss or deprivation, rejection, confusion, surprise, anxiety, even disgust or indignation, or feelings of impotence (p. 45). Culture shock is seen as a short-term

10 condition that is typically associated with the vastness of the new society, or the enormity of the work necessary to adjust to it (Dali, 2010). Long-term culture shock can be considered acculturative stress. Information access is an important part of immigrants’ coping skills and social integration. Too much information, however, may be counterproductive and might trigger overwhelming affects. The affective dimension of information overload among immigrants will be discussed in chapter four.

1.4 Population group: context & operationalization

Black immigrants were selected for this study because of the lack of research in general on this population. As mentioned earlier, Hispanic, Asian and certainly European immigrants have been present in the United States for hundreds of years, but voluntary Black migration to

America is a relatively recent phenomenon (Okpalaoka, 2014; Portes & Rumbaut, 2006; 2014;

Rahier, Hintzen & Smith, 2010). This dissertation Black immigrants as a whole, but it is important to recognize that Black immigrant experience is neither simple nor monolithic.

1.4.1 Brief history

The Pan-African diaspora is made of the descendants of Africans. The shuffling of

Blacks between what is now known as the slave triangle and the U.S. decreased sharply after slave importation became illegal 1808. It virtually ceased with the U.S. Civil War and the subsequent abolition of slavery during the 1860s. Africans, Afro-Caribbeans and Afro-Latins began immigrating voluntarily to the United States in significant numbers only in the twentieth century (Bankston & Hidalgo, 2006). Accordingly, Black immigrants are a relatively new immigrant demographic group, which partially explains the lack of research on their experiences.

Prior to the 1960s when America experienced a Civil Rights movement leading to widespread

11 social justice reforms, there was little incentive for Black immigrants to migrate to the United

States. Still, small streams of Black immigrants came in search of opportunities beyond the Jim

Crow stronghold of the south. These early-arriving Black immigrants typically found refuge in the same northern cities as native-born Blacks (Wilkerson, 2010).

Many scholars attribute the Black immigration boom that took place in the late 20 th century to multiple factors. First, the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act changed the tide of immigration and allowed for Black and Brown people to more readily relocate to the U.S. It abolished the quota system based on national origins that had outlined immigration policy since the 1920s, replacing it with a selection process based on an individual’s social capital as opposed to their country of birth (Portes & Rambaut, 2014). Facing domestic and international pressure, the modified law created visa categories that focused on immigrants’ assets and family relationships with citizens or U.S. residents. This legal shift coincided with the civil rights revolution when “the formal disabilities of Jim Crow separatism were dismantled by court decisions and by legislative action” (Waters & Eschback, 1995, p. 420).

Secondly, the African-American middle class gained a measure of worldwide attention throughout the 1960s and 1970s as a result of the Civil Rights and Black Arts Movements

(Franklin & Higginbotham, 2010). These eras ushered a vibrant showcase of Black cinema and music; participation in political movements; and rise of a collective pride movement. A new

Black aesthetic was evidenced in Afros and dashikis, Kwanzaa, and, later, a disavowal of terms such as “Colored,” and “Negro” for a new identity: African American (Asante, 1988; Monteiro-

Ferreira, 2014). The empowerment of native-born Blacks was neither a conscious or deliberate invitation for other groups to migrate to the United States. Rather, the emergence of a global,

Afrocentric diasporic identity caused Blacks in other parts of the world to consider the opportunities that were available in the United States (Waters & Eschback, 1995).

Furthermore, the abolishment of imperialism loosened travel constraints between regions, allowing Blacks to seek opportunities abroad. The end of the brutal Second World War fostered a decolonization ideology that quickly spread, particularly since the colonial system was thought to have been a catalyst of the war (Rahier, Hintzen & Smith, 2010). Non-alignment and liberation rhetoric became prevalent throughout the 1950s and 1960s and resulted in intense, sometimes bloody, battles for emancipation (Okpalaoka, 2014). In 1957, Ghana became the first autonomous sub-Saharan African country, prompting an eight-year initial wave of liberation.

Some 29 nations including Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda, Jamaica, and South Africa gained independence from superpowers, namely the British, French, Dutch and Portuguese. A second wave of liberation between 1966 and 1983 brought autonomy to 18 more Caribbean and African territories. The successes and challenges spurred by decolonization and liberation stimulated mass migration.

By 1980, a purported 1.5 million Afro-Hispanics migrated to the U.S., the largest number of immigrants of Black descent up to that point. They escaped regional conflicts in Central and

South America (Bankston & Hidalgo, 2006; Okpalaoka, 2014; Thomas, 2012). By 1990, the

Caribbean was the single largest region of origin for Black immigrants. More than 1.25 million

Black immigrants from the Caribbean lived in the United States by the year 2000. Afro-

Caribbean immigrants have come from both Anglophone and Francophone nations, with

English-speaking immigrants deriving mostly from Jamaica and the Bahamas and French- speaking immigrants coming primarily from Haiti (Bankston & Hidalgo, 2006; Okpalaoka,

2014; Thomas, 2012). Throughout the late 1990s, Haiti was the single largest country of origin for Blacks in the United States. Haitian enclaves were formed in New York, Miami and Boston.

Sub-Saharan Africans currently comprise the fastest-growing Black immigrant group, with nearly one million Africans now residing permanently in the U.S. Census data counted only

64,000 Africans living in the U.S. in 1980. By 2000, there were 574,000 (Anderson, 2015a;

Capps, McCabe & Fix, 2012; Okpalaoka, 2014). Most immigrants arriving from Africa in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries came from Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, followed by Ethiopia (Bankston & Hidalgo, 2006). Political upheavals in Somalia and Sudan also added to the proportion of Black immigrants. From 1990 through 2003, nearly 115,000 refugees entered the U.S. from Africa, most of them from Northeast Africa. (Anderson, 2015a;

Capps, McCabe & Fix, 2012).

1.4.2 Current Black immigrant population

The astonishing growth of the Black immigrant population has transformed demographics of both the Black population and the broader immigrant population. Although the

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) does not track immigration data by race, the

U.S. Bureau of the Census provides substantial data on Black immigrants. Federal estimates suggest that there are 5 million Black immigrants living in the U.S., both non-citizens as well as naturalized citizens. Conservative estimates indicate that there are 3.7 million Black immigrants, representing a fourfold increase from 1980 figures (roughly 800,000) and a 54% increase from

2000 (approximately 2.8 million). The number of immigrants of Afro-Caribbean, African, and

Afro-Latin descent in the U.S. tripled from 3.1% in 2003 of the Black population to 8.7% in

2013 (Anderson, 2015; Black Alliance for Just Immigration, 2016; U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).

By 2060, 16.5% of the U.S. Black population is expected to be foreign-born (Anderson, 2015b;

American Community Survey, 2014).

The realities of Black immigrants in the U.S. deserve greater attention (Waters, 1999).

The growth of this community is impacting the demographic fabric of some cities as well as notions of being Black in America (Okpalaoka, 2014; Saurez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco & Quinn

2006). Pan-African migration research suggests that most Blacks who enter the U.S. come into a much more stratified society than the regions they are accustomed to (Redway, 2014; Rong &

Brown, 2001). Black immigrants must negotiate new identities, forcing them to “choose” the kind of American that they would like to become (Redway, 2014). Depending on the motivations or causes for migration, Black immigrants must also weigh the extent to which they will draw upon the cultural norms of their home countries. They often “tie the new and the old communities and provide a social, cultural and economic continuity” (De Jong & Gardner, 2013, p. 238). Information is key to decision-making. For immigrants, implicit and explicit decisions have incredible bearing on their everyday lives, and their information behavior, no less.

1.4.3 Operationalization

Given the vastness of the U.S. Black population, it is important to establish an operational definition. The 2010 U.S. Census Bureau is used as a reference in observing Black immigrants as foreign-born persons who have historical or ethnic origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa. For this dissertation, a Black immigrant is a single-race or mixed-race person of Black descent who identifies as African, Afro-Caribbean or Afro-Latin, is over the age of 18, was not born in the U.S. or its territories, and resides permanently in the U.S., whether documented or undocumented.

1.5 Research questions

The overarching question that I wish to address is whether there is a shared experience, regardless of cultural heritage, among Black immigrants in terms of information behavior. The aim of the dissertation is to explore information access among Black immigrants with a keen interest in possible linkages between information overload and acculturative stress. The following research questions will help address this research topic:

RQ1: How do Black immigrants access information?

RQ2: How does their access compare to that of the overall population?

RQ3: Do Black immigrants experience information overload?

RQ4: If so, what characteristics (e.g. amounts, resource types) or settings

(e.g. physical spaces) are associated with information overload?

RQ5: If so, how do Black immigrants respond to information overload?

1.6 Research design and dissertation outline

This project looks at Black immigrants’ information access and experiences with information overload from broad, intermediate, and narrow angles. It is, therefore, appropriate for a three-article dissertation. This tripartite design will generate complementary findings.

Detailed methodologies are found in each article. Figure 1 illustrates the structure of this dissertation.

Article one is a comprehensive study that explores Internet and ICT access among Black immigrant households based on a secondary analysis of 2016 American Community Survey data.

ICTs and the Internet are integral components of modern-day migration and information overload, as previously noted. Since the role of ICTs and the Internet in the lives of Black

16 immigrants has been underexplored in LIS research (also mentioned earlier), it is granted attention in this dissertation. This information will serve as baseline knowledge of how Black immigrants fare in terms of ICT and Internet metrics; it will afford understanding of immigrants’ post-migration engagement with the Web and digital devices in order to subsequently investigate if and how they are burdened by their information landscapes.

Figure 1.1 Dissertation design

The purpose of the second article is to provide an intricate view of Black immigrants’ information access along with information overload encounters. A 31-item questionnaire measured Black immigrants’ backgrounds, information uses and preferences, as well as experiences with information overload. The information overload scale is based on literature- derived behavioral indicators (needing, seeking, retrieving, or acquiring information), quantitative indicators (e.g., length, amount, age), qualitative indicators (e.g., formal or informal; primary, secondary, tertiary; homogeneous or varied), and responsive indicators (e.g. postponing, filtering, satisficing).

The final article presents a narrow analysis of Black immigrants’ perspectives on information access, information overload and acculturative stress. This study is based on focus group data on the information norms of Black immigrants residing in Florida.

1.7 Theoretical model

The theory of information worlds scaffolds this three-article dissertation. Originated by

Burnett and Jaeger (2008), it is a framework for conceptualizing information behavior.

Information Worlds reflects the dual role of the individual in society (Burnett, Besant &

Chatman, 2001; Burnett, Jaeger, & Thompson, 2008; Burnett & Jaeger, 2008; Jaeger & Burnett,

2010) and offers a multifaceted argument involving the intersection of personal and public information transfer. Information may exist in the mind of an individual, or community exchanges, or even throughout abstract systems or processes resulting in social significance

(Worrall, 2014). Drawing on Chatman (1987; 1992; 1996; 2001) and Habermas (1962), Jaeger and Burnett (2010) argue that physical, cognitive, and social information access are shaped by the dynamics of day-to-day interactions. Specifically, they fuse Chatman’s (1996) small worlds theory with Habermas’ (1962) concept of lifeworld to make the case that information behavior— which dictates acceptable information sources, processes, amounts, and even uses—is molded by close contacts as well as larger societal influences. Approved practices influence how members access and interact with resources. So, whether a Black immigrant is young or elderly, newly- arrived or settled, trained in a vocation or lacking concrete skills, information worlds makes room these and other gradations. Its elasticity is such that one can study groups that are remarkably different.

1.7.1 Constructs

Information worlds are comprised of (1) social norms, or ethos as well as decorum dictated by the community; (2) social types, or the identities and roles that members take on and/or are assigned; (3) information value, or the significance placed on information (4) information behavior, acceptable activities that impact the members’ interactions with information; and (5) boundaries, the margins or perimeters which influence the movement of information. They “can occur at multiple social levels, from the purely local to the global…there exist innumerable connections across and between them” (p. 42.), so the theory of information worlds reflects macro, meso, and micro societal levels. This dissertation project differs from other studies that have used this theory (see, for example, Skinner, 2014; Hollister, 2016; Lee,

2016; Leuktemeyer, 2016) in that it probes this trifold aspect of the information worlds theory through comprehensive (census research), intermediate (surveys), and intimate (focus groups) analysis.

1.7.2 Relevance to present study

1.7.2.1 Social norms

The application of the theory of information worlds suggests that Black immigrant groups approach information as an extension of their cultural traditions. Social norms involve patterns that are in accordance with the expectations of a particular set of people; they dictate aesthetics, spirituality, decorum, meaningful activities and more. Similar to the construct of social type, social norms coincide strongly with social capital.

For example, Afro-Nicaraguans live mainly along the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua. For centuries, they have lived separately and autonomously from mainstream Nicaragua. Since they

19 engage within both Caribbean and Hispanic society, their linguistic, artistic, and cultural traditions differ from those of mainstream Nicaraguans. It can be said, from the point-of-view of

Afro-Nicaraguans, that there are two Nicaraguas, or two distinct information worlds. For those who migrate to the U.S., the customs forged in Nicaragua may influence their approaches to information upon relocation.

1.7.2.2 Social types

Social typing shapes how people define and relate to one another, and, by functioning as either a catalyst or inhibitor, it has bearing on information practice. Social types pertain to the intersection of socioeconomic status, marital status, gender, level of education, sexual orientation, age, religion and other demographic characteristics. The power constructs of identity are vital in comprehending classifications of personal function, contribution, and respectability within a community (Burnett & Jaeger, 2008; Jaeger & Burnett, 2010). The theory of information worlds might suggest that Black immigrants are actors in their circumscribed and wider spheres.

It will be interesting to investigate the interplay between social standing and immigrant information behavior. In the context of Black immigrants, formal social roles may pertain to community leaders such as religious figures, politicians or business owners. They may also include informal guidelines for observations of roles—for example, naming practices, rites of passage, or even interpretations of the “place” of children. Social types could also potentially involve rules of social hierarchy.

1.7.2.3 Information value and information behavior

A study of the information worlds of Black immigrants must also address value and behavior, which intertwine with social norms. Information value corresponds with a “continuum of attitudes and perceptions concerning access to and the exchange and use of information across the range of social contexts” (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010, p. 43) and indicates a “shared sense of a scale of the importance of information” (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010, p. 8). It involves content (the

“aboutness” of information), perception (the impact on members’ views or interpretations of information), control (the way in which outside forces treat, restrain or promote information resources) and economies (the worth placed on information, whether fiscal, statutory, or something else) (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010).

From an information worlds standpoint, Black immigrants place trust in that which is familiar, and familiarity is a result of social vestige and activities. For example, Haitians value oral or verbal communication (Nelson, Sigal & Zambrano, 2010). There are more than 40 community radio stations in the small country. In some parts, radio is the only method of remaining abreast of national current events. With Haiti’s literacy rate hovering at 49% and

Internet penetration averaging 10%, radios play an important role in Haiti’s culture. Consider the following account as told in a recent Miami Herald article on the importance of Haiti’s radio infrastructure:

Jean-Baptiste Joseph, a street merchant, is an avid listener. On a recent day, he was tuned in, listening to the host giving a geography lesson, naming various catastrophes and the consequences of each. “The radio helps me know how to behave in society,” he said, his flip phone open on top of his snack cart, playing the weekly science show. “I don’t go to school but [it] helps me learn.” (Roca, 2016, para. 9)

Little wonder that Haiti’s National Commission for Telecommunications, the equivalent of the

U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC), sought legislation aimed at protecting citizens’ rights to local radio stations (Nelson, Sigal, & Zambrano, 2011).

1.7.2.4 Boundaries

Boundaries signify that “information behavior is simultaneously shaped by immediate influences...as well as larger social influences” (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010, pp. 7-8) and that “these levels, though separate, do not function in isolation, and to ignore any level in examining information behavior results in an incomplete picture of the social contexts of the information”

(p. 32). The concept of boundaries, the interfaces between different places and spaces, is essential when studying the information experiences of Black immigrants, who often traverse between their new realities in the United States and their former lives in their countries of origin.

Boundaries may be formed by intangible dynamics such as policies (immigration, especially), social lines, or attitudes that might pose threats or opportunities. Boundaries are actual margins or borders –for instance, the lines that distinguish between spaces within and beyond a person’s reach. The information that immigrants are not able to reach might be just as influential as the information they can reach. Concepts of transnationality and multiple citizenship impact the information-related interactions of Black immigrants.

For example, many African immigrants identify strongly with regional or ancestral ethnic groups. Within the Ugandan immigrant community of Houston, Texas, there are those who belong to the Kiga (pronounced Chee-ga) Ugandan ethnic group. These individuals associate within their immediate ethnic group, with fellow Ugandans in general, and even with immigrants from neighboring African countries, especially Tanzania and Kenya, which also border Lake

Victoria. Furthermore, they might also identify with other Africans and/or immigrants. It might be said that cultural, national, regional, continental, and global boundaries impact how Ugandans see themselves and their information resources while living in the U.S.

1.8 Assumptions and limitations

There are some limitations to this study. The survey and focus group portions rely on convenience (snowball) and purposive samples. Since the study groups will not be randomly selected, no claims can be made for generalization. Furthermore, it is difficult to truly test information overload, as creating conditions to adequately measure information overload variables in a lab or experimental setting would be arduous and, not to mention, superficial.

Capturing participants’ testimonies through surveys and focus group consultations is the most viable means for this particular project. Evidence or characteristics of information overload will essentially be narrated or self-reported. Participants may not answer candidly or accurately

(Denzin & Lincoln, 2007).

There are also ethical limitations. Any research involving vulnerable groups such as immigrants must make provisions for fully educating participants of their rights. As the researcher, I made every effort to ensure that respondents’ participation in the survey and/or focus group consultations was fully voluntary, and that consent could be recanted at any point in the project. Most importantly, respondents were informed that their participation had no bearing on their immigration process, job status, or any other aspect of their lives.

1.9 Importance and benefits

There is the opportunity to better reach Black immigrants living in the United States. By examining possible relationships between information overload, settlement, and acculturative

23 stress, information professionals will be better equipped to forge partnerships with these communities. With increased attention being placed on cultural competence, diversity and social justice in LIS, this study may add to the discourse on the importance of distinguishing users’ cultural and information realities prior to devising program and services. As Overall (2009) states: “a considerable amount of work has yet to be done for the LIS profession to fully embrace and understand the needs of culturally diverse populations, particularly since the cultural background of many LIS professionals differs from those they serve, and issues surrounding diversity (e.g., immigration, English-only legislation) have become increasingly complex” (p.

176). No study has combined quantitative and qualitative techniques to observe information access, much less experiences with the phenomenon of information overload, of Black immigrants. This area warrants thorough examination.

CHAPTER TWO

ARTICLE ONE: BEYOND THE DIGITAL DIVIDE: ICT OWNERSHIP AND

INTERNET ACCESS AMONG U.S. BLACK IMMIGRANT HOUSEHOLDS

2.1 Introduction

The cross between information and migration is a lively area of LIS research. However, this segment of scholarship has followed very narrow trajectories. The present inquiry is a response to the need for research on the information behavior of understudied foreign-born populations such as Black immigrants living in the U.S. A review of LIS literature on immigrant information norms found that only two empirical studies (Hancock, 2009; Silvio, 2006) out of over 4,000 publications deal exclusively with Black immigrant groups. Another three LIS research studies (Agada, 1999; Fisher, Durrance, & Hinton, 2004; Lingel; 2011) included Black immigrant participants. Without concrete data, the role of ICTs and information in the lives of

Black immigrants will continue to be abstract.

This gap in knowledge of Black immigrants’ Internet and ICT access is interesting when one considers that there is ample federal data on these groups: nearly half of the current Black immigrant population (45%) arrived in the U.S. in 2000 or later and 24% arrived in 2006 or later. About a third (31%) migrated to the U.S. in the 1980s and 24% arrived in the 1990s. The

U.S. Black immigrant population is overwhelmingly made up of adults. About nine-in-ten (93%)

Black immigrants are 18 or older. They are also older than Americans overall. Nearly half (48%) of Black immigrants aged 18 and older are married. This is comparable to the share for all U.S. adults (50%) but below that for all U.S. immigrants (60%) (Anderson, 2015a; 2015b; BAJI,

2014; Capps, McCabe & Fix, 2012; Thomas, 2012; Zong & Batalova, 2016).

When it comes to the ways Black immigrants adjust to life in America, there are some distinct factors. Black immigrants, even those from Central and South America, are more likely to speak or be exposed to the English language when compared other immigrants. Nearly three- quarters (74%) of Black immigrants are proficient English speakers. Some 43% speak only

English at home, while an additional 31% say they speak a language other than English at home but report that they speak English very well (Anderson, 2015a; 2015b). As it pertains to education, about a quarter (26%) of Black immigrants ages 25 and older have a Bachelor’s degree or higher. This share is below that of the overall U.S. population, of which 30% of U.S. adults 25 and older have at least a Bachelor’s degree. However, the share with an advanced degree, such as a master’s degree, Ph.D. or a professional degree (10%) is comparable to the overall native-born population (11%) and higher than all immigrants (8%) (Anderson, 2015;

BAJI, 2014). In terms of U.S. citizenship, Black immigrants are more likely (54%) to be naturalized, a higher share than among all U.S. immigrants (47%) (Anderson, 2015a; 2015b;

BAJI, 2014; Capps, McCabe & Fix, 2012; Thomas, 2012; Zong & Batalova, 2016).

Among Black immigrants, Afro-Caribbeans have generally lived in the U.S. longer.

Many Haitians migrated to modern-day Louisiana at the turn of the 19 th century and Haitian soldiers even fought in the U.S. Civil War (Lachance, 2008). Immigrants from Jamaica, the

Bahamas and Barbados arrived in the Gulf states as early as the 1920s (Waters, 1999; Wilkerson,

2010) to find railroad and construction work. About 11% of Black immigrant population identify as Hispanic. Among those from Central America, half arrived before 1990 and 47% of all Black

Central Americans are Panamanian or Belizean. Africans are the most recent and largest group of arrivals of Black immigrants, with Nigerians and Ethiopians making up the largest African

26 groups (Anderson, 2015a; 2015b; BAJI, 2014; Capps, McCabe & Fix, 2012; Thomas, 2012;

Zong & Batalova, 2016). Jamaica, Haiti and Nigeria are the top sending countries.

Despite the demographic information that is available on Black immigrants living in the

U.S., very little is known about their information behavior. Knowledge of Black immigrants’

Internet access and ICT device access, both are which are essential to social inclusion and acculturation, is needed. The present study addresses this void by providing a comprehensive overview of ICT device and Internet access among Black immigrant households based on 2016

American Community Survey data. In addition, there is analysis of how Black immigrants compare to the overall population.

In this study, Black immigrants are foreign-born adults of mixed or single Black race, regardless of ethnicity, who permanently reside in the U.S. They may be refugees, asylees, naturalized citizens, permanent residents or undocumented individuals. It is important to note that international students are beyond the scope of this study, as (1) permanent residence, which international students are not granted, is an important consideration in this research and (2) prior research (Sin & Kim, 2013) suggests that the migration and acculturation experiences of international students differ from those of other immigrants.

Before we can understand Black immigrants’ experiences with information overload, we must establish whether they are digitally included. This foregrounding in necessary to understanding the intersections of information overload, social inclusion and acculturation. Since online information is one of the most essential commodities in the U.S., there is cause to examine digital access in the context of Black immigrants’ settlement. This data needs to be added to what is already known about Black immigrants in the United States.

2.2 Literature review

Access to information has been found to benefit immigrants’ adjustment to and inclusion in a new country (Benitez, 2012; Caidi & Allard, 2005; Kennan, Lloyd, Qayyum, & Thompson,

2011; Lloyd, Lipu, Kennan, 2010; Lloyd, Kennan, Thompson, & Qayyum, 2013). Particularly when it comes to the U.S., immigrants must, in addition to achieving housing, employment, and social stability, navigate a hyper-networked mainstream culture. Information resources are important for “individuals who have developed in one cultural context then attempt to re- establish their lives in another one” (Berry, 1997, p. 5).

The Internet and technology are contributors to globalization and mass migration. With digital resources becoming widespread throughout the world, migrants are more likely to be introduced to digital resources prior to relocation. Kok and Rogers (2017) refer to this as transglocalization . The dynamic of the Internet-empowered immigrant is only recently acknowledged in LIS research. Much of LIS research on immigrants revolves around language skills along with offline, localized information practices. For this reason, Internet and ICT device access has not received dedicated attention. LIS scholars are increasingly recognizing that ICT- mediated networks and online diasporic communities are important to social inclusion

(Aizlewood & Doody, 2002; Caidi & Macdonald, 2008; Caidi, Allard, Dechief, & Longford,

2009; Mehra & Papajohn, 2007; Naficy, 2003; Pyati, Chu, Fisher, Srinivasan, Caidi, Allard, &

Dechief, 2008; Roald, 2004; Shoham and Stam, 2001). Still, “not much LIS research examines how ICTs fit within the information behaviors of immigrants,” according to Caidi, Allard and

Quirke (2010, p. 511).

Since they are considered newcomers, the assumption has been that immigrants are also technological newcomers (Benitez, 2006; Ono, 2008; Shen, 2013). Digital divide literature famously utilizes the metaphor of the alien versus indigene—or, “digital natives versus digital immigrants”—to describe information haves and have-nots (Guo, Dobson, Petrina, 2008;

Prensky, 2001; Wang, Myers, Sundaram, 2013). These ambiguities lead to conflation—that is, notions of immigrants being newcomers to all things digital or technical. Some scholars (Pyati,

Chu, Fisher, Srinivasan, Caidi, Allard, & Dechief, 2008) suggest that such views are not in keeping with modern migration and social realities.

Now more than ever, the well-being of immigrants relies on how they leverage digital technologies and participate in the information age (Nedelcu, 2012; Shoham & Strauss, 2008).

ICT devices and Internet access shape how migrants enter, settle, acclimate and advance in new environments (Caidi, Allard, Dechief, & Longford, 2009). Those who live outside of their home countries endure the challenge of reconstructing their lives, relationships, and identities (Shoham

& Strauss, 2008). The Internet facilitates translation, mobility, and financial self-sufficiency.

Those who regularly access Internet resources are more likely to integrate and achieve upward mobility (Wellman, Quan-Huase, Witte, & Hampton, 2001). With adequate access, diasporic identities are supported, families remain bonded, memories are chronicled, and life tools are organized (Forunati, Pertierra, & Vincent, 2013). The Internet and digital devices are thus recognized among demography and population studies scholars as staples to social inclusion and acculturation. For immigrants who face financial and time constraints, for example, the Internet can be a private and low-cost avenue for obtaining social support (Mikal, Rainie & Abeyta,

2013; Rice & Hagen, 2010; Wellman, Quan Haase, Witte & Hampton, 2001).

There are drawbacks to Internet use among immigrants, to be sure. E-diaspora platforms can cause isolation and inhibit engagement with native-born groups (Bargh & McKenna, 2004;

Dimagio, Hargatti, Neuman, & Robinson, 2001). Mikal and Woodfield (2015) argue that

Internet-mediated social support is still encumbered by some of the limitations encountered in face-to-face exchanges: geographic proximity, social indicators of hierarchical standing, cultural and linguistic barriers to communication and reciprocal social obligation. Nevertheless, the benefits outweigh the threats. Following transition, the Internet and ICT devices enable connections between support and need. Digital participation is important for an immigrant’s psychosocial integration upon migration (Caidi, Allard, Dechief, & Longford, 2009). The centrality of the Internet and ICTs in the lives of Back immigrants necessitates further study.

2.3 Theoretical foundation

Jaeger and Burnett’s (2010) theory of information worlds frames this investigation on information access among Black immigrant households in the U.S. Since it affords a broad view, this study particularly deals with the construct of information boundaries, or the lines between places and spaces that shape information access. Boundaries may encompass intangible dynamics such as policies (immigration, especially), social lines or attitudes, both intrinsic and extrinsic, which might pose threats or opportunities. Boundaries distinguishes limits, for instance, assets either within or beyond a group’s reach. Resources that groups are not able to reach might be just as influential as those they can. Therefore, this study particularly examines whether there is evidence that Black immigrants are affected by a digital divide.

2.4 Research questions & method

The following research questions guided this study:

RQ1: How do Black immigrants living in the U.S. access information?

RQ2: How does their access compare to that of the overall population?

The researcher utilized data from the 2016 American Community Survey (ACS) to examine ICT device ownership and Internet access among Black immigrants and compared these measures to those of the overall U.S. population. The annual ACS 1-year estimate is a household sample survey that is distributed nationwide to 3.5 million addresses by the U.S. Bureau of the

Census. The questionnaire solicits information on household members (e.g., including age, gender, race, Hispanic origin, marital status, ancestry, citizenship, languages spoken at home, income, work status) and resources (telephone and Internet service, housing type, tenure, rent).

The ACS survey was disseminated between January 1, 2016 and December 31, 2016. The dataset was released for public use in September 2017. Since the 2016 ACS PUMS data represents about 3.4 million responses, or roughly 1% of the U.S. population, results on the total population estimates were calculated by replicating the weight variable within the dataset. These figures, however, are subject to standard errors of inferential statistics.

Sampling for the ACS entails a multistage probability sample of households from all fifty states and the District of Columbia. The response rate equaled 94.7%. Households are selected, then data is gathered about all persons in the household. The questionnaire contains structured, closed-ended items. One person in the household functions as the reference person who completes questions for all members of the household, if applicable. The reference person must be at least fifteen years old. Each returned questionnaire represents a household. Since households are chosen and not individuals or families, data is gathered about all household members no matter their relationships to each other. It is therefore important to distinguish that

1.) household composition is largely based on the responses of the reference person and 2.) there are no guarantees that the reference person will consult with or accurately portray household composition. This presents a limitation to this type of research.

The 2016 ACS dataset was accessed for the present study accessed in December 2017 via the U.S. Bureau of the Census’ American Fact Finder database. Table 1 lists pertinent ACS questions. Since these questions are asked of the household and not of the individual, the unit of analysis is a household, either Black immigrant households or general population households.

The general population household variable entails all useable returned responses minus those collected from Black immigrant households, totaling 3,122,147 households. The Black immigrant variable was created by filtering foreign-born status and race (Black, regardless of ethnicity.

Table 2.1. Relevant 2016 ACS questionnaire items

Question

What is Person 1’s race?

Is this person a citizen of the United States?

At this house, apartment, or mobile home – do you or any member of this household own or use any of the following types of computer? Yes or No. (Desktop or laptop; smartphone; tablet or other portable wireless computer; some other type of computer)

At this house, apartment, or mobile home – do you or any member of this household have access to the Internet? (Yes, by paying a cell phone company or Internet service provider; Yes, without paying a cell phone company or Internet service provider; No access to the Internet at this house, apartment or mobile home)

Do you or any member of this household have access to the Internet using a (cellular data plan for a smartphone or other mobile device?: broadband (high speed) Internet service such as cable, fiber optic, or DSL service installed in this household?; satellite Internet service installed in the household?; dial-up Internet service installed in this household?; some other service?)

Internet and ICT device access variables were determined by filtering three questions on the provision of computing devices and Internet service along with type of access to the Internet, as shown in Table 2.1. ICT device and Internet access variables were cross-examined with Black immigrant household and general population household variables. Two techniques of data analysis were used in this study. The main discussion provides frequency distributions pertaining to Internet and ICT device access among Black immigrant households. Secondly, bivariate comparative analysis was used to examine how Black immigrant households fared when compared to general population households.

2.5 Results

2.5.1 Demographic characteristics

A total of 31,341 Black immigrant households were sampled. As shown in Table 2.2, approximately 90.5% of households contained one family. About 98.5% households had at least one married couple, and 52.8% ( n= 16, 541) reported children under 18 in the home.

Additionally, 61.2% ( n=20,886) of households had at least one adult who was employed. The average household income is $56,517, with 90.7% of household salaries being above the federal poverty level threshold of $16,240 for non-single person households. About 51.4% ( n=16,108) had at least one adult who completed grade 12 and 73.9% ( n=23,160) of households had at least one adult who completed four years of college. Thus, descriptive statistics corresponds with federal and well-known data (Anderson, 2015a; Anderson, 2015b; Rong & Brown, 2001;

Thomas, 2012; Zong & Batalova, 2016) regarding social outcomes among Black immigrant households: households are characterized as predominantly having married couples, children, and incomes above 30,000 annually.

Table 2.2. 2016 ACS Black households descriptive statistics

Demographic % n

One family HH 90.5% 28, 362

Income above poverty level 90.7% 28,425

Children under 18 in HH 52.8% 16,547

Married couple in HH 98.5% 16, 541

High school degreed adult in HH 51.4% 16,108

College degreed adult in HH 73.9% 21,160

Employed adult in HH 61.2% 20,886

2.5.2 RQ1: ICT device access

About 80.6% ( n=25,247) of households reported at least one member with access to a smartphone device; 78.6% ( n=24,635) of households had access to a desktop, laptop, or netbook computing device; 59.9% ( n=18,758) had access to tablet devices, and 5.2% ( n=1,616) had access to other computing devices, as shown in table 2.3.

Table 2.3. ICT device access among Black immigrant households

Device % n

Smartphone 80.6 % 25,247

Desktop/Laptop 78.6% 24,635

Tablet 59.9% 18,758

Other Computing Device 5.2% 1,755

2.5.3 RQ1: Internet access

Data from the 2016 ACS data answers reveals that Black immigrant households have satisfactory access to the Internet and ICT devices (Table 2.4). Approximately 81.9% ( n=25,667) of Black immigrant households reported overall access to the Internet; 70.4% (n=22,074) reported access through smartphone plans; 68.2% ( n=21,381) reported high-speed Internet 34 access; 6.6% ( n=2,082) reported satellite access; 3.7% ( n=1,161) reported dial-up access, and

1.3% ( n=414) other type of access.

Table 2.4. Internet access among Black immigrant households

Internet Access % n

Overall Access 81.9% 25,667

Cell Phone Data Plan 70.4% 22,074

Hi-speed internet 68.2% 21,381

Satellite Internet 6.6% 2,082

Dial-Up 3.7% 1,161

Other Service 1.3% 414

2.5.4 RQ2: Comparison with overall population

To compare differences in mean ICT scores between Black immigrant households and general population households, the researcher first computed measurements for ICT device access and Internet Access among the general population. Percentages are provided in Table 2.5.

One sample t-test analyses were utilized to compare ICT device and Internet access between the two groups. All assumptions for parametric statistical tests were satisfied.

Table 2.5. Internet & ICT Device access among general population households

ICT Device Internet Access % n Access % n

Overall Access 82.8% 2,775,588 Smartphone 76.8% 2,388,442

Cell Phone Data Plan 71.4% 2,600,748 Desktop/Laptop 79.1% 2,416,541

Hi-speed internet 68.6% 2,566,404 Tablet 63.1% 1,804,600

Satellite Internet 7.3% 240,405 Other 3.0% 93,664 Computing Dial-Up 2.6% 87,420 Device Other Service 1.4% 43,710

Based on a series of t-tests, (Table 2.6), there was no significant difference between the two groups when it came to hi-speed Internet access: t(31878)=4.50, p=.45, d=. 71. However, there were significant differences between the two groups when it came to other forms of

Internet access. The general population displayed significantly higher levels of overall Internet access: t(31936)= -2.9; p < .01, d=1.34; cell phone data plan access: t(31945)= 2.93; p < .01, d=1.85; satellite Internet access: t(31942)=2.59; p < .01; d=.71; dial-up access: t(31937)=6.79; p

< .01, d= -.91; and other types of Internet service: t(31938)=4.19; p < .01, d=.13 (see Figure 2.1).

There was also no significant difference when it came to device desktop/laptop access: t(31949)=.70, p=.48. d=1.13. Thus, desktop/laptop access among Black immigrant households was on par with households in the general population. However, there were significant differences when it came to access to smartphone [ t(32059)=16.64, p < .01, d=-8.53], tablet

[t(31932)= -9.32, p < .01, d=5.87], other computing devices [t(31906)=.8.89, p < .01, d=4.78], with smartphone and other device access being higher among Black immigrants households and all other measures being higher among general population households (see Figure 2.2).

Table 2.6. T-tests for equality of means

Black Immigrant General Households Population 95% Confidence M SD M SD Interval t-value df Overall Internet 81.9 .68 82.8 .66 1.83E+04 2.98E-03 2.91* 31942

Cellular Data 70.4 .54 71.4 .54 2.01E-02 3.59E-02 2.93* 31945 Plan Hi-Speed Internet 68.2 .56 68.6 .56 2.13E-02 4.55E-02 4.50** 31878

Satellite Internet 6.6 .76 7.3 .77 -2.53E-02 3.85E-02 2.59* 31942

Dial-Up Internet 3.7 .76 2.6 .76 -2.30E-02 1.30E-02 6.79* 31937

Table 2.6. continued Other Internet 1.3 .77 1.4 .76 1.86E-02 3.01E-02 4.92* 31938

Smartphone 80.6 .43 76.8 .46 -3.67E-03 8.74E+00 -16.65* 32058

Desktop/Laptop 78.6 .44 79.1 .44 -1.88E-02 1.50E-02 0.70** 31949

Tablet 59.9 .55 63.1 .54 -6.77E-03 8.75E+00 9.24* 31932

Other Device 5.2 .47 3.0 .45 2.81E-03 3.19E-03 -8.89* 31906

*p<.01, two-tailed **p>.05, two-tailed

Figure 2.1 Comparison of Internet access – Black Immigrants and overall U.S. population

Figure 2.2 Comparison of ICT device access – Black Immigrants and overall U.S. population

2.6 Discussion

Black immigrant households are e-Included (Yu, Ndumu, Mon, & Fang, 2018) as exemplified by strong Internet and ICT device access based on 2016 ACS data. Regarding

Internet access, cellular data plan was the most prevalent form of access among this group, and a substantial proportion of households also maintained access to hi-speed Internet. In fact, hi-speed

Internet access was found to be comparable to that of the general population. Yet, at the same time, Black immigrant households displayed significantly higher levels of dial-up access in comparison to the general population. These seemingly contrasting results might be explained by two possibilities: 1.) high socioeconomic variance within this segment of the population, where some households rely on more affordable but slower at-home Internet speeds while others are capable of maintaining costlier, faster at-home Internet speeds; or 2.) due to their transnational cultures, Black immigrant households overwhelming rely on portable Internet access and are, therefore, more apt to sustain cellular data plans for their mobile devices, though at-home access is also sustained. The proposition corresponds with findings on ICT device access: Black immigrant households had significantly higher levels of smartphone access. Portable technology facilitates information access among immigrants (Lingel & Kim, 2005; Warschauer, 2004). The need to be in touch with family and friends at a distance makes immigrants the types of users who drive early adoption of some communication technologies (Gonzalez, Castro, and

Rodriguez, 2009). Smartphone digital applications such as Whatsapp and Facebook Messenger grant efficient, economical communication with loved ones. It is also likely that flexible technological use is effective for immigrants who rely on public transportation, maintain non- traditional work hours, have transient lifestyles or (as explained earlier) require low-cost Internet

38 or ICT access. Smartphone devices are ideal in these circumstances. The findings here support recent discourse (Fortunati, Pertierra, & Vincent, 2012) on immigrant Internet & ICT access which states that, in the 21st century, small handheld devices such as smartphones are bridging the digital divide and providing user-friendly means to online content for underrepresented groups.

However, on-the-go type of ICT & Internet access means that digital use is largely browsing-oriented. Portal ICT and Internet access stands in contrast to more purposive and intensive technological skills in that usage is limited to smaller screen sizes, limited navigation, shortened content, compressed pages, slower speeds, interrupted signals and overall cursory technological competence. Without skills in computing systems, software and document creation along with the integration of technology into other aspects of their lives, users are susceptible to low digital capacity and agency. For this reason, it is important for those who live in the U.S. to also have deeper engagement with ICT and the Internet in order to be e-Included.

Fortunately, the study results also indicate that Black immigrants have strong computer/laptop access; in fact, measures of computer and laptop access appear to be comparable to the general population. Measures of tablet devices, on the other hand, were significantly lower than the general population. These findings coupled with hi-speed Internet levels that were on par with the general population reify that, in addition to portable or mobile

ICT and Internet access, Black immigrants also experience adequate at-home, non-portable ICT access. Reliable at-home Internet access and technological resources are essential to sustained information usage and skills, and more robust digital engagement is thought to be beneficial toward social inclusion (Yu, Ndumu, Mon & Fang, 2018). Households that maintain

39 sophisticated ICT and device access to prone to adapt to emerging devices and improved Internet environments. Accelerated digital access through hardware, software, multimedia and hi-speed

Internet services cultivate integration and acculturation (Hoffman, Novak & Schlosser, 2000;

Lingel & Kim, 2015; Lloyd et. al, 2010; 2013). Information is vital to migration, and recent discourse confirms that immigrants participate in transnational information practices “by combining their technological prowess with mobilization of their social capital” (Portes, 1997, p.

18). Those who can customize, organize and apply information to their lives are more inclined to thrive in new environments.

It will be interesting to see how the rise of networked households and everyday items will impact immigrants’ social inclusion in the United States. There are now more than 8.4 billion wired products on the market. An estimated 32% of U.S. households now have Internet-capable devices such as smart refrigerators, smart blinds, smart home assistants such as Amazon’s Alexa, and smart jewelry such as Apple smart watches. This figure is projected to rise to 53% by 2022

(Zhong & Ge, 2018). The growing popularity of the Internet of Things and Quantified Self consumer trends has created a distinction between households that have adapted to “wired living” versus those that have not. Groups that are on the margins of society may be at risk of experiencing both digital and lifestyle divides.

Notwithstanding, the data herein negates suggestions that immigrants in the U.S. uniformly experience a digital divide. Black immigrants stand in contrast to such presumptions, based on this study. Even though immigrants are now likely to be exposed to digital technologies prior to relocation, the vastness of the U.S. information landscape can very likely require a unique type of acclimation. It could be that immigrants are challenged by the pervasiveness of

40 information, rather than suffering from insufficient information. Information overload, then, is a pertinent construct to examine as it relates to immigrant information access.

2.7 Conclusion

This inquiry reveals that Black immigrants overall fare well as it pertains to ICT and

Internet access. There are some limitations to this secondary analysis, however. Sampling for the

ACS survey is intended to be randomized and, therefore, generalizable, but the U.S. Census has historically undercounted undocumented immigrants (Kaneshiro, 2013). The strong social outcomes and information indicators that this study unveiled may be evidence of a skewed sample in that those with higher levels of income and education are more apt to participate in government research. In addition, as with any survey research, there is no guarantee that respondents understand the concepts or information presented to them or accurately answer the questions they are asked. Also, the presence of technology in a household does not guarantee adequate information or computing usage or immersion. Neither does it speak to motivational or cognitive access (Goldhammer, Naumann, & Kebel, 2013; Lazar, Koehler, Tanenbaum, &

Nguyen, 2015; van Dijk & Hacker, 2003) which are requisite for successful usage.

This study provides a glimpse into the information realities of Black immigrant households, but the picture is incomplete. The unit of analysis is household usage. Thus, this study was designed to capture an aerial or comprehensive perspective of Internet access and ICT ownership among Black immigrant households. It contains only large-scale quantitative data.

Granular data is necessary in comprehending information preferences, habits, and challenges. To evaluate the quality and nature of engagement with ICT, the Internet, and information in general, a detailed inquiry is required. Such a study would afford robust information, particularly

41 quantitative, qualitative, cognitive, psychological and interpersonal dimensions of information usage and behavior.

The findings on Black immigrant households are important, as research into their information contexts is scant. Information professionals and providers might utilize this study not only to ensure that ICT usage and access remains strong, but also to better comprehend Black immigrant communities. Designing adequate services for Black immigrant communities requires a fundamental understanding of their household ICT ownership and Internet access. Knowledge of Black immigrants’ ICT and Internet access can also help those who serve these communities acquire cultural competence. Rather than concentrating LIS research on information deficits or what can be considered remedial or interventionist ICT services, LIS researchers and professionals must explore the digital customs of foreign-born groups and how they adjust to new information environments. It is time to shift the discourse from the lack of information access among immigrants to ways of promoting the transition to unfamiliar or advanced contexts, especially when it comes to technologies that might lead to empowerment and better quality of life. Finally, there is still more unknown than known about the normative information experiences of African, Afro-Caribbean, and Afro-Latin immigrants living in the U.S. This line of research must continue, particularly considering that the Internet and technology are found to be increasingly valuable to integration and connectedness (Alonso & Oiarzabal, 2010;

Khvorostianov, Elias, & Nimrod, 2012).

CHAPTER THREE

ARTICLE TWO: TOWARD A NEW UNDERSTANDING OF IMMIGRANTS AND

INFORMATION: A SURVEY STUDY ON BLACK IMMIGRANTS, INFORMATION

ACCESS, & INFORMATION OVERLOAD

3.1 Introduction

Immigration is an essential aspect of U.S. society. According to the 2010 U.S. Census, one in every seven people in America is an immigrant. Information is critical to immigrants’ settlement and stability (Alam & Imran, 2015; Caidi, Ghaddar, & Allard, 2017; Lloyd, Kennan,

Thompson, & Qayyum, 2013). The lack of information resources hinders economic, housing, social, and even health or psychological stability.

Caidi, Allard and Quirke (2010) argue that much of the research on immigrants’ information behavior highlights problems with attaining information and the correlative challenge of integrating into host societies. U.S.-based LIS literature predominantly addresses information poverty (Benitez, 2006; Ono, 2008; Shen, 2013), gatekeeping (Agada, 1999;

Metoyer-Duran, 1991; 1993), and the digital divide (Alam & Imran, 2015; Ono, Zavondy, 2008) among immigrants. Studies often point to the challenges of insufficient information resources or inadequate skills (Allen, Matthew & Boland, 2004).

Some notions of immigrants as information novices are rooted in historical dynamics that correspond with times when immigrants entered the U.S. with little social capital and few resources. Such conceptualizations of immigrants’ perceived maladaptive information norms reflect long-standing ideologies that present the foreign-born as the class of the “disadvantaged who are not predisposed as the general population to alter the undesirable conditions of their

43 lives, or to see information as an instrument in their salvation” (Childers, 1975, p. 32) or whose information poverty “consists not so much of a lack of income (although they lack that) as of a lack of the cultural standards and of the motivations, including the desire for self-improvement and for ‘getting ahead,’ that would make them more productive” (Banfield, 1965, p. 109). These notions have resulted in LIS services that rely upon interventionist or remedial paradigms (see

Crane, 1920; Daggett, 1911; Daniels, 1920; Flexner, 1941; Gratiaa, 1919; Guhin, 1920; Kallen,

1916; Jones, 1999; Lescohier, 1920; Miller, 1920; Prescott, 1920; Reid, 1912; Roberts, 1910;

1911; Roberts, 1912; Rose, 1922; Sutliff, 1920; Wheaton, 1916; Yust, 1913).

A definite difficulty in aggregating immigrant information behavior research lies in the fact that study groups vastly differ, with refugees, asylees, and non-English speakers understandably being the focus of most studies. Yet, even among those who are forcibly displaced and face tantamount challenges with integration, there may be some prior digital participation or information savviness. While fields such as demography and population studies recognize information (particularly, Internet usage) as a catalyst and asset in resettlement

(Dekker & Engbersen, 2014), LIS research has not fully examined this reality. LIS scholarship seldom deals with the role of digital and multimodal information in migration; some (Pyati, Chu,

Fisher, Srinivasan, Caidi, Allard, & Dechief, 2008; Srinvivasan & Pyati, 2007) have called for understandings of culturally-situated and ICT-mediated diasporic environments. The posture of the immigrants as information neophytes does not entirely hold in the age of accelerated, ubiquitous and global information dissemination. In the new ecosystem of migration, a more applicable problem to address is the surfeit of information in the migration experience. The literature makes fleeting mention of how immigrants acclimate to information landscapes that are

“huge, overwhelming, and too much” (Lloyd, 2015, p. 197) or are “exacerbated by the multiple formats and channels available” (Bawden & Robinson, 2008, p. 3). This area of immigrant information behavior warrants dedicated attention.

3.2 Significance and theoretical framework

It is against this backdrop that I examine the relationship between migration, information access, and information overload as it relates to Africans, Afro-Latinxs, and Afro-Caribbeans living in the U.S. Using information worlds (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010) as the theoretical underpinning, this study will explore the social norms, social types, information value, information behavior, and boundaries of Black immigrants, the fastest-growing immigrant group in the U.S., according to the U.S. census. This population was selected because there is very little

LIS research on immigrants from the Pan-African diaspora.

By repositioning the discourse from the stance of deficiency, or information poverty, to the dilemma of abundance of choice (Bawden & Robinson, 2008), or information overload, this research may bring to the forefront a taken-for-granted aspect of the lived experiences of immigrants in America. Moreover, information overload is commonly thought of as a byproduct of the information society; embedded within this standpoint are assumptions on the intersection of access and privilege. Classic information overload studies involve middle-class American consumers, professionals, technophiles or any similar customary study group. (To be sure, this is not to say that Black immigrants are not middle-class, consumers, professionals, technophiles or even American via naturalization). Plenty has been established about mainstream America. Here, attention is granted to an understudied population.

3.3 Research questions

The following questions guide this study on the relationship between information access, information overload and immigrants:

RQ1: How do Black immigrants living in the U.S. access information?

RQ2: Do Black immigrants experience information overload?

RQ3: If so, what characteristics (e.g. amounts, resource types) or settings

(e.g. physical spaces) are associated with information overload?

RQ4: If so, how do Black immigrants respond to information overload?

3.4 Literature review on information overload

The phenomenon of information overload is generally characterized as “the point at which information becomes more of hindrance rather than a help” (Bawden & Robinson, 2008, p. 4). It involves subjective and objective user dynamics as well as concrete and abstract resource characteristics. The very discussion of information overload elicits various interpretations and operationalizations. Broad interpretations hold that information overload is “the proliferation of available data and publications and ever-more-comprehensive and widespread, automated means of access to them” (Biggs, 1989, p. 411) while narrower definitions consider it ¨the pressure of too much information¨ (Bawden & Robinson, 2013, p. 243).

Information overload represents the difficulty of working one’s way through vast, complicated, or hard to reach resources. Synonyms are both colorful and plentiful: analysis paralysis (Schwartz, 2004); cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1962); continuous partial attention

(Rose; 2011; Stone, 2007); data smog and infobesity (Shenk, 1997); infoglut (Andrejevic, 2013); information anxiety (Wurman, 1989; Wurman, Leifer & Sume, 2001); information diet (Johnson,

2012); information inflation (Doomen, 2009); information pollution (Nielsen, 2003); library anxiety (Bostick, 1993; Mellon, 1986; Jiao, Onwuegbuzie & Bostick (1997); multidimensional library anxiety (van Kampen, 2004); overchoice or choice overload (Toffler, 1990); reference overload (Radford, 1993; 1996; 1999; Reichardt, 2006); tyranny of small decisions (Kahn, 1966) and technostress (West, 2007). As Akin (1997) argues, although information overload has been linked to a myriad of social ills and calamities—including culture wars (Limerick, 1992), traffic accidents (Dewar, 1988), struggling readers (Harker, 1979), adolescent suicides (Allen, 1987), chemical spills (Forester, 1992), political corruption (Roszak, 1986) and lack of museum appreciation (Matamoros, 1986)—it is more than a catch phrase for ambiguous perils linked to the

Information Age.

3.4.1 Historical context

A common misconception is that information overload is a problem unique to the information society and the correlative rise in information communication technologies (ICTs).

On the contrary, information overload has been a concern since the invention of recorded information and the transmission of communication (Bawden & Robinson, 2008). As Gleick

(2011) described in The information , the writer of Ecclesiastes lamented that they had

¨experienced much of wisdom and knowledge” and then applied themselves to the “understanding of wisdom, and [therefore] also of madness and folly.” They ultimately learned that pursuing wisdom and knowledge is ¨a chasing after the wind...the more knowledge, the more grief¨ (Bible,

NIV Bible Ecclesiastes, 1:16-18 as cited in Gleick, 2011, p. 28). Likewise, the philosopher

Socrates railed against a key aspect of information transmission, writing, and complained that

“this invention will produce forgetfulness in the learner´s soul, because they will not practice their

47 memory. Their trust in writing, produced by external characters which are no part of themselves, will discourage the use of their own memory within them...for they will read many things without instruction and will therefore seem to know many things, when they are for the most part ignorant and hard to get along with” (Phaedrus, 274B.C. as cited in Gleick, 2011, pg. 30 ).

3.4.2 Research on information overload

Though he did not explicitly use the term, neurologist George Beard warned in his 1881 book American nervousness: Its causes and consequences, a supplement to nervous exhaustion that the deluge of reading material such as newspapers, magazines and books results in acute anxiety and, consequently, headaches, dyspepsia or even mental breakdowns (Beard, 1881;

Lincoln, 2011). Later, social scientists Georg Simmel (1903) and Stanley Milgram (1970) attempted to explain the ways in which cities or busy urban areas continuously assault human senses and lead mental overload. The term “information overload” was first mentioned in Gross’

(1964) The managing of organizations but was popularized by Toffler’s (1990) Future shock .

Information overload has been addressed in several domains; Akins (1997) pinpoints at least twenty disciplines, the top four being business, communications, information technology, and library and information science (LIS). In their meta-analysis of information overload, Eppler and Mengis (2004) review an array of operationalizations, contexts, variables and measurements across a variety of fields such as consumer and decision science, management and organizational studies, communications, and marketing.

The earliest empirical studies involving information overload were conducted in business or professional environments (such as neurocognition, psychology, management, and consumer choice). The works of Claude Shannon and Warren Weaver (1948), George Miller (1956; 1968),

James Miller (1960; 1963; 1964; 1978), and Orrin Klapp (1978; 1986) provided solid foundations on information overload. Subsequent research has consistently acknowledged these key figures

(Akin, 1997; Allen & Shoard, 2005; Eppler & Mengis, 2004).

The debate surrounding information overload has also influenced popular culture.

Throughout the 1990s, the issue of information overload gained considerable publicity as a result of a series of large-scale reports on how the superfluity of information contributed to poor health along with gross inefficiency (Bawden and Robinson, 2008; 2013). A 1996 Reuters survey of business managers, Dying for Information , revealed that two thirds of managers believed information overload was directly related to job dissatisfaction, struggling personal relationships, and ailing health. TED Talk founder Richard Paul Wurman´s (1989; 2001) Information Anxiety 1 and 2 struck a chord with the American consciousness about the pressures of functioning in the

Information Age. Moreover, in his best-selling historiography of humankind's relationship with information across five millennia, Gleick (2011) commented that “we have met the Devil of information overload and his impish underlings, the computer virus, the busy signal, the dead link, and the PowerPoint presentation” (p. 5).

As ICT advances, the discourse on information overload discussions regenerate. For instance, information overload is positioned as an assault brought on by social media, the casualties of which are attention, relationships, and identity formation. Research such as

Beudoin´s (2008) examination of the negative effects of Internet use along with Rodriguez,

Gummadi, and Schoelkopf (2014) work on social media use and information overload substantiate give credence to such concerns.

3.4.3 Behavioral dimension of information overload

Information overload is commonly thought of as a spectrum, and some researchers suggest that a linear relationship exists between the user and the information (Bawden &

Robinson, 2008; Jackson & Farzaneh, 2012; Jacoby, 1984; Meier, 1963). This analogy suggests that information overload can intrude at any point, and to varying degrees (see Figure 3.1). A person might feel pressure by the very need for information, as they actively seek resources, when they amass information, or possibly the stage at which they use or handle information resources.

Figure 3.1. Behavioral (linear) dimension of information overload

This sequential, behaviorist interpretation of information overload dominated early scholarship. Weick (1970) concluded that information overload is “the perceived inability to maintain a one-to-one relationship between input and output within a realizable future, given an existing repertoire of data and desires” (p. 68) and Mintzberg (1975) interpreted it as the “brains having difficulty processing all the relevant information –there is too much, it may be with expectation or previous patterns, and some of it may simply be too threatening to accept” (p.17).

Rogers (1981) wrote that information overload is “the state of an individual or system in which the excessive communication inputs cannot be processed, leading to breakdown” (p. 181). The

50 overarching concern in these early studies was how the proliferation of information resources and data impacted decision-making and productivity (Speier, Valacich and Vessey, 1999).

For all of the purported dangers, empirical studies on how users behave toward information overload are relatively meager (Akin, 1997; Tidline, 1999; Savolainen, 1995). There have been concerns as to the ability to truly examine such a complex construct, with some theorists such as Akin (1997) arguing that historical information overload experiments addressed searching competence, not information overload. Lincoln (2011) similarly argues that information overload research lacks standardization, which is essential for studying erratic phenomena.

3.4.4 Quantitative dimension of information overload

Quantifiable aspects of information overload might include an artifact´s length in terms of page count or duration along with the number of search engine results. When viewed from this aspect, the number of possible resources or answers functions as an inhibitor. What is generally deemed a valuable commodity—ample amounts of information—becomes unmanageable, inconvenient, or otherwise a liability (Bawden & Robinson, 2008; Case, 2010). Information overload can be temporal (Akin, 1997). The problem posed by time is two-fold. For one, the intellectual act of acquiring or handling information consumes time. For another, information may be necessary to address time-sensitive needs (Akin, 1997). Currency and urgency are therefore important considerations when analyzing information overload.

Further still, an individual can be overwhelmed not only by a flood of information but by the very places where information can be sought. Locales, then, represent a spatial, physical aspect of information overload. ¨Libraries are prime sites for overload,” as Case (2010, p. 118) puts it. In his study on over 6000 college students, Mellon (1986) found that over 80%

51 experienced library anxiety. Gross and Latham (2007), Jiao, Onwuegbuzie & Bostick (1997), and

Kuhlthau (1988), arrived as similar findings. To further explore this phenomenon, Bostick (1993) introduced the library anxiety scale, which van Kampen (2004) later expanded into the multidimensional library anxiety scale. Following the same line of inquiry, Reichardt (2006) investigated reference overload, or when librarians, well-intended but misguided, present users with too many resources.

The quantitative aspects of information overload often are often likened to overconsumption or fatness, as evidenced by Johnson’s (2012) call for an “information diet,” a conscious and deliberate intake of information resources; Andrejevic’s (2013) warnings against

“infoglut,” the addiction to information that leads to malady; and Shenk’s (1997) exhortations on

“infobesity,” the careless and undisciplined approach to information that results in excess, at best, or debilitation, at worse.

3.4.5 Qualitative dimension of information overload

Qualitative characteristics of information involve resource type (primary, secondary or tertiary source) or abstract content attributes such as diversity, ambiguity, novelty, complexity, authority/reputation, completeness, informativeness, consistency, volatility, and accessibility

(Stvilia & Gasser, 2008). These characteristics are typically inexact and can thus prompt information overload. Simpson and Prusak (1995) elaborate on broad attributes of information overload such as truth (credibility), guidance (assessment), weight (authority), accessibility (ease of access), scarcity (lack). Users can also be daunted by requisite treatment—the need to read, tally, edit, synthesize, populate or submit a resource (Lincoln, 2011; Eppler & Mengis, 2004).

Along these lines, Hwang and Lin (1999) found that both variance and homogeneity of resources

52 may intimidate information seekers. There is also the related problem of the genericized nature of information. Bawden and Robinson (2008) argue that information resources, though diverse in content, are delivered through a limited number of interfaces, predominantly a web interface. The result is a perceived uniformity of information, or homogenized diversity, “with the look and feel of different resources of the print age—a textbook, a newspaper, a handwritten diary entry, a photocopy of a journal article, a printout of a data file, etc.—being largely lost” (p. 2).

3.4.6 Affective dimension of information overload

From an affective standpoint, information overload can prompt feelings of powerlessness, anxiety or fatigue (Wurman, 1989; 2001). Klapp (1986) suggested that surplus information acts as noise and results in confusion. Miller (1960) argued that it can lead to a host of other responses: omission (failing to process some of the inputs), error (processing the information incorrectly in some way), queuing (delaying processing of some information with the intention of catching up later), filtering (processing only that information identified as having ‘high priority’); approximation (lowering standard of discrimination by being less precise in categorizing inputs and responses); multiple channels (splitting up the incoming information in order to decentralize the response) and escaping (giving up the burden of attending to inputs entirely).

Katz and Kahn (1966) expound upon Miller’s concepts and substitute the terms queuing, filtering and approximation for omission, error and escape, respectively. They posit that the ways people adjust to excess information are based on well-considered priorities. Bounded rationality, or the idea that individuals arrive at the best possible decisions using temporal circumstances, guides responses to information overload. Users might consciously or subconsciously adhere to

53 the principle of least effort (Zipf, 1949; Case, 2010; 2016), satisficing (Simon, 1957), rounding

(Solomon, 2002) or sense-making (Dervin, 1983; 1998).

It is possible to deeply internalize information overload. A number of theories enrich our understanding of the psychological ramifications of information overload. Schwartz (2004) describes “the paradox of choice,” Festinger (1962) writes of “cognitive dissonance” and Rose

(2011) and Stone (2005) describe, through the theory of continuous partial attention, the process of simultaneously observing or considering, at a superficial level, a number of sources of information. This coping mechanism involves skimming data, selecting relevant details and paying only partial attention, which is similar to what Kahn (1966) calls the “tyranny of small decisions.” The prevalent metaphor here is environmental harm: information pollution (Nielson,

2003), data smog (Shenk, 1997), or dissonance (Festinger, 1962).

3.4.7 Literature-derived information overload indicators

The following information overload index was constructed based on content analysis of well-known information overload research:

Table 3.1 Information overload indicators

INFORMATION OVERLOAD INDICATOR DIMENSION DESCRIPTION Information need Behavioral act of recognizing a requirement for an information resource act of looking for or attempting to obtain an information Information seeking Behavioral resource Information Behavioral act of choosing or obtaining an information resource selection/retrieval Information use Behavioral act of utilizing or applying an information resource information resource that is available as a physical document, Print format Qualitative such as print books or print letters information resource that is available online, such as websites, Digital format Qualitative eBooks, blogs

Table 3.1 continued

information resource that is available as verbal Verbal format Qualitative communication, i.e. podcasts, songs, face-to-face conversations information resource that is available as a visual or art Visual format Qualitative resource, i.e. photograph, flyer, logo Excess information Quantitative large volume of information resources Scarce information Quantitative small volume of information resources Currency Quantitative current nature or timeliness of an information resource Diversity Qualitative variance or heterogeneity of information resources Accessibility Qualitative convenience of obtaining an information resource Authority Qualitative esteem or formality associated with an information resource difficulty or challenge, in terms of content, of an information Complexity Qualitative resource Treatment Qualitative action or process that is required of an information resource attention or consideration that is required of an information Urgency Qualitative resource physical or geographic location that is associated with an Spatial/temporal Qualitative information resource

3.5 Methods

Using Jaeger and Burnett’s (2010) theory of information worlds to conceptualize

information in society, this study explores information access among Afro-Latin, Afro-

Caribbean, and African immigrants. For this study, a Black immigrant is operationalized as any foreign-born Black (single or mixed race) adult (aged 18 or over) who permanently resides in the

U.S., regardless of immigration status. Black immigrants might be refugees, asylees, legal permanent residents (green card holders), naturalized citizens or undocumented/illegal entrants.

It should be noted that international students were not included in the study, as previous literature

(Sin & Kim, 2013) indicates that their information environments (and, subsequently, their information behavior) are dissimilar to those of other types of immigrant groups.

In order to investigate information as a stressor from the point of view of Black immigrants of African, Afro-Caribbean and Afro-Latin descent, the researcher designed a 26- 55 item questionnaire containing multiple choice and open-ended questions that were divided into three sections: I. Personal demographics, II. Information access, and III. Information overload.

It was translated to Spanish and French in order to achieve better inclusivity as well as a strong response rate. An online version of the questionnaire was created in English using FSU Qualtrics software, which also allows respondents to translate surveys to several languages. The survey link was first distributed to potential participants electronically via email and social media.

Additionally, the researcher distributed print surveys throughout churches, restaurants, parks and similar public places in Miami, Florida, Washington, D.C., and Houston, Texas; these cities are recognized as having large Black immigrant populations (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2010).

Participants were encouraged to recruit or recommend additional participants. Therefore, sampling included a mixture of snowball and convenience sampling. Data collection took place between July and December 2017. An a priori analysis indicated that 64 responses were needed to achieve statistical power. Although the research herein cannot be considered representative of the entire population of Black immigrants in the U.S., the findings afford insight into their information worlds.

The survey instrument was pilot tested for functionality by five individuals who met the inclusion criteria. Based on pretester feedback, the questionnaire was refined to make questions and constructs more intuitive. The literature-derived information overload scale (section III of the questionnaire) consisted of a Likert scale (0=never; 1=seldom; 2=sometimes; 3=often;

4=very often) to measure how frequently, if at all, respondents felt overwhelmed or burdened by information overload constructs. In addition to face validity through construct coverage in prior research, the scale’s content validity is believed to be sound, as Pearson’s correlation coefficients

56 between constructs and information overload scores ranged from .393 to .932. Internal consistency reliability of the scale, or the standardized Cochran’s alpha, equaled .927.

Points for the 18 constructs were tabulated, and each participant was given an information overload score ranging from 0 (low) to 72 (high). Descriptive statistics provide raw measurements of the dynamics of information overload and information access based on responses. Since data collection was not random, nonparametric analysis were necessary to further explore relationships. The one-sample Kruskal-Wallis H test and Mann-Whitley tests were used to evaluate differences in information overload scores among demographic subgroups.

3.6 Results

3.6.1 Demographic characteristics

A total of 104 responses were collected. Thirteen responses were eliminated due to incompletion or ineligibility (i.e., U.S.-born participants or international students). Ninety-one responses were analyzed. In terms of ethnicity, 51.6% (n=47) were Afro-Caribbean, 31.9%

(n=29) participants were African, and 16.5% (n=15) were Afro-Latin, as shown in figure 3.2.

Figure 3.2 Participants’ ethnicities 57

Table 3.2. Participant backgrounds

Variable % N Ethnicities Afro-Caribbean 52 47 African 32 29 Afro-Latin 17 15

Countries of Birth Jamaica 23 21 Haiti 19 17 Nicaragua 12 11 Tanzania 12 11 Uganda 9 8 Bahamas 5 5 Nigeria 5 5 Panama 2 2 Cameroon 2 2 Guyana 2 2 Kenya 2 2 Belize 2 2 Barbados 1 1 Bermuda 1 1 Dominica 1 1 Dominican Republic 1 1 Ghana 1 1 Honduras 1 1 Trinidad and Tobago 1 1

Languages or Dialects English 100 91 Spanish 24 22 Haitian Creole/Kreyol 19 17 French 15 14 Swahili 15 14 Luganda .07 7 Jamaican Patois .05 5 Igbo .02 2 Hausa .02 2 Yoruba .02 2 Kikuyu .01 1 Edo .01 1 Lunyankoke .01 1 Chaga .01 1 Ankole .01 1 Lugisu .01 1 Akose .01 1 Turkish .01 1 Arabic .01 1 Ta .01 1 Ewe .01 1 Twi .01 1 Japanese .01 1

As demonstrated in Table 3.3, ages ranged from 20 to 81, with 43 being the mean age

(SD =14.70). Thirty percent ( n=28) of participants represent what migration literature (Rumbaut,

2004) calls “Generation 1.75,” or dependents who migrated closer to birth; 17 percent ( n=16) arrived as teenagers or “Generation 1.25,” dependents who migrated closer to adulthood; and

50% ( n=46) migrated as adults. In terms of year of migration, 16% ( n=15) migrated to the U.S. since 2008; 24% ( n=22) migrated between 1998 and 2008; 18% ( n=17) migrated between 1988 and 1998; and 40% ( n=36) migrated prior to 1988. The mean migration age was 20 ( SD =12.43).

Table 3.2 represents backgrounds. Participants noted 19 different countries of origin (six

African, five Central or South American, and eight Caribbean) along with 26 languages or dialects. Participants resided in eight states and 27 different U.S. cities or towns, of which the most frequently noted were Miami, Los Angeles, New York, Houston, and Washington, D.C.

Table 3.3. Survey study demographics

Variable % N

Gender Female 67.8% 61 Male 31.9% 29

Age 18-34 25.2% 23 35-60 58.2% 53 60-83 16.4% 15

Migration Age 1 mo.-12yrs. 30.7% 28 13yrs-18yrs. 17.5% 16 Over 18yrs. 51.6% 47

Education Grade School/Primary .01% 1 High School/Secondary 23.1% 21 Bachelor’s 44.2% 40 Vocational/Technical 4.4% 4

Table 3.3 continued

Variable % N

Professional .01% 1 Masters/Ph.D. 26.3% 24

Employment Employed 76.9% 70 Unemployed 6.6% 6 Retired 12.1% 11 Disabled 1.09% 1 Student 2.19% 2

Marital Status Married 42.8% 39 Never Married 36.2% 33 Widowed 10.9% 10 Separated 1.09% 1 Divorced 1.09% 1

# of Children 0 30.7% 28 1-2 38.4% 35 3 or more 29.7% 27

Sixty-eight percent of participants were women ( n=62) and 32% were male ( n=29 ).

Forty-four percent ( n=40) held Bachelor’s degrees; 26% ( n=24) had Master’s or Doctorate degrees, 4.4% ( n=4) received vocational or technical training (e.g., cosmetology; electrician), and one person held a professional (medical, pharmacy, or law) degree. Most participants were either married (43%, n=39) or never married (33%, n=30), and were employed full time (77%, n=70) or retired (12%, n=11). The majority (52%, n=47) did not have children. Fourteen percent

(n=13) had one child and 33% ( n=30) had two or more children.

3.6.2 RQ 1: Access to information

As shown in Table 3.5, when it came to home ICT access, 91.2% ( n=83) of participants had access to desktops or laptops; 89% ( n= 81) had smartphones; 32.9% ( n=30) had tablets.

Among those who were employed, 70.3% (n= 64) of participants had access to desktops or

60 laptops; 64.8% ( n=59) had access to smartphones; 27.4% ( n= 25) had tablets. A large proportion of participants (76%, n=70) relied on friends or family (in person or virtually) along with Internet reference tools such as Google (88%, n=80). Responses suggest that television, radio, and newspapers were not as frequently used (36%, n=33) and few participants 7% ( n=6) sought public libraries for information resources.

Table 3.4 ICT & information resources

Variable % N ICT Devices Smartphone—Home 91% 83 Tablet—Home 89% 81 Computer/Laptop—Home 33% 30

Computer/Laptop—Work 70% 56 Smartphone—Work 65% 54 Tablet—Work 37% 51

Information Resources Internet 88% 80 Family/friends 76% 70 Work colleagues 73% 66 Media 36% 30 School/university 26% 24 Church/temple 20% 18 Public library 7% 6 Cyber café 2% 2

Resource Preferences Accuracy of resources 87% 82 Ease of locating resources 67% 63 Timeliness of resources 66% 62 Speed of locating resources 65% 61 Familiarity of resources 32% 59

A large proportion of participants (76%, n=70) relied on friends or family (in person or virtually) along with Internet reference tools such as Google (88%, n=80). Television, radio, and newspapers were not as frequently used (36%, n=33) and few participants 7% ( n=6) sought public libraries for information resources.

In terms of engagement with information, 51% (n= 46) of participants answered that they needed information daily; 46% (n=40) of participants indicated that they searched for information daily; and 48% ( n=44) indicated that they used information daily. Another 31%

(n=28); 35% ( n=32), and 35% ( n=32) indicated that they needed, sought, and used information

(respectively) at least once a week or at most 4-6 times a week.

Table 3.5. Information activities

Variable % N

Daily Information Behavior Info Needing 61% 56 Info Seeking 56% 51 Info Use 58% 54

Information Activities Education/career 66% 60 Health/wellness 50% 46 Finance/work 52% 47 Legal/immigration 13% 12 Housing/community 29% 26 Parenting/dating 28% 25 Religion/spirituality 40% 36 Shopping/Entertainment 40% 36 Social/recreational 23% 30 Politics/current events 29% 27

Participants sought information primarily for education needs (66%, n=60); religion/spirituality (40%, n=37); health and wellness (40%, n=36); and finance/employment (32

%, n=29). Only 13% of participants ( n=12) indicated that they sought legal or immigration information, but 29% ( n= 27) noted politics as a top reason for information-seeking. Although only 20% of participants ( n= 18) indicated that they relied on their church or temple for information resources, religion/spirituality was a primary reason (40%, n= 37) for information- seeking. Data on information activities and preferences is provided in Table 3.5. 62

3.6.3 RQ2: Experiences with information overload

Information overload scores ranged from 0 (low) to 72 (high) with a mean of 29

(SD =14.06), as shown in Figure 3.3

Figure 3.3 Information overload scores

The assumptions of independence of cases, normal residual distribution, homogeneity of variance were sound, according to Levene’s test. However, sampling was not randomized.

Statistical analyses called for nonparametric analyses, as a result. Kruskal-Wallis H and Mann-

Whitney tests were used to analyze differences between information overload scores among subgroups.

As shown in Table 3.6, results indicate that there was no significant difference in information overload scores as it relates to age at migration, H=1.511, p=.470 based on mean information overload scores of 40.02 for those who migrated as children (Generation 1.75),

45.50 for teens (Generation 1.25), and 47.61 for adults. There was also no significant difference in information overload scores based on length of time since migration: H=.149, p=.928, although those who migrated within the last ten years had higher overall information overload scores (M=48.31) than those who migrated within the last 20 years (M=45.57) or 30 years

(M=45.48). Participants who indicated that they had at least one child prior to migration had higher information overload scores (M=48.44) than those who indicated that their children were all U.S.-born (M=47.07). Participants who had no children had the lowest overall information overload scores (M=42.43). However, further analysis showed that these differences were not statistically significant: H =.022, p=.881.

Table 3.6. Kruskal-Wallis H test of information overload score variance

M SD H p- df value

Generation 1.75 (1-12 yrs.) 40.02 .462 Generation 1.25 (13-17 yrs.) 45.50 .355 1.511 .470 2 Migrated as adults 47.61 .895

Migrated in last 30 years 29.00 .57 .022 .881 2 Migrated in last 20 years 27.74 .25

Migrated in last 10 years 30.94 .18

Kids before Migration 48.44 Kids after Migration 47.07 .84 .819 .664 2 No Kids 42.43

Mann-Whitney tests were used to analyze differences in scores based on gender and marital status. Results suggest that there was no significant difference in information overload scores based on marital status: u(4) =.571, p=.923, r= .27. However, there were significant differences based on gender: u(1) =6.538, p=.001; r= .98. Findings depict that males had statistically significantly higher information overload scores (Mdn=35) than women (Mdn=28).

3.6.4 RQ 3: Characteristics and settings associated with information overload

Table 3.7 reflects the frequency of information overload indicators. Behavioral indicators were among the most common factors of information overload. About 62% (n=56) of participants expressed that they experienced information overload as a result of needing, seeking and acquiring information. Results suggest that participants most frequently experience information overload as a result of quantitative indicators. About 69% (n= 63) of respondents attributed excess information, and 59% (n=53) attributed scarce information. Fifty-eight percent of participants experienced information overload due to the currency of information.

Table 3.7. Information overload indicators with frequencies

INDICATORS % N

BEHAVIORAL Information need 60.4% 55 Information seeking 61.5% 56 Information selection/retrieval 61.5% 56 Information use 58.2% 53

QUANTITATIVE Excess information 69.2% 63 Scarce information 59.3% 54 Currency information 58.2% 53

QUALITATIVE Print format 24.1% 34 Digital format 40.6% 37 Verbal format 35.1% 32 Visual format 40.6% 37 Accessibility 49.4% 45 Authority 59.3% 54 Complexity 57.1% 52 Diversity 58.2% 53 Spatial/temporal 53.8% 49 Treatment 52.7% 48 Urgency 59.3% 54

Survey participant were provided with the option to provide comments. Based on these comments, information overload also relates to: 65

• visual stimulation (“Too much visual stimulation from all the various avenues [movies, ads, television, billboards]—even taken in passively can be overwhelming”); • automated voice recordings (“automated voice recordings while seeking information by phone can be a challenge at times”); • false information (“In the age of the Internet, it is not easy to distinguish real info from false info”); • large volumes of information (“huge volume [sic] of new information being constantly created”); • volatility (“It seems to me that in the U.S. information can be changed easily; it is not final”); • credibility (“There are too many sources that provide information and it is hard to know which ones are legitimate and which ones are not legitimate”; “Some info is not well- searched; thus misleading”).

3.6.5 RQ 4: Negotiating information challenges

The final portion of the survey evaluated how Black immigrants respond to information overload.

Table 3.8. Information overload responses

RESPONSE % N

Intermediary 67.1% 61 Filtering 86..8% 79 Satisficing 53.8% 49 Postponing 30.3% 27

As shown in Table 3.8, 67% (n=61) of participants indicated that they sometimes deal with information overload by asking friends, loved ones, or community for help; 87% ( n=79) deal with information overload by doing more research on their own; 54% ( n=49) of participants deal

66 with information overload by deciding quickly based on the information that they have (e.g., satisficing, filtering, approximating); and roughly 30% of participants (n=27) deal with information overload by postponing the task (e.g., stunting, queuing, escaping).

3.7 Discussion

Information overload, from the vantage point of the Black immigrants who participated in this study, appears to be linked to the vastness of information. Respondents indicated that they felt overwhelmed by excess (69.2%), urgency (59.3%), or authority (59.3%). Respondents did not appear to be as overwhelmed by modes of resource dissemination. Based on the data, Black immigrants are comfortable with multimodal (both print and digital) or multimedia (for instance, both television, radio) resources. They were less likely to be overwhelmed by resource formats, that is print (24%), digital (40%), verbal (35%), visual (40%). Resources that are complex

(57.1%) or multifaceted or diverse (58.2%) also prompt information overload. This may suggest that along with addressing compliance-oriented information contexts cause Black immigrants to be prone to information overload. The intentionality surrounding information can create a burden among the user. This finding may reflect some of the information-related triggers or stressors that immigrants might encounter as they acclimate and advance within U.S. society—for instance, information procedures involving immigration, employment, housing or government- related information procedures that are often complicated, multistage, long-term and high-stakes.

Respondents were often overwhelmed by needing (60.4%), seeking (61.5%), or selecting

(61.5%) resources, which can all be considered customary to acclimation and adjustment. The norms of becoming socially included coupled with their roles as individuals who were transnational shape the ways in which participants engage with information. Information

67 overload therefore appears to be a function of how immigrants address social boundaries and expectations along with the settings that prompt needing, seeking, and finding information.

Despite the variance among participants’ personal profiles, there appeared to be a shared experience with information: participants were found to have satisfactory information access as evidenced by the fact that all utilized ICT devices at home (91%) and/or work (70%).

Participants also engaged regularly with information; most noted that they needed (61%), searched for (56%), or used (58%) information on a weekly or daily basis. Family and friends

(76%) and Internet reference tools (88%) were the most frequently used resources. Information access appeared to be linked to upward mobility, as indicated by the fact that the top four reasons for using information were education/career (66%), health and wellness (50%), and finance and employment (52%).

These findings counter notions that immigrants are uniformly prone to information poverty (Benitez, 2006; Ono, 2008; Shen, 2013), gatekeeping (Agada, 1999; Khoir, Du, &

Koronios, 2015; Metoyer-Duran, 1991; 1993), and the digital divide (Alam & Imran, 2015; Ono,

Zavondy, 2008), all of which inhibit access to information. Personal narratives are important when studying immigrant information behavior, regardless of group experience. Immigrant type, age, age at migration, reason for migration, country of origin, and information habits prior to migration are important considerations. As much as possible, research on immigrant information behavior should seek to include profiles. Without such context, the data paints an incomplete picture. For instance, based on the findings of this study, participants who identified as

Generation 1.75, or child migrants, appear to adapt to the U.S. information landscape in that they had higher home and work ICT access as well as lower information overload scores than their

68 counterparts. Those who migrated as teenagers, Generation 1.25, had moderate home and work

ICT access and higher information overload scores than Generation 1.75. Those who migrated as adults had the highest information overload scores. Thus, children and teen immigrants are more adaptable to the U.S. information landscape. Adjustment is more difficult for those whose formative years were spent outside of the U.S.

Similarly, nearly twice as many Black immigrant women took part in the survey compared to their male counterparts, but Black males had 23% higher information overload scores than Black immigrant women. Statistical analysis confirmed that these differences were significant. Migration literature supports that Black male immigrants face acute social and acculturative demands upon relocation to the United State. Black males are vulnerable to higher levels of anxiety and depression and meager employment and advancement opportunities in comparison to Black female immigrants (Doamekpor and Dinwiddie, 2015; Park, Nawyn, &

Benetsky, 2015). Information overload might contribute to the unique challenges Black male immigrants face as they acculturate to U.S. society.

Perhaps most importantly, regardless of general positive social outcomes, Black immigrants still experienced information overload. Of the 91 responses, only four participants expressed that they never encounter information overload. Marital status and levels of educational did not seem to mitigate information overload, as further analysis showed no significant difference in information overload scores based on educational attainment or marital status. Black immigrants experienced information-related stress regardless. In other words, though at face value it might appear that those with spouses or higher levels of education have an

69 acculturative or information advantage, statistical analysis of differences in information overload scores does not support this idea.

The data also demonstrates that respondents negotiate information overload by turning to friends, loved ones, or their community for help. This corresponds with previous literature on immigrants’ reliance on information enclaves or gatekeepers (Fisher, 2004a; 2004b; Metoyer-

Duran, 1993, Rodriguez-Mori, 1999). Most respondents, however, indicated that they also dealt with information overload on their own and, to a lesser extent, settled or decided quickly based on available information (e.g., satisficing). Few respondents expressed that they postponed tasks

(e.g, stunting, queuing, escaping).

3.8 Conclusion

The purpose of this study was to explore information access and information overload among Black immigrants. This study was unique in that it:

1. shed light on information in the immigrant experience, particularly from the perspective

of an under-researched immigrant population: Blacks;

2. helped establish a scale for measuring information overload; and

3. examined information overload in the everyday lives of participants, as opposed to

exclusively information-intense settings such as workplaces, businesses, or higher

education.

Findings help explain facets of information that are likely to cause stress among not only

Black immigrants, but immigrants in general, while also highlighting information capabilities or assets. Life experiences and pre-migration information habits matter greatly in terms of immigrant information behavior (Srinivasan & Pyati, 2005). To this end, this study is among the

70 first to grant exclusive attention to the information worlds of Black immigrants. Based on the findings, Black immigrants engage with information based on social norms—such as verbal and community-centered information—along with social roles—deferring to friends, family and close networks—Black immigrants merge pre- and post-migration information practices. Results suggest that resources that helps with upward mobility (resources that pertain to health or wellness, education, or finances) holds higher information value, from the aspect of the theory of information worlds, among Black immigrant communities. Information behavior therefore includes online and offline tactics along with formal and informal sources. Black immigrants constantly straddle the boundaries between being U.S. residents yet foreign-born, well- established versus settling, and being accustomed versus unfamiliar with information landscapes.

These and other conditions are critical in understanding Black immigrant’s information worlds.

Researchers must examine information norms within the context of identities and socialization.

There were several limitations with the study. First, it relied on convenience or snowball sampling. Since randomization was not possible, the findings are not generalizable. Secondly, in order to achieve a higher response rate (and, in turn, avoid dissuading potential participants), the questionnaire did not solicit information on immigration status. There is thus no data on the impact of immigration status (naturalized citizen, permanent residents, asylees, refugees, undocumented immigrant who has not applied for legal status, undocumented immigrant who has applied for legal status) on information access or experiences with information overload.

Further research is needed to explore this aspect.

In this vein, a potential follow-up study might exclusively explore the influence of information access among those who migrated as children or adolescents, whether currently

71 documented or undocumented. It would be interesting to investigate the cross between quality of access throughout formative years and current educational, economic, and family outcomes. In terms of who those migrated as adults in the past ten years, a possible study may entail analyzing the role that ICT-mediated information resources (Pyati, Chu, Fisher, Srinivasan, Caidi, Allard,

& Dechief, 2008) played in their migration journeys.

This study affords evidence that the robustness and prevalence of information has profoundly transformed the U.S. immigration experience. Though much of LIS literature addresses the ways in which immigrants are disconnected or isolated from information upon settling into a new country, this study presents a new reality: in the 21st century, immigrants have significantly better access to information. For many people who relocate to countries like the United States, the challenge of access rests not with scarce or multimodal resources, but with adapting to the voluminous nature of information.

The findings of this study can benefit information professionals such as librarians.

Practitioners must better comprehend how Black immigrants utilize information in their everyday lives. It may grant what Lloyd, Lipu and Kennan (2010) consider “a critical and evaluative approach to information and the infrastructures by which information is delivered” (p.

44) and what Caidi, Ghaddar and Allard (2017) deem a reflection of the frameworks within which libraries, in particular, operate—especially when it comes to the service provision models that presume information needs and gaps (pg. 403).

CHAPTER FOUR

ARTICLE THREE: NEW HORIZONS: HOW BLACK IMMIGRANTS IN THE U.S.

NAVIGATE AND NEGOTIATE INFORMATION OVERLOAD

4.1 Introduction

Emigrating to another country is typically an arduous feat. Successful relocation depends on physical, mental, and social well-being. Adapting to a new society is directly linked to the quality of available resources. Ample information is, therefore, critical to immigrant social inclusion (Caidi, Allard, and Quirke, 2010; Lloyd, Kennan, Thompson, & Qayyum, 2013). Yet, information that is too difficult to access, handle or use is counterproductive to the process of acculturation.

This qualitative study is the final phase of a three-part project investigating information access and information overload among Black immigrants. It adds to a growing canon on immigrant information behavior and stress, and considers both the effects and affects of information behavior. Specifically, information overload is examined here. This aspect of information behavior is multifaceted and nuanced; it entails behaviors associated with obtaining information (e.g., needing, seeking, retrieving, or using) along with quantitative (e.g. amounts, duration), qualitative (e.g., format, complexity) or cognitive (e.g. responses such as filtering and satisficing) elements. Those who experience information overload are more apt to describe its outcomes as opposed to its causes. Capturing accounts or descriptions may elicit data on the typically hidden aspects of information overload.

While the preceding studies in this dissertation highlighted information access and norms as well as characteristics or causes of information overload, the purpose here is to illuminate how

73 immigrants react when information becomes a hindrance rather than a help (Bawden &

Robinson, 2008, p. 4) or induces pressure (Bawden & Robinson, 2013, p. 243), thereby causing them to feel burdened by “the proliferation of available data and publications and ever-more- comprehensive and widespread, automated means of access to them” (Biggs, 1989, p. 411).

Studying how Black immigrants experience and negotiate information overload as they adjust to life in the United States is important to ensuring that they are included in mainstream society.

4.2 Theoretical framework and research questions

Jaeger and Burnett’s (2010) theory of information worlds provides a framework by means of which to investigate this phenomenon. Information worlds suggests that a community’s understanding and use of information is influenced by its social norms, social types, information value, information behavior, and boundaries. Information worlds also holds that information exchanges take place at macro, meso, and micro levels of society. Accordingly, this study looks at the local level of society by granting attention to Black immigrant communities in Florida. As was the case with the first two studies, a Black immigrant is operationalized as a refugee, asylee, legal permanent resident (green card holders), naturalized citizen or undocumented/illegal entrant who is Black, alone or in combination (single or mixed race) who permanently resides in the U.S. The experiences of international students fall beyond the scope of this study, as research

(Sin & Kim, 2013) indicates that their information environments and behaviors significantly differ from those of other types of immigrants.

This study seeks to answer the following research questions:

RQ1: Do Black Immigrants experience information overload?

RQ2: If so, how do they respond to information overload?

4.3 Literature review on information and acculturative stress

A growing number of studies center on the role of information in social inclusion among immigrants (Aizlewood & Doody, 2002; Caidi & Allard, 2005; Caidi & Macdonald, 2008;

Mehra & Papajohn, 2007; Naficy, 2003; Pyati, Chu, Fisher, Srinivasan, Caidi, Allard, & Dechief,

2008; Roald, 2004; Shoham and Stam, 2001), but few mention information overload. Achieving stability in a foreign country is contingent upon successful integration into the host environment, which can be stress-inducing. The intensity of resettling is sometimes described as culture shock

(Dali, 2010; Dijani, 2018). When a person is overwhelmed by information, they are susceptible to retreating from it. Information experiences can therefore stunt participation in a new society.

Though information is typically seen as an asset in the resettlement process, without mechanisms to handle excess amounts, varieties, or contexts it can be counterproductive. Studies have shown that underlying feelings and thoughts, or affective states, can hinder cognitive operations (Fisher,

Erdelez & McKechnie, 2009; James & Nahl, 1986). Responses can range across angst, distraction, lethargy, suspense, or confusion (Akin, 1997). Information overload is interpreted as being ancillary to our uberly wired, hypertextual society. Rarely, is it understood as simply information-related stress or anxiety, regardless of whether resources are online or offline, print or non-print, abstract or concrete. Among the few who study information overload (see, for instance, Bawden & Robinson, 2010 and Lincoln, 2011), there is little mention of users’ thoughts and emotions. To this end, Preece (2007) emphasizes “how little information scientists and knowledge workers have focused on users’ emotions as they interact with information” (p. xvi).

As Bilal (2007) puts it, “there has been inattention to affect in information science” (p. xvii).

The affective realm of information behavior entails tacit aspects, namely emotions, feelings, moods, and sentiments. Nahl (1997, 1998, 2001, 2005a, 2006, 2007) has long highlighted the role of affect in information through conceptualizations such as Learned

Affective Norms (LANs) and Affective Load Theory. Cooke (2014) also captures the feelings and mental states of users in the expanded Information Intents theoretical model. Similarly, Ren

(2009), Saracevic (2007), Julien (2005), Lopatovska and Arapakis (2011) have delved into emotions and feelings as agents of information. As knowledge on affect and information behavior grows—Nahl (2007), for instance, suggests that there is potential for an “affective revolution in information science” (pg. 23)—it is important to understand the phenomenon in different settings and among diverse users; how immigrants feel about and mitigate information overload is dissected here.

Stress, anxiety, and feelings are vital considerations when analyzing immigrants’ engagement with information, especially as they go about settling. In her article on public library resource allocation and information services to immigrants, Mercado (1997) writes that sufficient information is essential to acculturation. For immigrants, information that proves to be insufficient, disjointed, or hectic can be a barrier to ongoing acculturation, which can be seen as cultural adjustment and occurs when one group, often made up of individuals who are newcomers, is absorbed into the culture of another, more dominant group (Ngo, 2008). Portes and Zhou (1993) in their segmented assimilation theory argue that acculturation to U.S. society is unilateral and consists of several trajectories: (1) acculturation and integration into the white middle class, (2) acculturation and integration into an underclass, and (3) preservation of ethnic cultural traditions and close ethnic ties through social networks in the community. Rudmin

(2009) sees acculturation as second-culture acquisition and submits that one of the methods of acculturative learning entails information absorption, but “information has rarely been examined for its effectiveness as a method of second-culture learning” (p. 118).

Linkages between acculturation, information overload, and immigrant well-being may appear rational, but this intersection has not been empirically probed. This despite the fact that research into immigrant mental health outcomes continues to balloon. Much is also discussed about the “healthy immigrant effect,” or the notion that immigrants often enter the U.S. in satisfactory health. Evidence shows that migration favors those who fare well on strict health screenings or are able to make arduous journeys (Ageykum & Newbold, 2016; Ali, MacDonald,

Newbold and Danforth, 2003). However, physical and mental health indicators significantly deteriorate as years of relocation increase, a phenomenon known as the “immigrant health paradox” (Jass & Massey, 2004).

Post-migration stressors can negatively influence health and wellness, perceptions of belonging and, in turn, social inclusion. Ageykum & Newbold’s (2016) seminal study on the mental health outcomes of Black immigrants found that there is a connection between sense of place, stress indicators, and mental health. Siddique & Kohn-Wood (2005) likewise found a positive association between length of stay in the U.S. among Black immigrants and probable depression. Other large-scale studies (Doamekpor and Dinwiddie, 2015; Freeman, 2002; Park,

Nawyn, & Benetsky, 2015) support that Black immigrants enter the U.S. with general health advantages over U.S.-born Blacks and living in ethnic enclaves protects them from disease vulnerability. However, health outcomes dissipate the longer they reside in the U.S. (Foner &

Fredrickson, 2004). Nonetheless, there is little attention to the Pan-African diaspora within the

77 canon on immigrant acculturative stress and mental health. Dinwiddie (2017) argues that “Black immigrants are a severely understudied population, and their health effects are undertheorized in the current literature” (p. 2). I add that the stress resulting from information overload is also taken for granted within this domain. Conversely, LIS literature espouses a practitioner and resource-oriented focus with little regard to diasporic or affective dynamics (Hildreth & Aytac,

2007; Turcios, Agarwal & Watkins, 2014). The affective side of immigrant information behavior and its subsequent influence on acculturation calls for in-depth examination.

4.4 Methods

A total of ten Black immigrants participated in two focus group consultations, one in

Miami, Florida in July 2017 and another in Tallahassee, Florida in December 2017. Each responded to a survey and indicated that they were willing to contribute to a follow-up study.

Sampling was, therefore, purposive since participants were recruited based on survey response and Florida residence. All were informed of their rights and provided verbal consent. Participants received $25 incentives to take part in the study.

The researcher adapted a focus group protocol that has been utilized by Gross and

Latham (Gross & Latham, 2011; 2012; Latham & Gross, 2013) in their work on information literacy. Each focus group session lasted approximately 75 minutes and was audio recorded. The researcher led the focus groups, while an assistant took notes on a large notepad and oversaw recordings. Participants were asked about their pre-migration, diasporic or otherwise normative information habits; specific examples of being burdened by information; as well as their perceptions and reactions to challenges posed by information in the U.S. Focus group questions are available in Appendix C. Recordings and notes were later organized and transcribed. The

78 researcher coded each focus group using Dedoose software. Data analysis entailed the constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), which helped identify emerging categories and themes to answer the above-noted research questions.

4.5 Findings

4.5.1 Demographics

As shown in Table 4.1, participants migrated from six countries (Bahamas, Haiti, Kenya,

Nicaragua, Panama, and Uganda) and spoke eight different languages.

Table 4.1 Focus group demographics

Variable % N Ethnicity Afro-Caribbean 50% 5 Afro-Latin 20% 2 African 30% 3 Countries of Birth Haiti 20% 2 Jamaica 20% 2 Uganda 20% 2 Bahamas 10% 1 Kenya 10% 1 Nicaragua 10% 1 Panama 10% 1 Gender Female 50% 5 Male 50% 5 Age 18-34 30% 3 35-45 70% 7 Migration Age 1 mo.-12yrs. 50% 5 13yrs-18yrs. 10% 1 Over 18yrs. 40% 4 Education High School/Secondary 10% 1 Bachelor’s 50% 5 Masters/Ph.D. 40% 4

Five participants were married, four had never been married, and one was divorced. Three indicated that they had children, all of whom were born in the U.S. All were fluent in English.

All but one had at least some college education. Two were full-time graduate students (not international students), while the rest were employed full-time. Participant ages ranged from 24 to 46. Three participants migrated to the U.S. as children (0-12), one migrated as a teenager (13-

17), and six migrated as adults (18 and older). The themes presented below represent areas of congruence between the two focus group consultations.

4.5.2 RQ1: Information overload experiences

Participants indicated that they sometimes or often experienced information overload.

Based on survey responses, information overload causes included needing, seeking, selecting or using information; print information; excess information; inaccessible, urgent or time-sensitive, formal (e.g., government official resources) information. Requisite handling or processing, along with information spaces (e.g., libraries or government offices) also provoked information overload.

The findings of the focus group discussions suggest that the information worlds of Black immigrants are multifaceted. Focus group participants felt that the large, stratified, and complex nature of information in the United States results in stress.

4.5.2.1 Compliance

Participants used terms such as “pressure” and “noise” to describe the need to stay inbounds or adhere to limits. Compliance coincides with consenting to societal norms. It can be seen across a continuum, with tangible and intangible social, legal, and information expectations dictating appropriate behaviors. One aspect of this tension stems from adapting upon arrival, as one participant explained:

- I think about the pressures you really get subjected to whenever you arrive in a new

environment.

Tensions can also arise as immigrants adjust. Information overload was interpreted as a type of clamor that overwhelms as one works toward stability:

- Yeah, I can also say that the skills…I think that’s more important in addition to what I've

mentioned is listening skills. Just physical listening and listening also to your inner

feelings all the time because there’s a lot of noise in everything you read, everything you

hear on the radio. Anything you watching, there's a hell of a lot of noise right there. You

want to listen to just know all the essentials you need to do anything, to go about your

business and everything.

Compliance requires observing or obeying immigration laws. One participant described the responsibility related to the need to:

- ...stay up to date of all the legal changes that are being made, the laws are changing

especially concerning immigration, or be up to date about that.

Compliance, therefore, scaffolds acculturation and poses significant bearing on stress levels.

4.5.2.2 Advancement

Participants also expressed that they felt taxed by the desire for success. For participants, achieving upward mobility is directly tied to their reasons for migrating, and the lack of progress negates the effort and investment of emigrating to the United States, no matter whether they arrived as dependents or adults. Access to information was recognized as a catalyst to prosperity, as one participant pointed out:

- If you have more information, yes you excel at what you’re doing. And, yeah, if you do

have it you have a chance to move forward. If you have access to information, then you

are able to progress, even mentally when you think about it. It affects your whole being.

Those who are not able to adjust and become informed are more likely to feel disappointment.

Some respondents felt that immigrants are motivated to seek information as a result of expectations, whether outwardly or inwardly-imposed, that they will realize the opportunities available in the United States, as is captured in the following quote:

- People that come from the Caribbean...all of the Caribbean...like myself, when we get to

the United States, we are hungry for information other people take for granted because

the islands are so limiting in what they have.

4.5.2.3 Decentralized & widespread information

Yet, participants perceived themselves to be susceptible to confusion as a result of the enormity of the U.S. society along with its information landscape. This sentiment was surprisingly uniform despite the varying ages and ages at migration. Not only are resources presented through many channels, resulting in redundancy or excess, but the complications surrounding treating or acting on information was equally vast. For example, participants described how in the U.S., government or official documents can be acquired as well as submitted both in print and online, and some found such options to be excessively or unnecessarily circuitous. They understood information access in their countries of origin to be straightforward, or primarily print-based and localized. At the same time, pre-migration information access, according to some participants, was largely dependent on social typing—often in the form of ethnic group membership. One respondent described how Kenya mass media varied according to ethnic grouping:

- Tribes have their local FM Stations. They have their local magazine or journals. That’s

how they communicate in their own tribes whether it’s business, whether it’s politics...

Another participant added that information resources are often concentrated in the capital city:

- I think that it depends on which part of the country you are. If you are in a rural place,

it’s not going to be that straight forward...if you’re in the city, your access to information

isn’t as bad. It’s easier in a sense here [in the U.S.] to have access to information

because it’s more widespread. Whichever city you go to here, you have access to

information. But it can be too much.

An Afro-Caribbean participant portrayed information-seeking among island nations:

- I remember we always had to go to the mainland. We were scattered on small islands, so

we always had to go to like Nassau to get our major papers like birth certificates and to

get passports or just information.

From the information worlds (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010) lens of boundaries, those who live in major cities such as capitals experienced remarkably better information access (e.g., broadband, television, public libraries, government centers), a characteristic that is true of many majority-

Black nations. As a result of emigrating to the U.S., those types of boundaries disappear in that information is, by comparison, nearly universal. At face value, the fact that the U.S. information landscape is much more developed and accessible is a positive attribute. However, getting used to the immensity and ubiquity of information can be overwhelming.

Among those who migrated as adults, some participants felt a disconnect between the information habits that were customary in their countries of origin versus those that are common in the U.S. Though some lauded the accessibility of information, others felt that information

83 seeking can be inefficient at best, or labyrinthine, at worst, on account of the prevalence of resources. By comparison, resources in their home countries might be perceived as one- dimensional. One participant recounted:

- I feel that while this country is saturated with information, I don’t necessarily believe that

because we have information at our fingertips that it allows us to excel. I’ll compare to

my country. Someone who has been deprived of information will actually struggle when

they come here. They will feel lost because it is so much versus someone who lives here

and takes it for granted.

Some also expressed concern at the prevalence of “fake news” or propaganda in the U.S., and were surprised considering what they believed was the prominence of U.S. media outlets in their countries of origin and across the world:

- Sometimes just the inaccuracy of information provided. It is hard to know what is legitimate and what

is not legitimate.

- CNN is the Bible back in Kenya. But here you cannot trust anything.

4.5.2.4 Dependence on the public

Closely tied to the idea of decentralized and widespread information is valuation, or information value (as conceptualized through the theory of information worlds), of publicly- available resources. Reliance on public commons was in some regards considered subpar or negative. Participants described several corresponding tensions. First, learning to trust public entities in the U.S. may be uncomfortable, particularly when one considers the rise of nativist, anti-immigrant sentiment, as one participant characterized:

- White people make life in America hard for immigrants. They either withhold information

or overshare causing havoc.

Information overload can also occur because of dynamics that derive from pre-migration customs. Unfettered information, though seen as a right in the U.S., is not guaranteed abroad, according to participants. Despite the wide representation among participants in terms of nationality, for instance, they agreed that few families turn to public education:

- If you can afford private school in Panama then you’re going to get the top-notch

education. If you can’t then you tend to get the short end of the stick. No one sends their

children to public school.

When asked about public libraries, most participants indicated that they had only visited university or school libraries in their home countries. One respondent shared that she recalled a quiet, formal public library in her community:

- Libraries are quiet unless it has changed, which I don’t think it has. You go to the library

to study, do your homework. There are no fitness classes. There are no video games.

Several participants described the unstable or restricted nature of information in their home countries, all of which are developing countries. Some described distrust toward public officials:

- In Haiti, people avoid the government.

- Back home...at least the guys with the information...they can get money from people just

because they have access to information.

Another participant discussed censorship:

- I was under the misconception that in Jamaica I could find anything on the Internet. I

went home a couple of years ago and I was looking for a particular songwriter but it was

blocked. When I came back to the states, I could find it.

4.5.2.5 Transnationalism

Information overload also stemmed from maintaining cross-country ties and negotiating multiple identities, which involves information and ICT proficiency. Although some participants saw their multiculturalism as assets, others described feelings of pressure as a result of being betwixt and between. As alluded to earlier, the hope of success in the U.S. often prompted feelings of scrutiny:

- People back home are watching you. You don’t want to embarrass yourself.

Information overload is also associated with social types, or the roles that a person assumes within their families, as posited by the theory of information worlds (Jaeger & Burnett, 2010).

One respondent shared how her mother functioned as the family manager who juggled reuniting family:

- ...scattered across the world and having to keep up with them and their immigration

process...we have people in Chile, Puerto Rico, Bahamas, Brazil and here and so my

mother is now like basically the head person to coordinate most of these things in getting

them from Haiti to these different countries.

Information overload can thus involve literal boundaries—in this case, the borders that separate families, making information sharing more complicated.

Life in the U.S. requires continuous information-gathering and identity formation, and this may prompt frustration. A participant who has been living in the U.S. since 1999 described her

86 quest to learn more about African-American history, as she found she increasingly identified with this culture:

- We had this event at work. And I learned some of the challenges that Black Americans

faced...we had a presenter, and one of the things she talked about was ... the segregation

of the black community. For example, like Pompano Beach...and how the Blacks were

purposely put to live in certain communities...I was shocked to learn that the Black

children only went to school for two months out of the year initially. So, I decided to do

some additional research. And so I Googled it, as most of us do. To my surprise, it took

me several different searches, putting different words and different phrases in to get the

specific information that I was looking for, which, was related to the system in Fort

Lauderdale in Broward...how they purposely and intentionally filtered Black people to

live in certain communities. I became frustrated by how hard it was to find that

information.

4.5.3 RQ2: Information overload responses

Participants cope with information overload using specific information behaviors: satisficing, postposing, and filtering. Overwhelmingly, participants depended on their enclaves to negotiate information overload. Stress brought on by information needs and seeking influenced some immigrants to rely on their communities.

4.5.3.1 Centrality of immigrant communities

Participants described the importance of interpersonal networks upon arrival to the United States.

Established immigrants often assist new arrivals with navigating the myriad of information:

- When people first get here, we call them ‘just come.’ We all come together and take care

of them, keep them in secret. We give them the information to make it here. These are

your people. You take care of them.

- You get to know from somebody that knows somebody. It's more of a hush, hush, whisper,

under the table between family and friends to get situated.

Verbal traditions are particularly esteemed. In other words, oral communication is a way of denoting information value. Some participants distinguished the importance of storytelling, among other oral forms of communication:

- I’ve [heard] my parents interact with people over the phone or in person and it’s much

better received in person and they treasure that more. They trust it more if it’s coming

from a person that they are seeing or a person that is even able to speak their language.

It adds credibility to it.

- A lot of information is not documented. A lot of information is not in books. A lot of

information gets misrepresented. So, in my family storytelling is a huge thing.

- Oral tradition is quite strong...and [information is] passed on verbally whether

storytelling, simple communication, singing.

One respondent portrayed how information overload can stem from language barriers—another form of boundary associated with information. As such, immigrants often turn to those around them:

- For my grandmother, being illiterate and not knowing how to get access to the necessary

information is hard. She relies on Haitians who have been here before her and their

guidance. Sometimes they don’t know much either but they help.

The latter anecdote demonstrates the limitations posed by reliance on interpersonal networks such as friends and family. Immigrants, in their efforts to alleviate information overload, may be susceptible to misinformation:

- Some people actually even go to jail in this country because people tell them, “You can

do this to get this, you can jump this and do that,” and because you’re thinking they've

been in America for 15, 20 years they know. Actually, they’re wrong and now you're in

problems only to say, “I did not know but I was told.”

Finding the right solutions to information overload in itself can further perpetuate anxiety, as two participants put it:

- When we’re place in situations where we have to decide, “Okay, I’m bombarded with all

of this information right now. What do I need to get to the next step?”

- Well, there’s a lot of trial and error but you hope you’re led the right way with the

information you’re given.

4.6 Discussion

Based on focus group data of Black immigrants’ information overload experiences, there is an apparent link between migration, information, and stress. Acculturation involves operating in new information contexts—that is, crossing boundaries from one context to another, prompting information overload. Accumulating, organizing, and applying information is requisite for settlement and eventual inclusion. The demand for information can cause mental or psychological strain.

The data indicate that information overload is brought on by the constant need to habituate to mainstream U.S. society. Information is a key component of belonging and well-

89 being. Participants are affected by the voluminous, dispersed nature of information in the U.S.; by perceptions of belonging and transnationality; as well as by undertaking high-stakes tasks such as immigration procedures, finding employment, mastering a new language and locating housing. The urgency and responsibility of becoming established creates a burden. Information may be perceived as an extension of this existing, deep-seated stress. The degree to which immigrants adjust to the challenges posed by information depends upon information value, or resource preferences. Trusted outlets are typically dictated by pre-migration and sociocultural information behaviors. Responses to information overload affirms what has been previously established about immigrant information behavior in library and information science literature, specifically the prevalence of gatekeeping (Agada, 1999; Metoyer-Duran, 1999), intermediaries

(Chu, 1999; 1999b), and information grounds (Fisher/Pettigrew, 1998; 1999; 2004a; 2004b).

Immigrants who become informed inhabitants are more apt to integrate into and participate in society at large.

4.7 Conclusions

It is not enough to emphasize information products, services, or marketing, as has been the case in LIS. Studies that look purely at resources and skills only begin to paint a picture of immigrant experiences with information. This research affords knowledge on Black immigrants’ pre-migration and culturally-situated information norms along with their tensions in acclimating to the U.S. information landscape. In this regard, the present study is a departure from the largely consequential or results-oriented nature of the research milieu on this area. There is much more to uncover about the affective aspect of immigrant information behavior. These findings

90 contribute to fledging discourse on the cross between the stress posed by information overload and acculturative stress.

Several methodological conditions pose limitations to this study. Sampling is purposive in that participants were recruited after participating in an earlier survey study. In addition, the sample is heterogeneous; participants represent various types of immigrants (refugee, asylee, permanent resident, naturalized citizen, undocumented immigrant) and there is thus little knowledge on whether there is a link between pre-migration trauma (e.g., war, natural disaster).

Also, evidence or characteristics of information overload are narrated or self-reported.

Participant bias is a risk. Finally, this study does not measure information overload nor acculturative stress, but instead captures participant accounts.

While it is not possible to extrapolate the extent to which participants are integrated within mainstream U.S. society, this research does highlight that information overload is related to user thoughts, feelings and, ultimately, wellbeing. Immigrants must become informed to be socially included; those who do not are more likely to feel anxiety or stress.

CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSION

French reporter: “Are there bookshops in Nigeria?”

Adichie: “I think it reflects very poorly on French people that you have to ask me that question.”

-2018 Institut Francais La Nuit de Idees (Night of Ideas) event in Paris, France

where Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, an award-winning novelist, was being honored.

Just as with the introductory chapter, I share an Adichie quote to demonstrate the Black immigrant experience. Though initiated by a question and not a confrontation, the above exchange typifies sentiments that are rooted in ignorance and a lack of cultural competence.

5.1 Review

The aim of this dissertation was to explore information access among Black immigrants with a keen interest in possible linkages between information overload and social inclusion. The overarching question that I address is whether there is a shared information experience among

Black immigrants, regardless of cultural heritage, upon migrating to the United States. I asked:

RQ1: How do Black immigrants access information?

RQ2: How does their access compare to that of the overall population?

RQ3: Do Black immigrants experience information overload?

RQ4: If so, what characteristics (e.g. amounts, resource types) or settings (e.g. physical spaces) are associated with information overload?

RQ5: If so, how do Black immigrants respond to information overload?

Three separate but related articles are devoted to answering these questions. Article one, entitled, Beyond the Digital Divide: ICT ownership and Internet access among Black immigrant

92 households, is a comprehensive study that explores Internet and ICT access among Black immigrant households. Using the 2016 American Community Survey data, this survey study accomplished two things through a secondary analysis: first, it interrogated presumptions of a digital divide among immigrants and, secondly, it established the kinds of ICT and Internet access they utilize. This information served as baseline knowledge of how Black immigrants fare in terms of ICT and Internet usage; it afforded understanding of immigrants’ post-migration engagement with ICT and digital devices in order to subsequently investigate if and how they are burdened by information. The second article, Toward a new understanding of immigrants and information: A survey study on Black immigrants, information access, & information overload , provided an intricate view of Black immigrants’ experiences with information access along with information overload. A 31-item questionnaire measured Black immigrants’ backgrounds, information uses and preferences, as well as experiences with information overload. An integrated information overload scale measured the frequency of participants’ experiences with behavioral (needing, seeking, retrieving, or acquiring information), quantitative (e.g., length, amount, age), qualitative (e.g., formal or informal; primary, secondary, tertiary; homogeneous or varied), and responsive (e.g. postponing, filtering, satisficing) aspects of information overload.

The final article, New horizons: A focus group study of information overload among Black immigrants, presented a narrow analysis of participants’ perspectives on information overload and their information norms. Focus group data described the link between acculturative stress and information-related stress according to Black immigrants residing in Florida. Together, the three articles provide a holistic view, as seen in Figure 5.1:

Figure 5.1 Dissertation design with conclusion

5.2 The information worlds of Black immigrants

When looked at through the lens of the theory of information worlds (Jaeger & Burnett,

2010), the results of this study suggest that Black immigrants who reside in the U.S. have adequate access to information, but their information norms differ from those of the general population. Moreover, adjusting to the ever-changing U.S. information landscape can be challenging.

5.2.1 Social norms

Most information users in general are inclined to rely on close personal networks for resources and techniques. However, immigrants who face the challenge of adjusting to a new culture are especially dependent upon community and loved ones. Results of the survey study pinpoint that 76 percent of participants ( n=70) relied on friends or family (in person or virtually) and 88 percent ( n=80) turned to Internet search engines such as Google. This dynamic was also reflected in the focus group study, the findings of which confirmed that immigrants are more

94 likely to depend on acquaintances. Focus group respondents appeared to interpret their information access through their unique sociocultural norms. For instance, some respondents noted the centralized nature of resource distribution in their countries or cultures of origin, with access to material or social goods being concentrated in capital or major cities in home countries.

Respondents also mentioned the deference to interpersonal resources rather than public or government entities. Whether they migrated as dependents or adults, most participants felt that information in their countries or cultures of origin was straightforward, print-based and localized and therefore more effective and less time-consuming.

5.2.2 Social types

Social experiences also depend upon identities, and Black immigrants negotiate various roles as they adjust to the information landscape in the United States. Personal narratives proved to be critical considerations. The findings from the studies indicate that there are differences among participants based on how long they have been in the United States and age at migration, with those who migrated as children and those who have lived longer in the U.S. experiencing less information overload. More so than socioeconomic status and employment or educational attainment, migration context appears to have considerable effects and affects on Black immigrants’ engagement with information.

Although this study did not elicit information on reason for migration (i.e., displacement, family reunification) or immigration status (i.e. refugee, asylee, undocumented or illegal immigrant, permanent resident or naturalized citizen), the expectation is that those who experienced trauma-induced migration or were undocumented were especially prone to information overload and a lack of information access. And while it is not clear whether there

95 were regional or language differences in terms of immigrants from Anglophone, Francophone, or

Hispanic countries, prior research (Konadu-Agyemang, Takyi & Arthur, 2006; Roman, 2009;

Waters, 1999) verifies that there are unique distinctions, and possibly information-related differences, among Black immigrant groups.

There were gender differences, also. Black immigrant males experienced twice as much information overload as women, which may point to an acute susceptibility information-related stress. This may or may not be an extension of widespread gender perceptions that pit men as breadwinners or caretakers of their families (whether loved ones are in the U.S. or abroad).

5.2.3 Information behavior

When it comes to information behavior, the three studies afforded rich data. LIS literature upholds that immigrants who are able to access Internet resources fare better. The findings from the each of the studies indicate that Black immigrants are digitally included, or e-Included (Yu,

Ndumu, Mon, & Fang, 2018). However, usage varied slightly from that of the general population. Although the units of analysis of the three articles differ (the secondary analysis of

ACS data entails Black immigrant household variable while the survey study and focus group studies look at individuals who identify as Black immigrants), all corroborate data on Black immigrants’ overall information behavior.

The studies confirm that small handheld devices and mobile Internet are important for immigrants´ social inclusion. According to 2016 ACS data, Black immigrant households possess satisfactory ICT and Internet access. Access to smartphones (80.6%; n=25,247) was found to be significantly higher than the overall population while access to desktops/laptop (78.6%; n=24,635) and hi-speed Internet (68.2%; n= 21,381) were comparable to the general population.

Results indicated that cell phone data plan (80.6%; n=25,247) is the most prevalent form of

Internet access.

Articles two and three delve beyond ICT device and Internet access and provide in-depth data on the types of information activities and resources that are common among Black immigrants. Overwhelmingly, survey respondents indicated that they needed, sought, or used information on a daily or weekly basis. As mentioned earlier, the findings from the three studies confirm that Black immigrants defer to enclaves—both online and offline—as well as work colleagues for information. Other sources of information included books, magazines and newspapers. However, when compared to information spaces such as libraries, schools, civic centers, and churches, the Internet and social media platforms are often favored sources of information-oriented support for many immigrants. In fact, focus group participants expressed a general distrust or apathy toward public resources. To this end, only 7% of survey respondents indicated that they utilize libraries and some 52% indicated that they are overwhelmed by public spaces such as libraries. One participant indicated that public libraries in their home country are conventional and academic or print-oriented in comparison to the open, multifaceted and highly- digital nature of U.S. public libraries. Participants sought information primarily for education

(66%; n=60), religion/spirituality (40%; n=36), health and wellness (50%; n=46), and finance/employment (52%; n=47). These information practices may be indicators of efforts toward upward mobility.

5.2.4 Information value

Studies two and three provide observations on Black immigrants’ attitudes and perceptions of information access in various social context. Despite the varying backgrounds—

97 indeed, survey and focus group participants represented 18 countries—those who took part in this research expressed a common sense of the importance of information. Primarily, information that reflects cultural or pre-migration customs is particularly esteemed. In fostering local and international ties, technology and the Internet allows Black immigrants to remain motivated in their pursuits upon relocation—whether through encouragement, pressure, or a combination. Online diasporic platforms are often catalysts for immigrants’ integration and wellbeing.

For Black immigrants, familiar or recommended resources hold greater worth.

Additionally, information that proves to be urgent, necessary, or efficacious has more bearing upon their overall wellbeing and social inclusion. Whether or not such information is acquired, its power is evident. Understandably, immigrants appeared to be more comfortable “wandering” or taking risks in a virtual environment than they are in their local communities—although only one information science scholar (Lingel, 2011; 2015) has explored the concept of wandering as an information tool. While physical locations, even information grounds (Fisher/Pettigrew, 1998;

1999; 2004a; 2004b) put immigrants in vulnerable states, the Internet is mostly associated with risk-free exploration and knowledge-construction (Lingel & Kim, 2015).

Information value, then, appears to correspond with resources or outlets that are easier to obtain, control, and put to use (from the standpoint of economies of scale, whether fiscal, statutory, or social). Accordingly, focus group participants indicated that they utilized information to advance socioeconomically. The Internet was especially important for “hustling,” as one participant put it. Both focus group cohorts pointed to the reality that “making it in

America” is tied to being information savvy, and this includes being versant in handling

98 information overload. Participants expressed that being informed was valuable and necessary even before migration. Those who migrated as adults collected sources and became knowledgeable about U.S. society as they prepared to relocate. This research on Black immigrants’ information behavior thus indicates that ample information is valuable to pre- and post- migration success.

5.2.5 Boundaries

The studies revealed that the Internet is critical to maintaining connections abroad as well as forging relationships in their new environments. Some focus group participants expressed that they read e-newspapers from their home countries and stayed abreast on current events in the

U.S. and abroad. Others expressed that ICT assists them with communicating with loved ones who are all over the world. Such dynamic engagement reflects the transnational nature and international boundaries that are typical to the Black immigrant experience. The findings contrast presumptions that immigrants are digital immigrants (Benitez, 2006; Ono, 2008; Shen, 2013).

The Internet as an acculturation and orientation tool is a given in migration and population studies literature (Dekker & Engbersen, 2013; Forunati, Pertierra, & Vincent, 2013; Mantovani,

2013). Immigrants who can freely access Internet resources are more likely to connect with support groups or people with whom they identify as well as resources (e.g., work, housing, education) to assist with settling. In fostering local and international ties, technology and the

Internet allows Black immigrants to remain motivated in their pursuits upon relocation—whether through encouragement, pressure, or a combination. Online diasporic platforms are important for immigrants’ integration and wellbeing.

In addition, high-stakes information is associated with literal and figurative boundaries: policies, immigration status, social lines and more. In this regard, Black immigrants commonly negotiate the requirements, restrictions, and expectations associated with social integration.

These boundaries shape how individuals settle and develop, particularly from an information perspective.

5.3 Information overload as acculturative stress

The prevalent notion is that acculturation, like information, alleviates problems. Yet, both information and culture are dynamic. Understandably, adjusting to the culture of information, if you will, is a colossal task. This dissertation provided insight on a new dimension of information overload. It departs from studies, often dated, that approach information overload as an extension of work, research, and business. Here, information overload is positioned as part of everyday life; it can entail online and offline behavior, sociocultural and personal information habits, as well as information quantities and qualities.

The findings suggest that information overload is both a cause and effect of acculturative stress. Articles two and three demonstrate the various causals and determinants of information overload. The very act of identifying a need, or even seeking and applying resources, frequently triggers information overload. The stress caused by information corresponds with objective and subjective factors. Concrete format characteristics such as print, digital, verbal or visual resource types are less likely to provoke information overload when compared to resource amounts along with authoritative, urgent, diverse, complex or dated information. Comments provided in both the survey and focus group studies indicate that information overload also stems from false information (such as fake news or propaganda). Credibility and trustworthiness were vital factors

100 that influenced information overload. Survey and focus group comments indicated that Black immigrants felt susceptible to unreliable information. Some focus group participants expressed surprise at the prevalence of disinformation and misinformation in the United States.

Information overload represents the totality of information: its attributes and nuances; its actual uses and intended aims; as well as its impact and potential. Information overload can be linked to moments of unexpected difficulty or intimidation on account of the presumed seriousness of information. It could be said, then, that information overload is also associated with outcomes (such as resource-related implications or obligations) or aptitude (whether a person believes that they can manage information that is too much and too assorted). These facets related strongly to the notions of compliance—or, abiding by perceived or actual boundaries. Information overload is essentially tied to practical and perceptual barriers.

When combined, the studies point to a collective information experience. For Black immigrants, information overload may not necessarily equate to resource format (e.g. print, digital, visual, verbal, primary, secondary, tertiary) although these may very well impose overwhelming sensations. It largely coincides with the consequences of information, as was seen with the causals of urgency, treatment, and complexity. The “aboutness” of information prompts stress. This dynamic between content and emotions influences overall wellbeing and socialization. Forging a stable life in the U.S. is a typical a long-term, complex undertaking.

Combined data from the survey and focus group studies explain that information overload is a customary part of acculturation. The connection between the satisfaction of immigrants’ information needs and their absorption into their new country is inextricable (Shoham & Strauss,

2008; Williamson & Roberts, 2010). In the U.S. in particular, immigrants must adapt to a

101 remarkably interconnected and information-saturated society. However, Rudmin (2009) posits that “information has rarely been examined for its effectiveness as a method of second-culture learning” (p. 118).

Focus group consultations revealed that Black immigrants felt that the process of settling and integrating often induces a sense of pressure. Going about “belonging” or evolving from an outsider to an informed member of society requires intentionality as well as responsibility—both of which may weigh on an immigrant’s psyche. There were also slight differences in information overload scores—though not statistically significant—based on age at migration, length since migration, and whether a person had children prior to migration, analysis revealed that differences were not significant. Interestingly, there was no difference in information overload scores based on marital status and level of education. This confirms that presumed benefits of advanced education and larger family units did not seem to mitigate information overload. Black immigrants experienced information overload regardless of social capital; these layers of personhood impact information access. Information overload cannot be separated from the person who experiences it.

Information overload is a deeply-internalized, multifaceted phenomenon that corresponds with intentional and extensional attributes of information, to borrow from Rondeau (2014).

Based on the data on Black immigrants’ information experiences, frustration, worry, suspense, or confusion are typical of both going about settling as well as engaging with information. Post- migration stressors shape immigrant emotions, feelings, or thoughts. These, in turn, may shape the way that immigrants approach information resources, services, or encounters. Information

102 overload is thus a residual of acculturative stress. Stated differently, acculturative stress can also a determinant of information overload, as opposed to a catalyst.

Survey and focus group results indicate that respondents negotiate or address information overload by seeking support from loved ones or community (67%; n=67), doing more research on their own (87%; n=79), deciding quickly based on available information (53.8%; n=49), or postponing the task (30%; n=27). When looked at from an affective standpoint, these behaviors translate as codependence, attending, settling, or inertia. Prior research confirms that consulting gatekeepers or intermediaries, satisficing, filtering or stunting are common approaches to information challenges (Bawden & Robinson, 2010; Fisher, 2004; Metoyer-Duran, 1993,

Rodriguez-Mori, 1999).

Acculturation, assimilation, and upward mobility are often perceived as products of agency or individual efficacy. However, the extent to which a person is a free agent depends on their sociocultural environment. The theory of information worlds supports the idea that Black immigrants are players in a social and information ecosystem where the amounts, forms, values, and boundaries that are attached to information and influence ongoing acculturation. An individual’s capacity to effectively access and use information, then, depends on their collective social experience.

5.4 Intersection of race, culture, and nativity

An inquiry into the role of information in social inclusion and acculturation necessitates a discussion about identity. The intersection of race, culture, and nativity is such that this study could not be about immigration alone. Conceptually, this study runs the risk of implying a unified Black experience when, in fact, survey respondents and focus group cohorts together

103 represented 18 countries, 26 countries and three historically linked but distinct regions: Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin America. Black immigrant households were identified and analyzed solely on the basis of the presence of adults who were Black and foreign-born in the household.

Specific cultural or nationality distinctions were not made. While the survey and focus group studies yielded data on the information behavior of Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latin, and African immigrants, analyses were comprehensive.

However, the Black immigrant experience is certainly not uniform. The lives of Africans,

Afro-Caribbean, and Afro-Latin immigrants in the U.S. may very well differ. As a matter of fact, population studies literature points to a few relevant demarcations: Flores and Roman (2009) write that Afro-Latinxs often enter the U.S. with ethnicity (Latinidad) as opposed to race

(Negritude) as their salient identities. Many experience a “triple consciousness” and are apt to assimilate based on language patterns. This theory of Afro-Latin identity may partially explain the low response rate among Afro-Latin immigrants. Furthermore, Waters (1999) argues that

Afro-Caribbean immigrants have been present in the U.S. for at least a century. Sociocultural differences tend to quickly collapse, however. By the second generation, many Afro-Caribbean descendants identify simply as African-American, adopting a common tradition and worldview.

And Konadu-Agyemang, Takyi & Arthur (2006) find that African immigrants in the U.S., a rapidly-growing segment of the population, are acutely dependent on immigrant enclaves and therefore retain or preserve their pre-migration ways-of-life while acculturating. Sociocultural differences are important to consider. For this reason, omnibus analyses, rather than cross- cultural as well as native/non-native Black juxtapositions, helped avoid some of the tensions that arise from Black-on-Black comparisons. Pierre (2010) elegantly explains that the discursive use

104 of Black ethnic comparisons “while admittedly reflecting an important recognition of the heterogeneity of the United States Black populations, is in fact predicated upon a repackaged

‘culture of poverty’ discourse that serves to reaffirm the overarching racial order” (p. 141).

An aim of this dissertation is to avoid false comparisons or conflation while exploring, from an information standpoint, whether there are parallel encounters when Black immigrants enter a race-centric society such as the United States. Socially, the United States still faces challenges stemming from “the master status of race” to quote Merton (1968). In his critically- acclaimed work, Stamped from the beginning , Kendi (2016) writes

The principal function of race in American history has been the suppression of resistance to racial discrimination and its resulting racial disparities. The beneficiaries of slavery, segregation, and mass incarceration have produced racist ideas…consumers of these racist ideas have been led to believe there is something wrong with Black people, and not the policies that have enslaved, oppressed, and confined so many Black people. (p. 34)

Black immigrants encounter long-standing challenges rooted in the fact that they are both immigrants and Black in America. Their status as both non-native and racial/ethnic minorities is such that Black immigrants are doubly prone to alienation and marginalization. Based on this study, it appears that, despite generally satisfactory access to ICT, Internet and information resources, Black immigrants continue to experience intrinsic and extrinsic challenges that coincide with systemic bias along with the pressure to adapt. This reality is supported by high- profile reports. The Black Alliance for Just Immigration (2014), Pew Research Center (see

Anderson, 2015a; 2015b and Anderson & Lopez, 2018), and the Migration Policy Institute (see

Thomas, 2012) found that emigration tends to favor Black elites, particularly those who are wealthy, well-connected, or well-educated. As stated in chapter two, U.S. data indicates that

Black immigrants as a whole are likely arrive later in life and, therefore, with prior vocational

105 skills and higher levels of education. They are also more likely to have strong English language skills and be married with children, both of which have historically been strongly correlated with acculturation and settlement. Regardless of generally positive social capital, however, Black immigrants’ household incomes are lower than the median U.S. household. The median annual household income among this group was $43,800 in 2013, roughly $8,000 less than the $52,000 median for American households. Black immigrants earn between 10-18% less than all immigrants and native-born groups, according to some estimates. Black immigrants are less likely to be homeowners than Americans overall—40% versus 64%. One in five (20%) Black immigrants live below the poverty line. They are less likely to be granted permanent residence upon application, and more likely to face immigration detention and deportation. Black immigrants are often misunderstood even at the highest levels of U.S. society, as was recently witnessed by alleged disparaging comments by the President of the United States regarding

“Nigerians never returning to their huts,” “Haitians all have AIDS,” and “shithole countries,” including majority-Black countries (Blake, 2018). These prejudices reflect some of the structural constraints encountered by Black immigrants, regardless of their assets, advantages, achievements or propensity toward assimilation.

Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latin, and African immigrants face pathogenic and virulent social pressures. As mentioned in article three, Black immigrants have a health advantage over U.S.- born groups in that they arrive healthier and live in ethnic enclaves with protection from disease vulnerability. However, health advantages dissipate with increased years of residence. The longer Black immigrants live in the U.S. the poorer their health becomes on account of allostatic load, a measurement of physiological responses to stress resulting from social conditions. This

106 susceptibility is thought to be the result of a combination of acculturative pressures which impact negatively impact health effects, including mental health (Doamekpor & Dinwiddie, 2015).

Furthermore, the relationship between Black male immigrants and information overload is indicative of the gendered nature of the Black immigrant experience. Research conveys that

Black immigrant males are more vulnerable to acculturation challenges; Black immigrant men face greater rates of unemployment and displayed higher rates of mood and anxiety disorders than Black immigrant women (Doamekpor & Dinwiddie, 2015; James, Neighbors, & Torres,

2007; Siddique, Belin & Kohn-Wood, 2005). Upon migration, Black immigrant women outpace men for securing high-skilled jobs and earnings growth; they also have greater work opportunities, personal and financial independence as well as increased power in the domestic sphere (Park, Nawyn, & Benetsky, 2015). The findings from previous research may in part explain the findings herein: Black male participants’ information overload scores were two times higher than that of their female counterparts, even though there were one-third fewer male participants.

5.5 Beyond information products and programs

Librarians and information professionals have a long tradition of helping immigrants.

This is directly related to the fact that libraries have historically been positioned as instruments in

“Americanizing” newcomers or grooming “new Americans” (Crane, 1920; Daggett, 1911;

Daniels, 1920; Flexner, 1941; Gratiaa, 1919; Guhin, 1920; Kallen, 1916; Jones, 1999; Lescohier,

1920; Miller, 1920; Prescott, 1920; Reid, 1912; Roberts, 1910; 1911; Roberts, 1912; Rose, 1922;

Sutliff, 1920; Wheaton, 1916; Yust, 1913). LIS literature has continued to follow along these narrow lines, often failing to account for 21st century norms (Caidi & Dali, 2017; Dali & Caidi,

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2017; Johanssen, 2015). While the emphasis on digitally-divided, information impoverished immigrant enclaves was once logical, research now shows that immigrants are likely “digital subjects” or “e-actors” (Fortunati, 2010) who use social media and Internet resources in conjunction with close-knit communities to achieve settlement and integration. Information plays a multifaceted role in emigrations, diasporas, dislocation, and relocation (Forunati, Pertierra, &

Vincent, 2012). It is important to also think beyond physicality, or purely offline and localized understandings of immigrant information practices. LIS professionals must also recognize pre- migration, transnational, and multimodal information norms.

Information is a byproduct of power and privilege. Immigrants do not simply access information. Rather, they are negotiating identities, repercussions, opportunities, pasts and futures. Every information resource carries with it a responsibility, and immigrants must weigh not only their sense of belonging but ways of being good stewards of information. By expanding our scope to include more than information products and programs, LIS professionals will be able to address the issues that cause marginalization and isolation.

The LIS field now recognizes that the provision of information is never neutral. It is also time to focus on the essence of services and material: informed citizenship. To be culturally competent, LIS practitioners must be cognizant of the implicit biases that have color our approaches to immigrant communities. Li (2003) argues that LIS research follows a “conformity model in assessing immigrants and a monolithic cultural framework that preaches tolerance in the abstract but remains intolerant toward cultural specificities deemed outside the mainstream”

(pg. 315). Caidi, Ghaddar & Allard (2017) similarly suggest that LIS practitioners realize the need to critically assess the assimilationist underpinnings of our work and acknowledge the

108 often-problematic imperative of producing citizens and productive workers. The provision of information services requires respect and reciprocity. LIS professionals would therefore do well to consider the assets and information tactics that immigrants use that can be harnessed and shared with libraries (Caidi, Ghaddar, & Allard, 2017; Caidi & Dali, 2018). LIS practices that are rooted in essentialism perpetuate the very social limitations that inhibit information access.

Recognizing the need for strength-based research, I looked at information overload rather than information poverty. The goal was to present a positive narrative that assumes rich pre- and post-migration information skills on the part of Black immigrants. Prior literature has resulted in narrow conclusions that conflate immigrant status with maladaptive information skills. This dissertation thus underscores the importance of empirical evidence in designing information services to immigrants. Hopefully, this project promotes progressive, conscientious examinations of immigrant information behavior. To date, scholarly studies have been the exception, not the norm among the LIS corpus of literature. According to Johanssen (2015), only 18.8% of LIS articles on immigrants published between 1960 and 2013 were peer-reviewed. Knowledge that is rooted in data, not analyst-constructed typologies (Marshall & Rossman, 1999) will strengthen library-community partnerships. Moreover, Black immigrants are all but erased from LIS literature, and there needs to be more work in this area.

In conclusion, instead of framing LIS practice around performance (that is, doing information correctly, attending programs and events, acting the part of mainstream society), a better approach is to promote information as empowerment, or information resilience. Coined by

Lloyd (2014; 2015), information resilience champions information for liberation and allows immigrants to reconcile the concrete and affective modalities of information. Information

109 resilience is associated with the ability to re-establish social capital that will furnish support in navigating a strange and unfamiliar land (Lloyd, 2014, p. 1030). Information resilience involves:

1.) Reorienting towards new information environments

2.) Adjusting previously established ways of knowing to accommodate disruption

3.) Reframing knowledge in the context of the new information environment

Information resilience can help immigrants cope with information overload and acculturative stress. It can counter the negative affects that are common during times of uncertainty. It can also assist immigrants with adapting to emerging technologies and being informed as they attain social inclusion in the United States.

5.6 Limitations

This dissertation project was limited in several ways, many of which have been mentioned before. First, the secondary analysis pertained to Black immigrant households. Household composition can very well be varied or more complex. Secondly, the survey and focus group portions rely on convenience (snowball) and purposive samples. Since the study groups will not be randomly selected, no claims can be made for generalization. Furthermore, it is difficult to truly test information overload, as creating conditions to adequately measure information overload variables in a lab or experimental setting would be arduous and, not to mention, superficial. Capturing participants’ testimonies through surveys and focus group consultations was the most viable means for this particular project. Evidence or characteristics of information overload were thus narrated or self-reported. Participants may not have answered candidly or accurately (Denzin & Lincoln, 2007). Self-report bias is possible.

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Third, in order to achieve a higher response rate (and, in turn, avoid dissuading potential participants), the survey and focus group studies did not solicit information on immigration status. Accordingly, there is no data on the impact of immigration status (naturalized citizen, permanent residents, asylees, refugees, undocumented immigrant who has not applied for legal status, undocumented immigrant who has applied for legal status) on information access or experiences with information overload. In this same vein, there is no data on reasons for migration. It can be expected that participants who migrated as a result of forced displacement are more prone to all types of stress, including information-related stress. Further research is needed to explore this possibility.

5.7 Future research

I hope to expand my research by first exploring concrete ways of implementing Lloyd’s

(2014; 2015) information resilience framework. Additionally, I would like to engage with groups that I have not yet sampled, particularly Ethiopians, Dominican, Ghanaians and Afro-Brazilians.

Continuing to capture the information experiences of Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latin and African immigrants will strengthen knowledge of information access, information overload, and acculturative stress among these groups.

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Lastly, I hope to conduct studies using emerging techniques. Greyson, O’Brien, and

Shoveller’s (2017) information world mapping methodology is a promising schema for examining

Black immigrants’ information environments. The technique takes a multimethod, qualitative lens to studying groups. Information worlds mapping is a dynamic and interactive drawing-based approach for eliciting rich data about information behaviors in context. Information science research can benefit from flexible and engaging strategies such as information worlds mapping. In this domain, the rigorous application of accepted methodologies has forced knowledge to proceed down very narrow passageways, discouraging approaches that have potential to uncover new knowledge especially as it relates to underrepresented, displaced, and abused people groups.

Utilizing the information worlds mapping technique would allow for distance from the preoccupation with methods that obstruct from the democratizing potential of research. In doing so, this thread of research can be translated into common knowledge and advocacy.

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APPENDIX A

IRB HUMAN SUBJECTS APPROVAL

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APPENDIX B

SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE

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Part 2 Information Behavior

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APPENDIX C

FOCUS GROUP SCRIPT

Good afternoon, everyone!

Thank you all for participating in the survey study and, especially for agreeing to take part in this follow-up focus group interview.

We’ve met via email and phone, but allow me to introduce myself. I am Ana, a doctoral student in the School of Information at Florida State University. I am working on a dissertation research entitled “Foreign-Born Blacks and Information Overload.” The purpose of this study is to examine characteristics of information habits among foreign-born Blacks like you, and specifically how one might experience and negotiate challenges as a result of needing, seeking, finding or using information resources while living in the United States.

Throughout our discussion today, we want to make sure to give everyone an opportunity to speak; all contributions are valuable. We encourage everyone to share their thoughts and allow others to do so as well. There is a notebook with pen and paper, should you need to write notes or organize your thoughts. The first part will last approximately 30 minutes. There will be a 15-minute refreshment and restroom break. We will reconvene for another 30 minutes. We will be audio recording today in order to ensure accuracy when we transcribed the data. Your identity will be kept confidential and, throughout our post-meeting notes, you will be referred to as participant 1, 2, 3, and so forth.

Your participation is completely voluntary, and you may end participation at any time. All answers will remain private. Also, please know that your participation will in no way impact your immigration process (if applicable), job status, or any other aspect of your life. In my dissertation and any sort of report I might publish, I will not include any information that will make it possible to identify you as a subject. This study is approved by FSU IRB Study #2016.19962. Please feel free to contact me or my advisor, Dr. Gary Burnett, if you have any questions.

I appreciate your willingness to participate and value your responses. Are there any questions or concerns before we get started?

If there are no further questions, please sign the consent form that is found in your folder. Amy, who will be assisting me today, will collect them once you are finished.

Question 1: What do you think of when you hear the word “information”?

Question 2: In your native country, how did you actively or passively seek information? (“Actively” as in you searched for it, and “passively” as in information became available to you).

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Question 3: Describe a time when you needed information in your native country. How did you go about the process? Please provide a specific example.

Question 4: Before coming to the United States, did you gather information for your journey? If so, how?

Question 5: Since moving to the United States, in what ways have you needed information?

Question 6: Where do you turn to get information?

Question 7: Do you feel that information is available equally to all members of American society?

Question 8: What are some consequences to not have enough or the right information?

[We’ll pause here for a break. Please feel free to stretch and become familiar with one another. And please help yourselves to some refreshments. The restrooms are located ______. We will reconvene in 15 minutes.]

Question 7: Do you ever become overwhelmed by the need, search or use of information? If so, what makes it stressful?

Question 8: Describe a time when you felt burdened or stressed by the need, search or use of information. Please provide a specific example.

Question 9: What are some other challenges you come across when trying to get information?

Question 10: How do you respond to and/or overcome these challenges?

Question 11: When you hear the term “reliable information,” what does that mean to you?

Question 12: Describe a time when you had a good experience with needing, searching or using information. Please provide a specific example.

Question 13: Our meeting time is almost up. Before we wrap up, is there anything else that you would like to add about information access or your experiences?

Ladies and gentlemen, this concludes our focus group interview. Your time and contributions are greatly appreciated. The next step is for me to transcribe, code and analyze the data. I will then report my findings. I will be more than happy to share the finished report with you. Also, if you have any questions at any point after this meeting, please do not hesitate to contact me. You will find my information on the business card. I will stay around in case anyone wants to speak with me in private. Everyone did an excellent job. Thank you very much for participating in today’s meeting! Please help yourselves to more refreshments.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Ana Ndumu earned a Ph.D. in Information Studies at the Florida State University School of

Information. Her research and teaching interests involve information access and inclusion; migration, immigration, and population changes; and social justice in library and information science (LIS) education. Dr. Ndumu has over 13 years of academic library and college instruction experience. She received a B.A. in English from the University of Florida as well as an M.L.I.S. from Florida State University.

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