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Home , Ambeth Ocampo, El filibusterismo, Philippine Revolution, Rizal Day

Notes

Introduction 1. Although it is commonly known as “Spanish–American War” in English, the title does not involve the other two countries closely associated with the war, and the . In the Spanish-speaking world, it is often called “War in Cuba” (“Guerra de Cuba”), “” (“Guerra de la Independencia”), or “War of 98” (“Guerra del 98”). 2. In fact, and can be called “twin cities” that shared the history of colonial administration not only under and the but also during a brief British occupation in the eighteenth century. 3. For previous allusions to the links between Martí and , see Zea (1981), Anderson (1983, 2005), Blanco (2004), Kim (2004), and Lifshey (2008, 2012). 4. Zea writes that

[Rizal] can and should be alongside the great Latin Americans, alongside the liberators and teachers of our America. Together with Bolívar, Morelos, Juárez, Mora and Justo Sierra; with José Martí, his twin brother, and with America; with Bilbao, Lastrarria, Montalvo, González Prada and many others who made Spanish an instrument for liberation. (175)

While Zea’s comparison points to a necessarily expansive Latinoamerica- nism that seeks to include the Philippines, it ultimately eschews the complex historical context of each figure. 5. The term indio was used differently in the Philippines than in Spanish America during colonial times. In the Philippines, indios referred to the people of indigenous ancestry who were “inside” Catholic evangeliza- tion and “unmixed” in blood, representing the masses of lowland peoples (Kramer 39). 6. Martí studied law and philosophy in and Zaragoza between 1871 and 1874, and Rizal studied medicine and philosophy in Madrid from 1882 to 1885; both enrolled in the Universidad Central de Madrid. 158 ● Notes

7. Although Rizal is generally known as a “reformist,” some critics have argued that a close reading of his work illustrates his belief that reform was only a necessary step toward the ultimate goal, independence from Spain. Schumacher points out, for instance, that “Rizal had been a sepa- ratist from early in his career, but one who understood quite clearly the preconditions by which that independence from Spain would mean true freedom and justice” (1991, 99). See also ’s essay “Mem- ory and amnesia: Rizal on the eve of his centenary” in his Meaning and History: The Rizal Lectures (2001). 8. It is worth recalling that the images of Martí and Rizal have been frequently used and even manipulated by their countries’ politicians as well as by the US government. 9. Blanco’s term also seems to echo with Benedict Anderson’s “spectre of comparisons,” which is a translation of Rizal’s words “demonio de las comparaciones” in his novel (Anderson, 1998, 2). 10. Alfred J. López examines different ways in which people in Havana and Miami attempt to define national identities through their own interpreta- tions of Martí. See López (2006), especially chapters 1 and 2. 11. In this book, all translations are my own, unless otherwise noted. For cita- tions by Martí and Rizal, my translations are accompanied by original texts in Spanish. For other citations (e.g. secondary sources), I only provide translations in English. Unless otherwise noted, all references to Martí’s works are from Obras completas de José Martí (Complete Works of José Martí), and I indicate parenthetically the volume and the page number for each citation. 12. Recent scholarships on Martí include, for example, Ramos (1989), Belnap and Fernández (1998), Rotker (2000), Montero (2004), López (2006), Lomas (2008), and Bejel (2012). For Rizal, see Anderson (1983, 1998, 2005), Rafael (1988, 2005), Ileto (1998), Quibuyen (1999), Ocampo (2001, 2008 [1990]), Blanco (2004), and Nery (2011). 13. Related to Anderson’s discussion, see also Manuel Sarkisyanz’s Rizal and Republican Spain and Other Rizalist Essays (1995). 14. Notable studies on the literary and cultural relations between Latin America and Asia include Kushigian (1991), Tinajero (2003), López- Calvo (2008, 2013), Pierce and Otsuka (2009), Lifshey (2012), and Tsurumi (2012). 15. Some important publications on the history of nineteenth-century Cuba include Corwin (1967), Pérez (1983, 2011 [1988]), Ferrer (1999), and Schmidt-Nowara (1998, 2006). For studies on the Filipino history during the same period, see Schumacher (1973, 1991), Ileto (1979), Anderson (1983, 2005), and Francia (2010). 16. For discussions on the historiography of European empires and , see Hobson (1902), Lenin (1916), Arendt (1951), and Hobsbawm (1987). Notes ● 159

17. Hobson studies the economic aspect of modern through a discourse of Western “parasitism” in the late . His idea of “para- sitism” refers to the situation in which a few global industrial countries in Europe exercised dominant power in the world. Imperialism, which he calls “a depraved choice of national life” (125), fundamentally endan- gers the future of world civilization because it “parasitically” exploits the poor in underdeveloped countries in order to enhance economic progress and create industrial foundations for dominant nations. Hannah Arendt would famously advance and complicate Hobson’s model in The Origins of . 18. Throughout the nineteenth century, Spain witnessed disputes between progressives, liberals, and conservatives within the country. Following the liberal of 1868, numerous incidents intensified the pace of political instability in the metropolis, such as the of a constitu- tional under Amadeo de Saboya (1870), the Carlist war (1872), the declaration of the First Republic (1873) and its fall (1874), and the reestablishment of the Bourbon Monarchy (1874). 19. Some nineteenth-century authors in Latin America incorporated the his- tory of the Manila into their literature as they discovered new interest in Asian symbols and imagery. One of the examples is the represen- tation of Asia in José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi’s El Periquillo Sarniento (1816). See my analysis of the novel in Hagimoto (2012). 20. Unlike , Cubans enjoyed certain privileges within the . For example, they had the right to send representatives to the Spanish Parliament, the political domination of the Church was relatively little, and there was a similar kind of legal system as in the metropolis, together with a secular and state-provided educational system. 21. Ferrer argues that the most intense conflict in Cuba’s independence move- ment was the one between racism and antiracism. For her, the legacy of the Ten Years’ War was “the impossibility of racial conflict,” which would later be articulated by Martí through his discourse of nationalism (124). 22. The category of “Filipino” did not have the connotation that we associate today with the native population in the archipelago. From the sixteenth century to the nineteenth century, “Filipinos” referred to the born in the Philippines (i.e. those who would be considered “Creoles” in Spanish America), as opposed to more privileged “” (the Spaniards born in Spain). In other words, the “Filipino” identity, at least until the 1890s, was associated with both an ancestral link to Spain and the ability to speak the imperial language. Often overlooked is the fact that it was Rizal and his generation that first appropriated the term “Filipino” to refer to themselves and, by doing so, started looking at the Philippines as their mother country rather than Spain. León Ma. Guerrero rightfully called Rizal the “first Filipino” because there was no clear definition of the “Filipino” before him (Ocampo, 2001, 12). In fact, the notion of the 160 ● Notes

“Filipino” already appeared in Rizal’s earlier poem, “A la juventud filipina” (To the Filipino Youth), which he wrote at the age of 18 while studying at the University of Santo Tomas. 23. For a comparative analysis of the impacts of the Spanish colonial enterprise in the Philippines and in the New World, see Phelan (1967), especially chapters 8 and 11. 24. As the presence of these native languages suggests, there is rich ethno- linguistic diversity in the Philippines. Historically, the most important language has been Tagalog, used by the ethnic group residing in the region of . When a organization against the Spanish empire was established in 1892, Tagalog played an important role as the movement’s lingua franca. As I discuss in Chapters 1 and 3, Rizal also considered the native language crucial for his works. His mother tongue was Tagalog, and he characterized his first novel as a “Tagalog novel.” Toward the end of his life, Rizal even began to write his third novel in Tagalog, entitled Makamisa, but it was never finished. See Ocampo (1992). 25. The figure of the Spanish-speaking population in the nineteenth Philippines varies depending on interpretations. Whereas Phelan claims that Spanish was understood by 10 percent of the total population (131), Anderson suggests that it was less than 5 percent (2005, 5). 26. Nevertheless, the evangelization of the Philippines did not mean that the non-Christian beliefs and rituals had disappeared completely. In fact, there was strong resistance against Spanish colonization in some parts of the archipelago, especially in Muslim (Francia 90–95). 27. In Contracting : Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule, Vicente Rafael examines how the imperial language influences both the dominant power of clerical orders and the natives’ response to Christianity. For him, evengelization and anticolonial resistance during the early colonial period essentially depended on the practice of translation. 28. Ileto studies the history of Apolinario de la Cruz, whom he considers a Christ-like figure. See Ileto (1979), especially Chapter 2. 29. For a historical overview of the , see Schumacher (1973). 30. The United States’ imperial ambitions were of course nothing new. After the massacre of Native Americans, the country bought Louisiana from France in 1803 and conquered almost half of the Mexican territory after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848. 31. In her recent work, God’s Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1899– 1902, Susan Harris studies the way in which the idea of American excep- tionalism was constructed through the events and discourses surrounding the Philippine–American War. Notes ● 161

32. Currently, there are over 170 languages in the Philippines. Among them, the two official languages are English and Filipino, which is the de facto standard version of Tagalog. 33. The notion comes from Fradera’s book Filipinas, la colonia más peculiar: Las finanzas públicas en la determinación de la política colonial, 1762– 1868 (Philippines, the Most Peculiar Colony: The Public Finances in the Determination of the Colonial Policy, 1762–1868), which examines the complex interplay of the economic and political system between the metropolis and its Asian colony. Fradera attributes the Filipino “pecu- liarity” to the unique characteristic of economic development in the Philippines. During the early nineteenth century, the most important com- ponent of the Filipino economy was the state sector. It was the fiscal monopolies of the state sustained by the tobacco and alcohol industries that allowed the Spanish empire to maintain its power. In other words, while the colonial system in Cuba and Puerto Rico economically depended on the external trade of and coffee, the economy in the Philippines was principally based on the profits provided by the internal monopoly of tobacco and alcohol products. 34. In this sense, the Philippines could form a productive part of the “Latinamericanism” that Román de la Campa identifies with a “transna- tional discursive community” (1). De la Campa’s concept defies readily apparent geographical boundaries and suggests an alternative way to understand the idea of “Latin America.” 35. In his often-cited letter to Manuel Mercado written the day before his death, Martí stated that “I lived in the monster, and I understand his inner workings” (“Viví en el monstruo, y le conozco las entrañas”) (4:168).

Chapter 1 1. I employ the term “melodrama” in the sense used by Peter Brooks, who argues that “the melodramatic mode of conception and representation may appear to be the very process of reaching a fundamental drama of the moral life and finding the terms to express it” (12). According to Brooks, the melodrama, as a concept derived from romanticism and opposed to natu- ralism, represents a modern form that “starts from and expresses the anxiety brought by a frightening new world in which the traditional patterns of moral order no longer provide the necessary social glue” (20). 2. As mentioned earlier, he attempted to write a third novel Makamisa in Tagalog but never finished it. 3. It is important to clarify that Rizal was not against revolution per se but its timing. As I show in Chapter 2, he actually refers to the possibility of violence in “Filipinas dentro de cien años,” which indicates that he did not reject the idea of revolution as a last resort. 162 ● Notes

4. When Rizal wrote the Noli in the late nineteenth century, the novel was a relatively new genre in the Philippines. For the history of the Filipino novel, see Mojares (1983). 5. Both terms—denationalization and denaturalization—may invoke Giorgio Agamben’s theory concerning the European history of ethnic cleansings during the first half of the twentieth century. As Agamben argues in Homo sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, these concepts symbolize a state- sponsored project of mass destruction, which produced a large number of refugees in various European nation-states. While he refers to the notions in order to highlight the “exceptional” nature of those stripped of their national status, I employ the terms in order to show the process in which an individual seeks to disassociate himself or herself from the organic, natural, and national subjectivity. 6. For the separation between Martí and Zayas Bazán, see Vitier (2004, 110–111). 7. See, for example, González, P. M. (1969), Morales (1994), Martínez-San Miguel (1996), and Schulman (2005). 8. The only exception I have found is David Luis-Brown’s reading of the novel. I am following his assessment that “[n]o critic of the novel has read Lucía Jerez as an allegorical figure of the greed of Spanish colonialism” (264, n.77). 9. Martí’s criticism against the artificiality of the novel seems to contradict his own affirmation that he has actually met some of the characters in Lucía Jerez in his real life:

The author has never met either Sol or Lucía. Mr. Manuel, yes, and Manuellillo, Ms. Andrea as well as the Director. ni a Sol ni a Lucía, ha conocido de cerca el autor. A don Manuel, sí. Y a Manuelillo, y a doña Andrea, así como a la propia Directora. (47)

10. Martí’s admiration for Hugo is evidenced in many of his writings, including his translation of Hugo’s Mes Fils (24:15–18). 11. In Colonialism and Culture: Hispanic Modernisms and the Social Imag- inary (1992), Iris Zavala offers a political reading of Latin American modernismo, arguing that this movement calls for “the inscription of a ‘mas- ter narrative’ or ‘master plot’ of and anti-imperialism” (8). For her, Martí is “an exemplary illustration of modernism’s anti-colonial narrative” (26). 12. According to Morales, “although our writer does not allude to any partic- ular country, the abundance of details and the consistency of the fictional space make us think of a Hispanic American country, which the author knew well and which had provoked admired and memorable fascination in him” (65). Notes ● 163

13. In this passage, the way Pedro reads Amalia and María toSolissim- ilar to how Efraín studies Chateaubriand with María in Isaacs’s novel (Zanetti 191). 14. In Foundational Fictions, the only time Sommer makes reference to Martí is when she mentions his general admiration for European romantic novels and the way in which he celebrates Manuel de Jesús Galván’s novel Enriquillo (1882) as a model for Latin American writers (9). 15. Paulette Silva Beauregard maintains that the feminine aspect of Juan’s char- acter represents “the new representations of the hero” in Latin American literature (138). 16. Aníbal González interprets Lucía’s figure as a metaphor for artificiality. In his study, he analyzes Lucía’s artificial aspect based on three levels: the referential, the symbolic, and the allegorical (68–70).

Chapter 2 1. Because of the nature of my study, I focus on the political aspect of the manifesto genre rather than its aesthetic quality. However, it is important to acknowledge that the manifesto has also been used for an artistic pur- pose around the world. In Latin America, many vanguardistas from the early twentieth century incorporated the manifesto form for their cul- tural production, creating an innovative style of art in such countries as Chile, Argentina, , and Brazil. Some of the most notable exam- ples include Vicene Huidobro’s “Non serviam” (I Will Not Serve, 1914), Jorge Luis Borges’s “Manifiesto del Ultra” (Ultraist Manifesto, 1921), and Oswald de Andrade’s “Manifiesto antropófago” (Cannibal Manifesto, 1928). 2. The text is found in Obras completas de José Martí, 4:93–101. For subsequent citations from this article, I will only indicate the page number. 3. The article is divided into four parts: I (September 30, 1889); II (October 31, 1889); III ( 15, 1889); and IV (February 1, 1890). 4. My emphasis on the “againstness” of the manifesto form follows Mary Ann Caws’ study, which suggests that “as if by defining a moment of crisis, the manifesto generally proclaims what it wants to oppose, to leave, to defend, to change. Its oppositional tone is constructed of againstness and generally in a spirit of a one time only moment” (xxiii). 5. The manifesto has been one of the least studied fields. It is only in the last decades that this genre began to attract serious attention from critics. Two books stand out as key texts in the field of manifesto studies: Janet Lyon’s Manifestoes: Provocations of the Modern (1999) and Mary Ann Caws’ Manifesto: A Century of Isms (2001). 164 ● Notes

6. For Althusser’s discussion of “interpellation” as a mode of subjectification, see his “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes Toward and Investigation)” (1970). 7. Based on her analysis of Derrida’s attention to the Declaration’s “indeter- minacy of performativity,” Lyon makes a step further and concludes that “the manifesto is, after all, a text of radicalism which forges an audience through its efforts at affective and experiential intelligibility” (28). 8. Puri examines the effect of the author’s confidence in the manifesto from the viewpoint of hyperbole. For her, hyperbole not only produces “the appearance of confidence, whether that confidence is genuine or a mas- querade” but also “seeks to inspire in the reader a similar confidence so as to expand the collective projected by the manifesto” (91). 9. See, for example, Ortiz (1953), Martínez-Echazábal (1991), Helg (1995), Ferrer (1999), Rojas (2000), and Montero (2004). 10. His emphasis on “faith” reflects the nature of the manifesto form that is often used for religious discourses. The theological use of the term “man- ifesto” refers to the concept of divine revelation and can be found in seventeenth-century England as well as nineteenth-century America (Lyon 12–16). 11. As Enrico Mario Santí notes, Martí’s critique of Latin America has not been fully explored by critics who tend to overemphasize Martí’s defense of “Our America” against US imperialism (180). 12. In Caribbean Discourse, Glissant explains that the exploration of history is “related neither to a schematic chronology nor to a nostalgic lament. It leads to the identification of a painful notion of time and its full projection forward into the future, without the help of those plateaus in time from which the West has benefited, without the help of that collective density that is the primary value of an ancestral cultural heartland. That is what I call a prophetic vision of the past” (emphasis in original, 64). 13. In his study, Puchner focuses on the performativity of the manifesto genre, which he calls “futurist performativity.” According to him, the mani- festo is “a genre geared towards successfully accomplishing the act that is to create a zero point in history, a revolutionary overturn. All previous history becomes a preparation for this point zero, which itself is preg- nant with futurity; the present act of revolt is the beginning of a new future” (452). 14. Rizal’s conceptualization of “race” is also against the derogatory interpreta- tion of the Filipino race that was articulated by such Spanish historians as W.E. Retana and Víctor Balaguer at that time. In an article published in La política de España en Filipinas (The Politics of Spain in the Philippines, 1891), Retana states, “Why should it cause offense that I conceive of the Malay race as inferior to the European races? This is a purely scientific Notes ● 165

opinion that I do not sustain by myself but in agreement with many learned anthropologists” (quoted in Schmidt-Nowara, 2006, 176).

Chapter 3 1. I employ the term “nature” to indicate the natural world or environment that is not created by humans. My definition involves both objects (plants, animals, landscape, etc.) and phenomena (snow, flood, earthquakes, etc.). The assumption is that in Martí’s conceptualization, there is an ontolog- ical premise of the world, the premise that underlines the existence of an alternative reality independent of the human experience. 2. Rizal’s confidence in the United States was later shared by Emilio Aguinaldowho,inhisTrue Version of the (1899), expressed his positive feeling (at least initially) that the United States would remain fair to the deal concerning the future of the Philippines. In listing his reasons for trusting Dewey, acting for the US government, he evoked the American Founding Fathers: “I trust in the rectitude of the great of the United States of America where, if there are ambitious Imperi- alists, there are defenders of the humane doctrine of the immoral Monroe, Franklin, and Washington” (quoted in Harris 187). 3. Two of the most infamous phenomena related to this history are the cre- ation of the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882) and the massacre of 20 Chinese in Rock Springs, Wyoming (1885). 4. Laura Lomas goes so far as to suggest that Martí draws his fundamen- tal concept of “Our America” from Emerson’s late essay “Fate” written in 1860. Her argument is based on Emerson’s following words: “Our America has a bad name for superficialness. Great men, great nations, have not been boasters and buffoons, but perceivers of the terror of life, and have manned themselves to face it” (quoted in Lomas, 2008, 16). 5. José Ballón calls this moment “Martí’s intellectual encounter with Emerson” (1995, 3). According to him, it is “a spiritually intense moment, the highest point of self-consciousness, whereby the angle of vision was framed within an Emersonian perspective. In these moments of interior construction, we see a young Cuban readjusting his intellectual framework through which he finds himself consistently in the world” (1986, 30). 6. The essay can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 13:17–30. For the subsequent citations from this article, I will indicate only the page number. 7. For Martí, an individual would not be “complete” without his or her close connection to the environment:

a man is not complete, is not revealed to himself, and does not see the invisible, if not by his intimate relationship with nature. 166 ● Notes

Y el hombre no se halla completo, ni se revela a sí mismo, ni ve lo invisible, sino en su íntima relación con la naturaleza. (13:26)

8. Analogy is an important concept in many of Martí’s writings, especially as it creates a political nuance to his conceptualization of “our” America. He states that

[e]verything is analogous to the earth, and every existing order is related to another order. Harmony was the law of birth, and it will forever be the beautiful, logical law of relationship. todo es análogo en la tierra, y cada orden existente tiene relación con otro orden. La armonía fue la ley del nacimiento, y será perpetuamente la bella y lógica ley de relación. (14: 20)

Regarding the meaning of analogy in Martí, Ivan Schulman argues that “the analogy as the basis of the image is perhaps the most significant and consistently articulated principle used by Martí in his theory of symbol- ism” (1960, 34). For Julio Ramos, Martí’s analogical proceeding represents a powerful enunciation of universal harmony on the one hand, and a figu- rative process against the divisive force of modernity on the other (172). 9. The comparison between Martí and Emerson in terms of their shared analogical impulse is discussed by Ivan Schulman (1960, 35–36, 52–64). 10. Some of his other chronicles that directly deal with the representation of nature are “Nueva York bajo la nieve” (New York Under the Snow, 1888) and “Johnstown” (1889). 11. The article can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 11:65–76. For the subsequent citations from this article, I will indicate only the page number. 12. The article can be found in Obras completas de José Martí, 6:15–23. For the following citations, I will indicate only the page number. 13. Here I am indebted to Homi Bhabha’s idea that “the question of repre- sentation of difference is therefore always also a question of authority” (89), although I invoke it in a different register. While Bhabha discusses a kind of (the maintenance colonial difference), I employ the idea in the context of anticolonialism (the declaration of a colonized difference). 14. A similar notion can be seen in his other chronicle, “La verdad sobre los Estados Unidos” (The Truth about the United States, 1894), in which he states that “ideas, like trees, must come from deep roots and compatible soil in order to develop a firm footing and prosper” (“las ideas, como los árboles, han de venir de larga raíz, y ser de suelo afín, para que prendan y prosperen”) (28:293). Notes ● 167

15. According to Cintio Vitier, “the seven-league giant” alludes to “a fab- ulous character in children’s stories (like Charles Perrault’s ‘Little Tom Thumb’),” which Martí uses to “symbolize the disproportion and the dan- ger of the most powerful countries (whose development is ‘seven times’ faster)” (2005, 33). 16. In his well-known work Calibán: Apuntes sobre la cultura en nuestra América (Caliban: Notes Toward a Discussion of Culture in Our America, 1971), Fernández Retamar employs the term calibán to portray Martí as a proto- Marxist Pan-American revolutionary. His discussion points to a particular gesture of Latin America’s resistance to US imperialism in which the col- onized subject seeks to appropriate and harness the power of his or her colonizer. After its publication, the book became an important manifesto for many Latin American and Caribbean writers working against European and US (neo)colonial discourses. See also Jáuregui (2008). 17. Allusion to the romantic style of Spanish poet José Zorrilla (1817–1893). 18. Besides his visit to the United States, his view on the country was also influ- enced by his reading of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852) and Evert Duyckinck’s Lives and Portraits of the Presidents of the United States, from Washington to Johnson (1865). 19. David Haekwon Kim mentions a parallel between Rizal’s Liga Filipina and Martí’s organization La Liga, which he created in 1890 with the goal of promoting nationalist causes for Cuba and Puerto Rico (86, n. 35). 20. The term “indio bravo” also existed in the but was used in a different context, referring to a ferocious bandit from Puerto Príncipe in the beginning of the nineteenth century. It is said that he provoked terror in the community because people believed that he attacked travelers on the street, especially children, and ate human flesh. See Marrero Companioni (1960). 21. Oxford English Dictionary offers three primary meanings for the word “fili- buster”: (1) one of a class of piratical adventurers who pillaged the Spanish colonies in the seventeenth-century West Indies; (2) in a wider sense, one who engages in unauthorized and irregular warfare against foreign states; (3) in the United States, one who practices obstruction in a legislative assembly. 22. For a critical analysis of the relationship between Simoun and Bolívar, see Blanco (2004) and Lifshey (2008).

Chapter 4 1. For the history of Spanish and its relation to colonialism, see Ferrer Benimeli (1999). For a discussion on the influence of Masonic writings in the construction of Caribbean cultural and literary discourses, see Jossiana Arroyo-Martínez’s recent book (2013). 168 ● Notes

2. As Arroyo-Martínez points out, Masonic lodges were important meet- ing sites for Creole intellectuals in nineteenth-century Cuba and Puerto Rico where they discussed radical ideas, organized various insurgents, and developed a shared agenda for the abolitionist movement (2008, 147). 3. Rizal’s Masonic name was Dimasalang, which was his pseudonym and also the Tagalog version of the title of his novel Noli me tangere (Francia 126). 4. For the Filipino , the function of “Solidaridad” was twofold. On the one hand, they used it to seek assistance from Spanish Masons for their reformist agenda, including the Filipino representation in the Cortes, the teaching of Spanish to the majority of the population in the archipelago, and the greater involvement of native friars in the religious orders. On the other hand, the Masonic lodge was also a central place for the elaboration of nationalist aspirations among the Filipino expatriates in Spain. 5. For instance, another Masonic lodge named “Revolución” was established in 1889 by three Filipinos and two Cubans. 6. The anticlerical characteristic of Freemasonry has long been a sub- ject of debate. While the Catholic Church has always been critical of Masonic societies, many Masons have claimed that their principles are not against any particular religious faith. See Payne (1984) and Clark and Kaiser (2003). 7. For Labra’s contribution to the collective antislavery campaign in the Spanish Caribbean, see Corwin (1967) and Schmidt-Nowara (1999). 8. Both Estrade (1999) and Anderson (2005) make references to the connec- tion between Ponce and Izquierdo, but they never discuss this important relationship in depth in their studies. 9. Ponce also had an epistolary communication with Labra. In his letter (February 25, 1898), he called the Cuban reformist “our teacher” and asked him to share his political writing:

You have always been our teacher. Now that the Filipino matter is entering a new period, it is essential that we take as a basis the doctrines that you teach and have taught. Usted ha sido siempre nuestro maestro, y ahora que entra en un nuevo período la cuestión filipina nos es de imprescindible necesidad tomar por base las doctrinas que predica y ha predicado. (111–112)

Here, the “doctrines” refer to Labra’s La república y las libertades en ultramar (The Republic and the Freedoms Overseas, 1897). 10. To this day, I have not been able to locate the correspondences between Ponce and Martí implied in these words. 11. Ponce acknowledges that one of the documents he received from Izquierdo was “Álbum de José Martí” (59). Notes ● 169

12. It may be worth recalling that Martí briefly talks about the Philippines in some of his articles. Although his reference to the problem of Spanish imperialism in the Philippines is sporadic, he mentions the colony in Asia in at least four articles. By calling Filipinos “the unfortunate ones from Manila” (“los desgraciados de Manila”) (5:85), he recognizes that the Filipinos are also enduring the colonial experience like his fellow Cubans. When comparing the sociopolitical situations of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, he analyzes a function of Spain’s imperial project that entails an unfair commercialization of the three colonies’ products in Madrid (14:186). 13. Ponce makes numerous references to Betances in his letters. Besides his direct correspondence to Betances, see his letter to Izquierdo (7, 31, 238) and to Gonzalo de Quesada (167). 14. On the relationship between Betances and Martí, see Betances (1975, 1985), Ojeda Reyes (1984, 2001), and Estrade (2001). 15. Three articles entitled “España en Filipinas” (Spain in the Philippines) appeared in Patria on June 23, 1894, December 8, 1894, and January 26, 1895. 16. Once again, Betances played a key role in the transmission of these news- papers across the Pacific. He wrote to the editor of La República Cubana, expressing his desire to send articles to (Estrade, 1999, 78). Some of Ponce’s letters to Izquierdo show his knowledge of the Cuban organization in and its journal (Ponce, 59, 239). 17. Both articles seem to be written by a group of editors, including Domingo Figarola-Caneda, Ramón Emeterio Betances, Vicente Mestre Amábile, and Alberto Ruz. 18. followed the nationalist path initiated by the earlier news- paper known as Diariong Tagalog, which was founded by Marcelo H. del Pilar in 1882. 19. The article is signed by “Juan,” which most likely refers to Cañarte.

Afterword 1. The so-called “” was a three-day series of nonvi- olent against the authoritarian government of that took place in 1986. More than two million civilians participated in the demonstrations, and the revolution later inspired numerous nonviolent movements around the globe. 2. The English translation comes from Benítez-Rojo (1996). 3. Some recent scholarship on the Asian–Caribbean relationship include Sanjek (1990), Birbalsingh and Samaroo (1999), Wilson (2004), López- Calvo (2008), Peguero (2008), and Yun (2008). Bibliography

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Note: Letter ‘n’ followed by locators refers to notes

Agamben, Giorgio, 52, 162 n5 Hostos, Eugenio María de; Agoncillo, Felipe, 134–5 Puerto Rico Aguinaldo, Emilio, 20, 165 n2 Cuba, 1–5, 9–18, 61, 158 n15, Althusser, Louis, 66, 67, 164 n6 159 n20 Anderson, Benedict, 6–7, 22, 28, as model for , 129–30, 158 n9, 158 n13 20, 126, 136, 142 Aquino, Corazon, 153, 154 see also Havana; Martí, José Castro, Fidel, 3, 4, 154 mutiny, 16 Balibar, Etienne, 70–1, 75, 87–8 Céspedes, Carlos Manuel de, 13, 61 Benítez-Rojo, Antonio, 155–6 Chatterjee, Partha, 129–30 Betances, Ramón Emeterio, 141–4, Chinese Exclusion Act, 95, 165 n3 146, 155, 169 n16 El Comité Cubano, 143–6 see also El Comité Cubano see also La República Cubana Bhabha, Homi, 166 n13 Comité Revolucionario Filipino Blanco, John, ix, 3, 17, 80–1, 93, (Philippine Revolutionary 158 n9 Committee), 125, 133, 145 Blumentritt, Ferdinand, 64, Constantino, Renato, 85–6, 110 88, 116 Bolívar, Simón, 10, 122, 131, 141 Darío, Rubén, 43 Bonifacio, Andrés, 17, 27, 111, 123, “Declaration of 131, 153 Independence,” 67–9, 73 Buffalo Bill’s Wild West, 19, 92, Decolonization, 6 110–11 Del Pilar, Marcelo H., 16, 131, Burgos, José, 16, 115, 116 169 n18 Denationalization/Denaturalization, Caribbean 31, 37, 51, 162 n5 and Asia, 143, 156, 169 n3 Derrida, Jacques, 67–8 and Freemasonry, 167 n1 see also Benítez-Rojo, Antonio; Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 92, 97, 98–9, Betances, Ramón Emeterio; 165 n5 Cuba; Fernández Retamar, see also “Emerson” (essay); Roberto; Glissant, Édouard; Martí, José 184 ● Index

“Emerson” (essay), 19, 92, 96, 97, Gómez, Mariano, 16, 115, 116 100–3, 105, 109 Gómez, Máximo, 41, 61, 143 Escenas norteamericanas (North González, Aníbal, ix, 44, 163 n16 American Scenes), 19, 92, 96–7, Guerrero, León María, 15, 28, 159 n22 103, 123 see also “Emerson”; “Nuestra Havana, 121, 140–1, 157 n2 América”; “El terremoto de as cosmopolitan port city, 12–13 Charleston” Martí’s monuments in, ix, 4 Hegel, G.W.F., 8–9 Fernández Retamar, Roberto, 11 “hombre natural” (natural man), 19, Calibán: Apuntes sobre la cultura en 92, 107–9, 112, 118–19 nuestra América (Notes Toward see also “Indios Bravos”; “Nuestra a Discussion of Culture in Our América” America), 108–9, 112, 167 n16 Hostos, Eugenio María de, 74–5, Ferrer, Ada, 13–14, 73, 159 n21 142, 155 Flag Hugo, Victor, 43, 162 n10 of Cuba and of the Philippines, 1, 19–20 Ileto, Reynaldo, 64, 160 n28 El filibusterismo (The Subversion), Imperialism 19, 92, 115–23, 126 European, 9–10, 158 n16, 159 n17 epigraph of, 116–17 as represented in the figure of Lucía, history of the term “filibustero,” 47–57 115–16 see also Spain; United States plot of, 117–19 “Indios Bravos” (fierce Indians), 19, 92, see also Simoun (character) 111–13, 116, 123, 167 n20 “Filipinas dentro de cien años” see also “hombre natural” (Philippines Within One Intercolonial alliance, 5–9, 18, 20, 21, Hundred Years), 5, 18–19, 59–60, 57, 60, 127, 136, 139–40, 143, 62–5, 79–89, 93, 126, 163 n3 152, 154 background of, 62–3 definition of, 5–6 futurity in, 79, 87 as critique of Hegel’s Eurocentrism, idea of “race” in, 60, 79–87, 148, 7–9 164 n14 see also Anderson, Benedict; Martí, nationalism in, 81–9 José; Martí, Rizal; Ponce, possibility of armed revolution in, Mariano 65, 161 n3 Isaacs, Jorge rewriting of Filipino history in, María, 45–6, 163 n13 63–4, 86–7 Izquierdo, José Alberto, 125, 126, Foucault, Michel, 22, 84, 85 133–41 Freemasonry, 131–2, 167 n1, 168 n6 jíbaro,74 see also Solidaridad Joaquín, Nick, 35, 121–2

Gaze, 39, 48, 49, 53 , 17, 27, 123, 153 Gender, 18, 21, 22, 40, 47–9, 57–8 see also Lucía Jerez; Noli me tangere Labra, Rafael María de, 132–3, 138, Glissant, Édouard, 79, 87, 164 n12 168 n7, 168 n9 Index ● 185

El Latino-Americano,45 on Betances, 143, 169 n14 , 16, 111, 167 n19 biography of, 2–3 Letter-writing, 136 and Cuban independence López Jaena, Graciano, 16, 136 movement, 2, 13–14, 61, 91 Lucía Jerez, 18, 21–3, 41–58 death of, 3, 153 Ana (character), 50, 55–7 as Freemason, 131 art in, 55–7 as historical memory for Filipinos, background of, 41–3 138–40 as compared to María, 45–6 Ismaelillo, 41 Latin American aspect of, 45, monuments of, ix, 4 162 n12 as national icon, 3–4, 158 n8, Lucía (character), 47–57 158 n10 and modernismo, 41, 43, 57, on nature, 100–1, 165 n1, 165 n7, 162 n7 166 n11 plot of, 44–5 on the Philippines, 169 n12 Sol (character), 50–5 on race, 73, 164 n9 Versos sencillos (Simple Verses), 153 Maceo, Antonio, 41 see also Cuba; “Emerson”; Lucía Madrid, 16, 128, 131, 132, 133, 149, Jerez; “Manifiesto de 157 n6 Montecristi”; “Nuestra “manifest destiny,” 17, 149 América”; “El terremoto de Manifesto Charleston” definition of, 65–6, 163 n1, 163 n4, Martí, José Francisco, 41 163 n5 Melodrama, 21, 22, 161 n1 theatricality of, 19, 60–1, 66–8, see also Lucía Jerez; Noli me tangere 164 n13 Mercado, Manuel, 156, 161 n35 see also “Filipinas dentro de cien mestizaje, 14, 107 años”; “Manifiesto de Modernismo, 41, 43–4, 57, 103, Montecristi” 162 n11 “Manifiesto a algunos filipinos” Monroe Doctrine, 17 (Manifesto to Some Filipinos), Morga, Antonio de 27–8, 123, 153 “Manifiesto de Montecristi” Sucesos de las islas Filipinas (Events (Montecristi Manifesto), 18–19, on the Philippine Islands), 64, 59–62, 69–79, 125, 139 80, 85 background of, 61–2 implication of violence in, Nationalism, 2, 3, 10, 16, 25, 28, 60, 62, 65 73, 82, 83, 86, 112, 126, 129–30, idea of “people” in, 60, 69–79, 83, 131, 136, 141 89, 148 see also Anderson, Benedict; Cuba; performative confidence in, Denationalization/ 71–2 Denaturalization, “Filipinas race in, 73–4 dentro de cien años”; , 11–12, 159 n19 Imperialism; “Manifiesto de Martí, José, 157 n3, 158 n12 Montecristi”; Noli me tangere; on analogy, 97–8, 102–3, Philippines 166 n8 New York, 62, 91, 95, 134–5, 144 186 ● Index

Noli me tangere, 4, 18, 21–40, 92, 111, Propaganda Movement, 16, 62, 126, 123, 162 n4 139, 160 n29 conflict between Ibarra and see also La Solidaridad Elias, 24–6 Puerto Rico, 17, 74–5, 131–2, dedication of, 26 143, 155 Doña Consolación (character), see also Betances, Ramón Emeterio; 30–1, 36–40, 49 Hostos, Eugenio María de Doña Victorina (character), 30–6, 49 Quesada, Gonzalo de, 134, 139, 143 María Clara (character), 29–30, 39 as national literature, 28–9 Race, 60, 73–4, 75, 79–89, 164 n14 plot of, 23–4 Rafael, Vicente, 15, 30, 114, 116, Sisa (character), 39–40 160 n27 “Nuestra América” (Our America), 19, Ramos, Julio, 106, 166 n8 92, 106–9 La República Cubana (The Cuban see also “hombre natural” Republic), 20, 144–5, 151–2 “¿Qué quiere Filipinas?” (What Does Ocampo, Ambeth, ix, 64, 110, 127, the Philippines Want?), 147–9 158 n7 “¡Viva Filipinas Libre!” (Long Live Free Philippines!), 145–7 Revaloración de la historia de Cuba por Partido Revolucionario Cubano los congresos nacionales de historia (Cuban Revolutionary Party), 91, (Reevaluation of the History of 97, 134, 143 Cuba by the National Patria, 139, 144, 169 n15 of History), 78 People Power Revolution, 154, , 4 169 n1 Rizal, José, 157 n3, 158 n12 Philippines, 1–5, 9–18, 62–5, 157 n5, biography of, 2–3 160 n26, 161 n33 on Cuba, 126–7 category of “Filipino” in, 14, 85–6, death of, 3–4, 17, 110, 153 159 n22 Diarios y memorias (Diaries and Hispanization of, 14, 17, 160 n23 Memories), 93–5 as part of “Latin America,” 17–18, on Filipino independence, 2–3, 148–9, 157 n4, 161 n34 26–8, 122–3 Spanish friars in, 14–16 and the Katipunan, 17, 27, 123 see also “Indios Bravos”; Propaganda as national icon, 3–4, 158 n8 Movement; Rizal, José; Tagalog and Ponce, 126 (language) as reformist, 2–3, 16, 110, 158 n7 Philippine-American War, 17, 160 n31 rewriting of Filipino history by, Platt Amendment, 17 63–4, 80, 85–7 Ponce, Mariano, 16, 125–7, 142, 143, as Tagalog Christ, 4 147, 152 “Último adiós” (Last Farewell), 153 Cartas sobre la revolución (Letters on as U.S.-sponsored hero, 110 the Revolution), 20, 133–41 see also El filibusterismo; “Filipinas Postcolonial discourse, 9, 18, 40, dentro de cien años”; “Indios 155, 156 Bravos”; “Manifiesto a algunos Index ● 187

filipinos”; Philippines; Noli me in the Philippines, 14, 160 n25, tangere 160 n27 or Luneta Park, 3, 110, 154 in Noli me tangere, 23, 37–9 Spanish–American War, 1, 17, 152, 157 n1 Saco, José Antonio, 61 as compared to Rizal, 64 Tagalog (language) San Martín, José de, 10, 131 as compared to Nahuatl, 12 Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino, 43, as national language, 14, 161 n32 74, 101 Rizal’s use of, 126, 160 n24, 168 n3 Schumacher, John, 16, 28, 131, 158 “El terremoto de Charleston” (The n7, 160 n29 Charleston Earthquake), 19, 92, Simoun (character) 103–5, 109 as compared to Bolívar, 121–2, Trans-Pacific studies, 9, 158 n14 167 n22 , 17, 135 and Cuba, 121 and the United States, 120–1 United States, 1, 10, 17, 149, 155, see also El filibusterismo 160 n30 Slavery, 13, 132 Martí’s view on, 4–5, 91–2, 95–6, Hegel’s view on, 8 166 n14 as historical memory, 137–8 Rizal’s view on, 5, 63, 91–5, 110, Smith, Paul, 35–6 167 n18 Solidaridad (Masonic lodge), 131–2, see also Buffalo Bill’s Wild West; 168 n4 New York La Solidaridad, 20, 139, 149, 169 n18 “¿Se vende Cuba?” (Is Cuba for Valenzuela, Pío, 127 Sale?), 149–51 Vitier, Cintio, 154, 162 n6, 167 n15 Sommer, Doris, 22–3, 29, 31, 36, 46–7, 163 n14 Weyler, Valeriano, 128 Spain, 10–11, 128, 159 n18 see also Freemasonry; Madrid; Zamora, Jacinto, 16, 115, 116 Spanish (language) Zayas Bazán, Carmen, 41, 162 n6 Spanish (language) Zea, Leopoldo, 2, 157 n4