On the Chronology of Third-Century Bc Athenian Silver Coinage
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
PDF Printing 600
REVUE BELGE DE NUMISMATIQUE ET DE SIGILLOGRAPHIE PUDLlÉE UITGEGEVEN SOUS LE HAUT PATRONAGE ONDER DE BOGE BESCHERMING DE S. 1\1. LE ROI VAN Z. M. DE KONING PAR LA DOOR HET SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE KONINKLIJK BELGISCH DE NUMISMATIQUE DE BELGIQUE GENOOTSCHAP VOOR NUMISMATIEK AVEC L'AIDE FINANCIÈRE DU MET DE FINANCIËLE HULP VAN RET MINISTÈRE DE L'ÉDUCATION NATIONALE MIN'ISTERIE VAN NATIONALE OPVOEDING ET DE LA CULTURE FRANÇAISE EN NEDERLANDSE CULTUUR ET DU EN HET MINISTERIE VAN NATIONALE OPVOEDING MINISTÈRE DE L'ÉDUCATION NATIONALE EN NEDERLANDSE CULTUUR ET DE LA CULTURE FRANÇAISE DIRECTEURS: PAUL NASTER, Él\HLE BROUETTE. JEAN JADOT, TONY HACKENS, MAURICE COLAERT CXXV - 1979 BRUXELLES BRUSSEL JOHN R. MELVILLE-JONES DARIes AT DELPHI In the surviving financial accounts of the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi there are three occasions during the second half of the fourth century B.e. when 'Darics' are mentioned. It has always been taken for granted by commentators that these were gold coins of Persia; it is, however, the contention of this article that they were not. Two of these inscriptions should be considered together, since they present several interesting problems of text and interpreta tian, quite apart from the numismatic question which is involved. The first forms part of the accounts for the first session in the ar chonship of Theon in 323/3 B.e., and the passage in question reads : [L1 oxt],uêÏov and TOV x[--- up to 25 letters ---]. L1[ueJuuol suurov ÈVBv1}[xOyra ev É.nr:à <Jr:ar:fjecrtvJ [netJO,u'Y/,uSVOt. ["')L1.]~ot LJaeetxol rouixovi:a B1! ~[nr:à uai ôeax,uijt.] 5 [ne]tB!t1J,uÉvo c. -
Agio at Delphi
NC 160 (2000) Agio at Delphi JOSHUA D. SOSIN IN a fascinating paper, Patrick Marchetti has argued that the Greek word e-rnKcncxAAayTj denoted not agio, a charge for converting one currency to another, but a 're-(e,n-)evaluation (ou ni-ajustement), of the exchange-rate between Aeginetan and Attic silver. I In 335 BC, according to Marchetti, the official exchange rate of gold darics to Aeginetan silver drachmas - at Delphi was changed from I: 14 to I: 15 in order to correct a supposed local monetary problem; an abundance of worn and therefore underweight Aeginetan silver coinage in circulation meant that a payment of, say, 10 physical drachmas might weigh less than 10 drachmas (before 335: 1 daric = 7 Aeginetan staters = 20 Attic drachmas; after: I daric = 7} Aeginetan staters = 20 Attic drachmas).l In the re-edition of the relevant accounts in CID II Jean Bousquet followed Marchetti. 3 This paper argues that the economics of Marchetti's proposal are implausible and introduces evidence that suggests that his theory must be abandoned. The Delphic accounts provide some of the best evidence for the phenomenon of agio from the Hellenistic period! If Marchetti's theory is correct then 1 P. Marchetti, 'Les cours de l'attique et de l'eginetique et les rapports or-argent dans les comptes de Delphes', in D. Knoepfler (ed.), Comptes et inventaires dans la cite grecque (Neuchatel, 1988), pp. 103--10; Marchetti first floated the idea in very brief form in 'Quelques reflexions sur les equivalences entre I'or et I'argent', in T. -
Tine Statue of Athena in the Parthenon
REMARKS UPON THE COLOSSALCHRYSELEPHAN- TINE STATUE OF ATHENA IN THE PARTHENON INTRODUCTION IT is not to be expectedthat even fragmentsof the gold and ivory colossal statue of Athena in the Parthenon should have survived the ravages of time. However, a good deal is known about the statue from small copies in the round and from coins, plaques, gems and the like; also, the famous statue is mentioned by ancient writers, sometimes at considerable length. Consequently we have a fairly good idea of her appearance. And when we come to consider the pedestal on which the statue stood, we find that there are data which can be studied to advantage. Obviously the importance of the statue called for a carefully designed pedestal. Thus it is desirable that all existing data concerning the pedestal be recorded. Let us, then, make a few remarks not only about the colossal statue, but also about the pedestal on which the statue stood. I ATHENA PARTHENOS, THE CLIMAX OF THE PANATHENEA Figure 1 shows the position of the colossal statue (often referred to as the Parthenos) in the east cella of the temple. The blocks which give the position of the statue are toward the west end of the nave and on the axis of the temple. They are poros blocks of the type used for foundations. They are flush with the marble pave- ment of the nave, and they are in situ. The poros blocks, thirty in number, cover an area so extensive that they at once tell us that the statue which stood above them was of colossal size (Figs. -
Tradecraff in ANCIENT GREECE
DECLASSIFIED Authority NND 947003 Strategemata I I TRADECRAFf IN ANCIENT GREECE Rose Mary Sheldon 1 The ancient Greeks knew a great deal about the ins and outs of spying, but they did not make our modern terminology distinctions among intelligence collection, security, counterintelligence, and covert operations. If the Greeks did h~ve a word for it, it was strategemata, the single heading under which they gtouped all such activities. We are able to study these "strategems of war" today, t~anks to the survival of several Greek military handbooks, called strategika biblia. Their chapters on intelligence gathering instruct a commander in what w~uld today be called tradecraft: the finer arts of running agents, sending secret rriessages, using codes. ciphers, disguises, and surveillance. We can also glean information from the works of Greek historians and other ancient writers who, even if they are not primarily concerned with military matters, do refer occa sibnally to techniques of secret operations. Here is a look at what these sources h~ve to say about the " how to do it" of ancient spying. Of all the surviving military treatises, by far the best is the one written about ~7 B.C. by Aeneas the Tactician-another name, it is thought, for Aeneas of Stymphalos, general of the Arcadian Confederacy. As a fourth-century com mlmder, he very likely served most of his time as a mercenary soldier. The Arcadians had been the first Greeks to turn to soldiering as a profession and were mhre in demand than any other mercenaries. They were said to have been the first practical instructors in the art of war. -
The Circulation of Ptolemaic Silver in Seleucid Coele Syria and Phoenicia from Antiochus Iii to the Maccabean Revolt: Monetary Policies and Political Consequences
ELECTRUM * Vol. 26 (2019): 9–23 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.19.001.11204 www.ejournals.eu/electrum THE CIRCULatION OF PtoLEMAIC SILVER IN SELEUCID COELE SYRIA AND PHOENICIA FROM ANTIOCHUS III to THE MACCABEAN REVOLT: MonetaRY POLICIES AND POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES Catharine Lorber Abstract: This paper examines the circulation of Ptolemaic silver in the closed monetary zone of Seleucid Coele Syria and Phoenicia. No new silver coinage entered the zone under Antiochus III and Seleucus IV, though hoards were deposited in the Transjordan and eastern Judah in the early years of Antiochus IV. Trade between Phoenicia and Egypt is excluded as an explanatory factor, but the patterns are consistent with Josephus’ account of the dowry of Cleopatra I and Tobiad tax farming. In the 160s BCE fresh Ptolemaic silver began to enter the closed monetary zone, with the earliest finds in Judah, Samaria, and “southern Palestine.” This new influx, like the didrachms “of an uncertain era,” may represent a subsidy from Ptolemy VI to the Maccabees and other dissidents from Seleucid rule. Keywords: closed monetary zone, Ptolemaic silver coinage, dowry, Tobiad, tax farming, Judah, Antiochus III, Antiochus IV, Ptolemy V, Ptolemy VI. When Antiochus III seized Phoenicia and Palestine from Ptolemy V, the region com- prised a closed monetary zone in which Ptolemaic coinage was the sole legal tender. Somewhat surprisingly, Antiochus III maintained the closed monetary zone for precious metal coinage, which in practice meant silver coinage. This curious situation was de- fined by Georges Le Rider in 1995 through the study of coin hoards.1 The hoards reveal that for nearly half a century the only silver coinage circulating in Seleucid Coele Syria and Phoenicia was Ptolemaic. -
The Coinage and Mints of Phoenicia (Pre- Alexandrine) Pdf, Epub, Ebook
THE COINAGE AND MINTS OF PHOENICIA (PRE- ALEXANDRINE) PDF, EPUB, EBOOK John Wilson Betlyon | 172 pages | 01 Dec 1982 | Scholars Press | 9780891305880 | English | Georgia, United States The Coinage and Mints of Phoenicia (Pre-Alexandrine) PDF Book In BC, Sparta attempted to throw off its ties to the league, which responded by attacking the Lakedaimonians. Anders Bjorn , Privacy Statement. From this process, a coin of a specific value was produced to facilitate a number of economic transactions. Although this standard was closely linked to the Attic, since the Corinthian stater was the same weight as the Attic didrachm, the Corinthian stater was divided into three drachms of 2. Although some of these flaws required a replacement of the damaged die, some mints would contine to employ a die until it broke, or the design was completely indistinguishable. Granzotto, Gianni. Privacy Statement. Series title: Studia Phoenicia ; 6. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Pages: — 4 total. Series title: Collection Points ;. Declared and implied copyright laws must be observed at all time for all text or graphics in compliance with international and domestic legislation. Her temple at Ephesos, known as the Artemision and whose foundations went back to the early Archaic Period, was one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World. When this happened, the lodged flan acted as a surrogate die, and when the hammer fell again, the new flan would have the image of the unobstructed die on one side, and the incuse of the same image caused by the stuck flan on the opposite side. Series title: Collection des manuels d'archeologie et d'histoire de l'art. -
Download File
PUBLICATIONS D'HISTOIRE DE L'ART ET D'ARCHEOLOGIE DE L'UNIVERSITE CATHOLIQUE DE LOUVAIN LIX NUMISMATICA LOVANIENSIA 10 KRAAY. MZRKI_IOLM trSSAYS NUMISMATIC STUDIES IN MEMORY OF C.M. KRAAY AND O. MORKHOLM Eorteo nv Gaoncns LE RIDBR, KertNeru JENKINS, NeNcv WAGGONER euo Ur-r.a WESTERMARK LOUVAIN-LA-NEUVE INSTITUT SUPERIEUR D'ARCHEOLOGIE ET D'HISTOIRE DE L'ART SEMINAIRE DE NUMISMATIQUE MARCEL HOC 1989 THE ROYAL SELEUCID MII\T OF SELEUCIA ON THE CALYCADNUS Arthur HoucuroN (Plates XXIII-XXVIII) Abbreuiations Babelon E. Ba.sor-oN, Catalogue des monnaies grecques de Ia Bibliothique Nationale. Zes Rois de Sgrie, d'Arminie et de Commagine, Paris, 1890. Bellinger A. R. BerI-rNcnr., A Seleucid Mint at Elaeusa Sebaste, rn ANSMN, 3' 1948, p.27-30' B)IC P. GanoNnn, Calalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum, The Seleucid Kings of Sgria, London, 1878. CSE A. Houcnrou, Coins of the Seleuciit Empire (Ancient Coins in Norlh American Collections,4) New York,1983. De Clercq G. LE Rrorn and H. Snvnrc, Objels de la collection Louis De Clercq, in fiN, s. 6, 21,1979, p.7-53. ]Iallus A. HoucnroN , The Seleucid Mint of Mallus and the Cult Figure of Alhena Magarsia, in Sludles in Honor of Leo Mildenberg, p.91-110. Hunter 3 G. MacooNer-o, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection, Yo1.3, Further Asla, Nor- thern Africa, Western Europe, Glasgow, 1905. \[orkholm, Clllcfa O. Monr<nor-u, Seleucid Coins from Cilicia, ca. 220-150 8.C., in ANSMN, 11, 1964' p. 53-62. Sevrig, ?rlsors H. -
Archaic and Classical Cult Statues in Greece
ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL CULT STATUES IN GREECE THE SETTING AND DISPLAY OF CULT IMAGES IN THE ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIODS IN GREECE By SHERR! DAWSON, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree Master of Arts McMaster Uni versity © Copyright by Sherri Dawson, June 2002 MASTER OF ARTS (2002) McMaster University (Classical Studies) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Setting and Display of Cult Images in the Archaic and Classical Peri ods in Greece. AUTHOR: Sherri Dawson, B. A. (Uni versity of Alberta) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Gretchen Umholtz NUMBER OF PAGES: xii, 257. 11 ABSTRACT The focus of this thesis is on ancient archaic and classical Greek cult statues and how their placement reflects both the role of the statues themselves and the continuity in worship. Greek sanctuaries generally exhibited a strong continuity of cult in terms of building successive temples directly on top of the remains of their predecessors. The sanctuary of Hera on Samos and the sanctuary of Apollo at Didyma are two such sanctuaries in Asia Minor that exhibit this type of continuity even though their early temples were replaced by large superstructures. The temple of Athena Nike in Athens is another example of continuity, since the larger Classical temple was built on the same site as the archaic one. The Athenian Parthenon, the temple of Zeus at Olympia, the Classical Heraion at Argos and the Classical temple of Dionysos on the south slope in Athens, however, were not built on the same site as the archaic temples. -
GREEK and ROMAN COINS GREEK COINS Technique Ancient Greek
GREEK AND ROMAN COINS GREEK COINS Technique Ancient Greek coins were struck from blank pieces of metal first prepared by heating and casting in molds of suitable size. At the same time, the weight was adjusted. Next, the blanks were stamped with devices which had been prepared on the dies. The lower die, for the obverse, was fixed in the anvil; the reverse was attached to a punch. The metal blank, heated to soften it, was placed on the anvil and struck with the punch, thus producing a design on both sides of the blank. Weights and Values The values of Greek coins were strictly related to the weights of the coins, since the coins were struck in intrinsically valuable metals. All Greek coins were issued according to the particular weight system adopted by the issuing city-state. Each system was based on the weight of the principal coin; the weights of all other coins of that system were multiples or sub-divisions of this major denomination. There were a number of weight standards in use in the Greek world, but the basic unit of weight was the drachm (handful) which was divided into six obols (spits). The drachm, however, varied in weight. At Aigina it weighed over six grammes, at Corinth less than three. In the 6th century B.C. many cities used the standard of the island of Aegina. In the 5th century, however, the Attic standard, based on the Athenian tetradrachm of 17 grammes, prevailed in many areas of Greece, and this was the system adopted in the 4th century by Alexander the Great. -
No Roman Imperial Bronze Was Found at Paphos II, but the Dig at the Nearby Odeion Found Four Sestertii from 222-249 AD and No Other Roman Imperial Coins
101 / 140 THE COINAGE SYSTEM OF CLEOPATRA VII, MARC ANTONY AND AUGUSTUS IN CYPRUS No Roman Imperial bronze was found at Paphos II, but the dig at the nearby Odeion found four sestertii from 222-249 AD and no other Roman Imperial coins. At Curium and the Odeion, many small Ptolemaic coins were found. Roman Imperial sestertii were valued as drachms. The lack of ases in relation to sestertii supports the idea that the as (equal to a rather clumsy 1.5 obols) did not fit well into the Cypriot denominational system of six obols per sestertius / drachm. The lack of other small change suggests the ongoing use of antique Ptolemaic and Augustan small change, perhaps at least as late as the reign of Gallienus. Amandry summarizes this later coinage on Cyprus: In the second century, Roman coins form the largest group, dominating the Cypriot bronzes. The same is true for the third and fourth century. Apart from occasional eastern provincial coin, Roman currency is predominant. Most of the coins come from the nearest mints, Antioch, Cyzicus and Hercaclea in the third century, Antioch, Constantinopolis, Alexandria, Cyzicus, Nicomedia in the fourth. At that time, Cyprus had been fully absorbed into the Roman imperial monetary system. Bronzes of Cleopatra circulated as money in Dark Age Cyprus. Cox described a jumble of “over 400 miscellaneous small pieces, mostly illegible” found in the sewers of Curium. Some are Ptolemaic. Cox writes: From their distribution it seems that these unrelated coins and bits of metal all circulated together. J. G. Milne’s remarks on the exchange media of fifth- century Egypt (“The Currency of Egypt in the Fifth Century,“ NC, 1926, p. -
Money and Power: the Disappearance of Autonomous Silver Issues in the Roman Province of Asia
OMNI N°8 – 10/2014 Book cover: volto della statua di Augusto Togato, su consessione del Ministero dei beni e delle attivitá culturali e del turismo – Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma 1 www.omni.wikimoneda.com OMNI N°8 – 11/2014 OMNI n°8 Director: Cédric LOPEZ, OMNI Numismatic (France) Deputy Director: Carlos ALAJARÍN CASCALES, OMNI Numismatic (Spain) Editorial board: Jean-Albert CHEVILLON, Independent Scientist (France) Eduardo DARGENT CHAMOT, Universidad de San Martín de Porres (Peru) Georges DEPEYROT, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (France) Jean-Marc DOYEN, Laboratoire Halma-Ipel, UMR 8164, Université de Lille 3 (France) Alejandro LASCANO, Independent Scientist (Spain) Serge LE GALL, Independent Scientist (France) Claudio LOVALLO, Tuttonumismatica.com (Italy) David FRANCES VAÑÓ, Independent Scientist (Spain) Ginés GOMARIZ CEREZO, OMNI Numismatic (Spain) Michel LHERMET, Independent Scientist (France) Jean-Louis MIRMAND, Independent Scientist (France) Pere Pau RIPOLLÈS, Universidad de Valencia (Spain) Ramón RODRÍGUEZ PEREZ, Independent Scientist (Spain) Pablo Rueda RODRÍGUEZ-VILa, Independent Scientist (Spain) Scientific Committee: Luis AMELA VALVERDE, Universidad de Barcelona (Spain) Almudena ARIZA ARMADA, New York University (USA/Madrid Center) Ermanno A. ARSLAN, Università Popolare di Milano (Italy) Gilles BRANSBOURG, Universidad de New-York (USA) Pedro CANO, Universidad de Sevilla (Spain) Alberto CANTO GARCÍA, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (Spain) Francisco CEBREIRO ARES, Universidade de Santiago -
The Empire Strikes: the Growth of Roman Infrastructural Minting Power, 60 B.C
The Empire Strikes: The Growth of Roman Infrastructural Minting Power, 60 B.C. – A.D. 68 A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics of the College of Arts and Sciences by David Schwei M.A., University of Cincinnati, December 2012 B.A., Emory University, May 2009 Committee Chairs: Peter van Minnen, Ph.D Barbara Burrell, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Coins permeated the Roman Empire, and they offer a unique perspective into the ability of the Roman state to implement its decisions in Italy and the provinces. This dissertation examines how this ability changed and grew over time, between 60 B.C. and A.D. 68, as seen through coin production. Earlier scholars assumed that the mint at Rome always produced coinage for the entire empire, or they have focused on a sudden change under Augustus. Recent advances in catalogs, documentation of coin hoards, and metallurgical analyses allow a fuller picture to be painted. This dissertation integrates the previously overlooked coinages of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt with the denarius of the Latin West. In order to measure the development of the Roman state’s infrastructural power, this dissertation combines the anthropological ideal types of hegemonic and territorial empires with the numismatic method of detecting coordinated activity at multiple mints. The Roman state exercised its power over various regions to different extents, and it used its power differently over time. During the Republic, the Roman state had low infrastructural minting capacity.