Chapter 1 1
2ND EDITION
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF AFGHANISTAN
3
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF AFGHANISTAN
SECOND EDITION · PUBLISHED 2015
AFGHANISTAN LEGAL EDUCATION PROJECT (ALEP) AT STANFORD LAW SCHOOL
alep.stanford.edu [email protected]
Crown Quadrangle 559 Nathan Abbott Way Stanford, CA 94305-8610
law.stanford.edu
Protected by Creative Commons License (No Derivative Works) 4
ALEP – STANFORD LAW SCHOOL AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF AFGHANISTAN
AUTHORS CONTRIBUTING Rose Leda Ehler (Student Co-Director, 2011-12) FACULTY EDITORS Daniel Lewis (Student Co-Director, 2011-12) Ghizaal Haress Elizabeth Espinosa Jenn Round Jane Farrington Mohammad Isaqzadeh Gabe Ledeen Nafay Choudhury
CHAIR OF THE EDITORS DEPARTMENT OF LAW Stephanie Ahmad (Rule of Law Fellow, 2011-12) Taylor Strickling, 2012-13 Ingrid Price (Student Co-Director, 2012-13) Hadley Rose, 2013-14 Sam Jacobson (Student Co-Director, 2013-14) Mehdi Hakimi, 2014- Catherine Baylin Jane Farrington Jay Minga Jason Fischbein
FACULTY DIRECTOR Erik Jensen
RULE OF LAW EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR Megan Karsh
ADVISORS Rolando Garcia Miron Rohullah Azizi
VISUAL DESIGNERS Daniel McLaughlin Paula Airth Table of Contents 5
PREFACE & ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Stanford Law School’s Afghanistan Legal Education Project (ALEP) began in the fall of 2007 as a student- initiated program dedicated to helping Afghan universities train the next generation of Afghan lawyers. ALEP’s mandate is to research, write, and publish high-quality legal textbooks, and to develop a degree- granting law program at the American University of Afghanistan (AUAF). The AUAF Law Department fac- ulty and Stanford Law School students develop curriculum under the guidance of ALEP’s Faculty Director and Executive Director with significant input from Afghan scholars and practitioners. In addition to An Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan (2nd Edition), ALEP has published in- troductory textbooks about: The Law of Afghanistan (3rd Edition); Commercial Law of Afghanistan (2nd Edition); Criminal Law of Afghanistan (2nd Edition); International Law for Afghanistan (1st Edition); Law of Obligations of Afghanistan (1st Edition), Property Law of Afghanistan (1st Edition), Legal Ethics in Afghanistan (1st Edition). Text- books addressing Legal Methods: Thinking Like a Lawyer, Legal Methods: Legal Practice, and a new version of Public International Law are forthcoming. Many of the ALEP textbooks have been translated into the na- tive Dari and Pashto languages and are available for free at alep.stanford.edu. Additionally, ALEP has pub- lished professional translations of the Afghan Civil Code and Afghan Commercial Code, and business guides authored by Afghan students in the business law clinic. All are available on ALEP’s website. ALEP would like to acknowledge the individuals and institutions that have made the entire project pos- sible. ALEP benefits from generous and dynamic support from the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INL) at the U.S. Department of State. Current Stanford Law School Dean Elizabeth Magill, former Dean Larry Kramer, and Deborah Zumwalt, General Counsel of Stanford University and member of AUAF’s Board of Trustees, have provided important continuing support to ALEP. ALEP’s partnership has deepened over the last six years with AUAF’s leadership: Dr. Sharif Fayez (Founder), Dr. Mark A. English (Acting President), Dr. Michael Smith (former President), and Dr. Timor Saffary (Chief Academic Office). This second edition of the Constitutional Law textbook represents a new step in ALEP curriculum develop- ment. We enhanced the visual aspects of the textbook to create a more professional and effective teach- ing tool. We thank design consultants, Daniel McLaughlin and Paula Airth for their superb work and Me- gan Karsh (Rule of Law Program Executive Director), Rolando Garcia Miron (ALEP Program Advisor), Chris Jones, Mansi Kothari, and Adeeb Sahar for their directive and facilitative roles. As with all ALEP textbooks, the content of An Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan (2nd Edition) is the product of extensive collaboration. In terms of content, we thank AUAF Professors Ghizaal Haress and Mohammad Isaqzadeh, who provided extensive chapter-by-chapter comments the first edition, and Professor Naqib Ahmad Khpulwak, Mr. Fahim Barmaki, and Mr. Yama Keshawerz, former visiting scholars at Stanford Law School, who reviewed the final draft. I would like to thank the many student authors, and particularly Jane Farrington, who worked tirelessly to finalize the book for publication. ALEP Curriculum Advisor Rohullah Azizi, Jason Fischbein (SLS, ’16), and Daniel McLaughlin deserve mention for making sub- stantive revisions to the second edition. Finally, we thank Professor Ghizaal Haress for bringing the mate- rial to life in the classroom. ALEP looks forward to continuing the collaboration that made this book possible. Please share your feed- back with us on our website, alep.stanford.edu. Erik Jensen, Faculty Advisor, ALEP Palo Alto, California, December 2015 6 Preface 7
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1: AN INTRODUCTION TO CONSTITUTIONALISM · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 9
CHAPTER 2: THE SEPARATION OF POWERS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 36
CHAPTER 3: THE EXECUTIVE · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 91
CHAPTER 4: GOVERNMENT & ADMINISTRATION · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 112
CHAPTER 5: THE LEGISLATURE · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 135
CHAPTER 6: THE JUDICIARY · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 151
CHAPTER 7: FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF CITIZENS CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS AND ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL RIGHTS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 179
CHAPTER 8: FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF CITIZENS RIGHTS OF CRIMINAL DEFENDANTS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 243
GLOSSARY · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 265 8 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CHAPTER 1: AN INTRODUCTION TO CONSTITUTIONALISM
1. CONSTITUTIONALISM· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·· 9 1.1. Defining Constitutionalism...... 9 1.1.1. Why Government?...... 9 1.1.2. Why Constitutional Government?...... 11 2. CONSTITUTIONS· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 13 2.1. An Expression of Sovereignty...... 13 2.2. Structure and Limits on Power...... 13 2.3. Principles and Aspirations...... 14 2.4. A Response to History...... 16 3. THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF AFGHANISTAN· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·· 17 3.1. The Early Constitutions: 1923 and 1931...... 17 3.2. The Liberal Age: The Constitution of 1964...... 19 3.3. Turmoil after 1973...... 23 4. THE CONSTITUTION OF 2004· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 27 4.1. Drafting Process...... 27 5. METHODS OF CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 33 5.1. Textualism...... 34 5.2. Structuralism...... 34 5.3. Originalism ...... 35 5.4. Precedent...... 36 5.5. Pragmatism...... 37 6. AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 38 CONCLUSION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 40 CHAPTER 1 9
AN INTRODUCTION TO CONSTITUTIONALISM
1. CONSTITUTIONALISM 1.1. DEFINING CONSTITUTIONALISM “Over the past two centuries, we have moved We begin this chapter by defining what we mean from a situation where almost no country had by “constitutionalism.” At the most general lev- a written constitution to one where almost el, constitutionalism can be defined as “limited 1 every country has one.” government.”4 Put differently, constitutional- Why does almost every country have a consti- ism is the concept of limiting the arbitrariness 5 tution? Is it because constitutions guarantee of political power, of having “a government of 6 democracy, peace, and economic prosperity? laws and not men.” This notion of limited gov- Surely not. Many unsuccessful nations have con- ernment has evolved over the centuries, and it stitutions. Indeed, the world is “full of written is useful to consider how scholars have come to constitutions, many of which do not mean what today’s understanding. they say, while others do not accomplish what 1.1.1. WHY GOVERNMENT? 2 they mean.” It seems more accurate to say that One of the most influential thinkers about the constitutions have become a sort of credential limits of state power and the purpose of govern- for countries, both domestically and interna- ment is John Locke, the 17th century English phi- tionally, that may or may not have effect in prac- losopher. Locke’s political theory is founded on 3 tice. This gap between what a constitution says the idea that there is a “social contract” between and how a country actually operates illustrates individuals and government. In his famous Sec- that there is a difference between having a con- ond Treatise, Locke explains why he believes peo- stitution and constitutionalism. ple unite in society and form governments: This chapter will explore that gap and more. In §4 To properly understand political power and Part 1 we examine the historical origins of mod- trace its origins, we must consider the state ern constitutional theory and its reflection in that all people are in naturally. the Constitution of Afghanistan. Part 2 looks at That is a state of perfect freedom of acting and the functions that constitutions serve, both gen- disposing of their own possessions and per- erally and in Afghanistan specifically. In Parts sons as they think fit within the bounds of the 3 and 4, we review Afghanistan’s constitutional law of nature. People in this state do not have to ask permission to act or depend on the will history, up through adoption of the 2004 Con- of others to arrange matters on their behalf. stitution. In Part 5, we present several methods The natural state is also one of equality in of constitutional interpretation, providing you which all power and jurisdiction is reciprocal with analytical frameworks to use as you study and no one has more than another… 7 the Constitution. Finally, we review the process §123 If man in the state of nature is as free of how to amend the Constitution. as I have said he is—if he is absolute lord of his own person and possessions, equal to the greatest and subject to nobody—why will he part with his freedom? Why will he give up this lordly status and subject himself to the control of someone else’s power? The answer is obvious: 10 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
Though in the state of nature he has an unre- Later thinkers, such as the 18th century phi- stricted right to his possessions, he is far from assured that he will be able to get the use of losopher Jean-Jaques Rousseau, built on Locke’s them, because they are constantly exposed to work to elaborate how government could best invasion by others… This makes him willing protect individuals’ rights and interests. As to leave a state in which he is very free, but Rousseau wrote in The Social Contract, “[t]he which is full of fears and continual dangers; problem is to find a form of association which and not unreasonably he looks for others will defend and protect with the whole common with whom he can enter into a society for the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties and force the person and goods of each associate, estates… 8 and in which each, while uniting himself with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as §131 But though men who enter into society 10 give up the equality, liberty, and executive free as before.” Because people do not intend power they had in the state of nature… each to surrender all freedom when they enter a so- of them does this only with the intention of cial contract, the only legitimate form of gov- better preserving himself, his liberty and prop- ernment is one in which the legislative power erty (for no rational creature can be thought belongs to the people alone (not to a monarch or to change his condition intending to make it dictator). Finally, while the concept of a social worse). So the power of the society or legisla- ture that they create can never be supposed to contract is distinct from that of a constitution, extend further than the common good.9 constitutions logically follow from the social contract. Constitutions are a means of anchor- Individuals enter into this “social contract” ing the organization of government and pro- through mutual consent, agreeing to give up tecting individuals’ rights and privileges.11 sovereignty and abide by certain rules for the good of themselves and others.
THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT You may have heard of another English philosopher, Thomas Hobbes, also famous for his ideas about the “social contract.” Hobbes, who lived from 1588-1679, believed that life in the “state of nature” was “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” As a result, people would enter into a social contract and cede some of their rights so as to be more secure. In contrast to Locke and Rousseau, however (and earlier in time than them), Hobbes argued that it was necessary to have a near-absolute ruler to prevent discord and civil war. Importantly, Hobbes lived and wrote during the brutal English Civil War (1642- 1651), a turbulent and particularly deadly period. The war certainly influenced Hobbes’s theories about the role of central authority in securing peace. Is this analogous to how the unstable environment in Afghanistan influenced the form of government articulated in the 2004 Constitution? Locke’s views, in contrast, were formed after the civil war had ended but during the rule of King James II, whose efforts to secure absolute power as monarch became a source of new insecurities for the general populace. It was within this context that Locke questioned the theory of absolute rule and instead theorized a more limited form of government. The authors thank Professor Mohammad Isaqzadeh for his comments on this passage. Chapter 1 11
1.1.2. WHY CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT? With this understanding of why government First, there is the relationship of government to legitimacy is tied to popular consent and lim- citizen. Second, there is the relationship of one ited government, we can return to the task of governmental authority to another.”15 Another defining constitutionalism. Expanding on the scholar notes: definition of constitutionalism as “limited gov- Government is a creation of the constitution. ernment,” we can say that “under constitution- It is the constitution that creates the organs alism, two types of limitations impinge on gov- of government, clothes them with their pow- ernment. [1] Power is proscribed and [2] procedures ers, and in so doing delimits the scope within are prescribed.” 12 which they are to operate. A government operating under a [] constitution must act in Constitutionalism refers to structural and sub- accordance therewith; any exercise of power stantive limitations on government.13 In prac- outside the constitution or which is unauthor- 16 tice, a constitution that reflects constitutionalism ized by it is invalid. forbids (proscribes) state action in certain areas Now, it would be a mistake to equate having a (such as various individual freedoms), and sets constitution with constitutionalism. As men- forth (prescribes) rules for how policies will be tioned earlier, almost every country in the world made, implemented, and challenged. By con- has a written constitution. But not all of these trast, a dictator with unlimited power can act countries pass the critical test for constitutional- without restraint (no proscription of his un- ism: does the constitution limit the power of the limited power) and on a whim (no prescription government? In some countries, constitutions for how he must act); thus a dictatorship, no are nothing more than lofty declarations of goals matter how benevolent, is not a constitutional and descriptions of government in terms that 14 government. impose no restrictions. Instead of restraining As one scholar notes, constitutionalism “governs government, they only facilitate or legitimize 17 two separate but related types of relationship. dictatorial powers.
“CONSTITUTIONAL” DICTATORSHIP? Consider these articles from the Constitution of North Korea,18 a country with a government widely recognized as one of the world’s most repressive. None of the basic rights articulated in these articles are practiced in reality. Article 67: Citizens are guaranteed freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, demonstration and association… Article 75: Citizens have freedom of residence and travel. Article 64: The State shall effectively guarantee genuine democratic rights and liberties as well as the material and cultural well-being of all its citizens. Why do you think that authoritarian regimes such as North Korea choose to establish a constitution? Consider that the former Soviet Union also operated under the façade of a constitution. 12 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS It may also be inaccurate to identify consti-
1. In your own words, tutionalism with democratic government, al- what does constitution- though the two concepts are often linked. Some alism mean? Do you argue that democratic elections and civil liber- agree that the most ba- sic definition of “limited ties protected by independent courts are neces- government” is accurate, sary elements of constitutionalism. Other schol- or is there some other element that should ars, however, argue that individual civil liberties be included in any are the core element of constitutionalism, not definition? democracy. In this view, a government that pro- 2. Mark Tushnet argues tects civil liberties need not be popularly elect- that “rules of law con- ed to be constitutional.19 For instance, in some strain only when, and to the extent that, they versions of constitutional monarchy (a form of are implemented by a government in which the monarch acts within group of people who the boundaries of a constitution), the monarch share certain values – that is, the rule of retains substantial governing power but must law must be the rule of operate within real limits (e.g. a bill of rights). men,” which leads to his conclusion that “con- stitutionalism, though necessary, is impos- sible.” Consider how important you think the connection is between a constitution and the people who implement it. Do you agree with Tushnet’s argument?
3. Is the concept of constitutionalism a “Western” notion, or does it apply every- where? Do you agree with the argument that democracy is not an essential element of constitutionalism? Chapter 1 13
2. CONSTITUTIONS 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN “Constitutions can inhibit people, but they also PREAMBLE can liberate them.”20 We the people of Afghanistan:… Comprehending Constitutions can be “written in broad, even ma- that a united, indivisible Afghanistan belongs to all jestic language [ ] intended to endure through its tribes and peoples; the ages.”21 They can be short (4,400 words like the Constitution of the United States) or long ARTICLE 3 22 (118,369 words like the Constitution of India). No law shall contravene the tenets and provisions In a few rare countries, such as Great Britain, of the holy religion of Islam in Afghanistan. they are not written at all. The variety of con- ARTICLE 4 stitutions in form and language is fitting, since they tend to serve many functions. Constitu- National Sovereignty in Afghanistan shall belong tions do more (and sometimes less) than just to the nation, manifested directly and through its embody constitutionalism, and so now we turn to elected representatives. a discussion of the specific functions served by a No part of a constitution can be ignored, includ- constitution. ing its preamble. Indeed, the preamble of the 2.1. AN EXPRESSION OF SOVEREIGNTY Constitution of Afghanistan provides essential The first purpose that constitutions serve is as information about the source of state legitimacy. the highest expression of a country’s law and The state is “united, indivisible” and “belongs political system. A constitution defines what the to all its tribes and peoples.” Moreover, the pre- state is, and from what source it draws its sover- amble asserts that the intent of the people of eignty, meaning supreme political power (popu- Afghanistan is to “Establish an order based on lar sovereignty, for example, is the doctrine that the peoples’ will and democracy.” Article 4 of the government is created by and subject to the will Constitution defines the state’s sovereignty as of the people). All laws must emanate from the belonging to “the nation” (Clause 1), composed constitution, since it is the highest law of the of “all individuals who possess the citizenship of land. Laws in conflict with the constitution are, Afghanistan” (Clause 2). by definition, unconstitutional. This is affirmed 2.2. STRUCTURE AND LIMITS ON POWER by Article 162 of the Constitution of Afghani- Constitutions articulate the structure of govern- stan, which states that, “[u]pon the enforcement ment and set limits on its power. This includes of this Constitution, laws and legislative decrees defining whether the political system -is par contrary to its provisions shall be invalid.” liamentary or presidential, and through what When writing a new constitution, drafters must channels the people may make their voices consider the source of sovereignty in the new heard. The Constitution of Afghanistan, for ex- government and how that affects its structure. ample, calls for a presidential system with direct For instance, does sovereignty lie in the people? election of the president (Article 61); but only God or religion? A particular ruling family? indirect elections for the legislature, since mem- bers of the Meshrano Jirga are either appointed 14 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
by the president or elected by provincial and is to specify certain individual rights that are to district councils (Article 84). A constitution be protected. The Constitution of Afghanistan will also define how laws are to be created and does this in its Chapter 2 delineation of “Fun- passed, and how they can be challenged. It may damental Rights and Duties of Citizens.” Or, for call for an independent judiciary and set forth example, a constitution could say that all pow- inviolable individual rights, such as the freedom ers not expressly given to the government are of speech. reserved for the people.23 The role of a constitution in defining govern- With both explicit and implicit restraints, how- mental structure can be essential for turning the ever, certain norms of constitutionalism will re- theory of constitutionalism into reality. Bear in main unwritten. Government will be restrained mind the definition of constitutionalism as pro- only where restraint is believed necessary, and scribing power and prescribing procedures. How rights not endangered will not be overtly pro- a government is structured affects both of these tected.24 In other words, the Constitution does points. As will be discussed in more depth in later not bother to articulate certain accepted rights, chapters, the “separation of powers” is a cen- such as the right to breath air. On the procedur- tral doctrine of good governance. It is the idea al side, unforeseen institutional problems may that the power of government as a whole can be develop and the solutions to them will not be limited by distributing power throughout the incorporated in the written constitution; they branches of government. An additional but re- simply become unwritten rules (unless adopted lated concept is that these various branches can via Amendment as discussed in Part 6, below).25 serve as “checks and balances” on each other. More generally, since no constitution covers ev- The Constitution of Afghanistan separates pow- ery possible scenario, interpretation of the docu- er between three branches of government: the ment in later years will play a significant role in executive, which includes the president (Chap- government structure, procedure, and power. ter 3 of the Constitution) and the government 2.3. PRINCIPLES AND ASPIRATIONS (Chapter 4), the legislature (Chapters 5 and 6), In addition to concrete functions such as struc- and the judiciary (Chapter 7). The Constitution turing government or outlining age require- also tries to create checks and balances by inter- ments for presidents,26 constitutions articulate a connecting these branches of government with country’s values and aspirations for the future. various oversight tools. This is apparent from the very beginning of the In setting restraints on government, a constitu- Constitution of Afghanistan, when the Preamble tion may act both explicitly and implicitly. An declares that the people have written the docu- implicit method of restraint is the separation of ment in order to, among other goals: strengthen powers: no specific restraints are set on the gov- national unity; establish democracy; form a so- ernment as a whole, but the act of distributing ciety without oppression, atrocity, discrimina- powers to multiple branches is intended to pro- tion, and violence; and attain a prosperous life tect individual freedom by limiting government and sound environment for all inhabitants. This power generally. An explicit method of restraint vision of the future is to be secured through a Chapter 1 15
government built on certain principles and with 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN certain goals. ARTICLE 6
The Constitution presents at least four constitu- The state shall be obligated to create a prosper- tional principles. The first two are stated in Ar- ous and progressive society based on social justice, ticle 1: “Afghanistan shall be an Islamic Republic, preservation of human dignity, protection of human independent, unitary and indivisible state.” This rights, realization of democracy, attainment of na- makes clear that Afghanistan will be an Islamic tional unity as well as equality between all people republic and a unitary, as opposed to a federal, and tribes and balance development of all areas of 27 state. the country.
The third principle is that Afghanistan will be a ARTICLE 17 democracy. This is stated, among other places, in The state shall adopt necessary measures to foster Article 4, Clause 1. The people manifest their will education at all levels, develop religious teachings, “directly” and through “elected representatives” regulate and improve the conditions of mosques, re- (which is in accordance with the “republican” ligious schools as well as religious centers. form of government). Importantly, this means that while the Constitution “adheres to the prin- ARTICLE 44 ciple of a representative democracy, referring to The state shall devise and implement effective pro- the exercise of state power via representatives of grams to create and foster balanced education for the people, it also foresees” the possibility of di- women, improve education of nomads as well as 28 rect elections and referenda. eliminate illiteracy in the country.
The fourth principle is that of the rule of law, in- ARTICLE 52 cluding an array of fundamental rights. The rule The state shall provide free preventative healthcare of law is mentioned explicitly in the Preamble, and treatment of diseases… and a number of other articles reinforce the idea that government is not above the law. For in- In these articles you can see both the prom- stance, Article 121 gives the Supreme Court pow- ise and the challenge of the Constitution. On er to review laws “for their compliance with the one hand, there is a goal – such as Article 52’s Constitution.” And Article 50, Clause 2, declares “free preventative healthcare.” On the other that, “The administration shall perform its du- hand, there is ambiguity about how to inter- ties with complete neutrality and in compliance pret such a provision: the Constitution does not 29 with the provisions of the law.” specify what quality of care must be provided, In an effort to articulate a vision for the future, nor does it say what to do if the state does not a constitution may define specific social and have enough money to fund both preventative economic goals and require a state effort to healthcare and free education (as called for in 31 achieve them.30 This aspirational function is Article 43). clearly seen throughout the Constitution of We have outlined three broad purposes of con- Afghanistan. Consider the following provisions: stitutions: defining what the state is (sover- eignty), delineating how the state is structured 16 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTION AN EXAMPLE OF HISTORICAL INFLUENCE ON CONSTITUTION MAKING 1. Is the vision of the The U.S. Constitution was written in the wake of revolutionary war against the British Empire. The future that the Consti- American colonies had rejected the authority of the British Parliament to govern them without tution of Afghanistan articulates the “right” representation (hence the rallying cry of “No taxation without representation!”) and waged war against one? Is it realistic, and the powerful British monarch, King George III. These factors are reflected in the U.S. Constitution, which in what time frame? pays close attention to the issues of democratic representation and presidential power.
(structure and limits on power), and articulating The Preamble to the 2004 Constitution of Af- what the state seeks to accomplish (principles ghanistan notes several influences: and aspirations). Any drafter would need to con- ·· “Realizing the previous injustices, miseries sider these broad goals when determining what and innumerable disasters which have befall- to include in a new constitution. en our country; Constitutions are not predictors of the future. ·· We the people have “approved this constitu- They are an outline, and a foundation, but their tion in accordance with the historical, cultur- implementation may lead to unexpected out- al and social realities as well as requirements comes. Constitutions are not perfect. They are of time… ” the product of compromise and contain ambigu- ity and imprecision, requiring some flexibility The 2004 Constitution was written with full and adaptation to new circumstances over the knowledge that many constitutions came be- years.32 As Thurgood Marshall, a U.S. Supreme fore it, none of them having worked successfully Court Justice from 1967-1991, observed about enough to endure. It was written with awareness the U.S. Constitution, it “is vastly different from of the preceding decades of war and the ongo- what the framers barely began to construct two ing turmoil and uncertainty. The Constitution’s centuries ago” and the framers “could not have drafters made choices that reflected these con- envisioned these changes.”33 This is true of any ditions. For instance, the “constitution creates a constitution that lasts for a substantial length of completely centralized state with no political or time. Not only do constitutions change and their administrative authority devolved to the prov- 34 interpretation evolve, but they also may be only inces.” Although there was significant debate partially or selectively enforced. on this power structure, “‘federal’ options were seen as creating too great a danger under exist- 2.4. A RESPONSE TO HISTORY ing conditions.” There “was a fear that without All constitutions are written as a response to an established center, decentralization would a particular set of conditions and events, and simply be a license for continuing fragmenta- therefore must be understood in light of a par- tion.”35 Moreover, a presidential system with a ticular historical context. strong president was adopted instead of a parlia- ·· “Appreciating the sacrifices, historical strug- mentary or semi-presidential system because of gles, jihad and just resistance of all the peo- the belief that the president needed substantial ples of Afghanistan, admiring the supreme power to assert meaningful authority over other 36 position of the martyr’s of the country’s established players. freedom;” Chapter 1 17
3. THE CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF AFGHANISTAN heard. At present, there is no constitutional pro- “Afghanistan has had both too much and too vision or law prohibiting the use of the informal little experience with constitutions in the past justice system. 37 eighty years.” Two other important developments in the con- To understand any constitution, including the stitution concerned individual rights and the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan, you must sovereignty of the state. The constitution pro- know something about its historical context, tected a range of freedoms, including the press including its drafting process and any previous (Article 10), private enterprise (Article 11), edu- constitutions that came before it. The 2004 Con- cation (Article 14), eligibility for state employ- stitution makes its own significant innovations, ment (Article 17), and property (Article 19). but it also draws heavily on previous constitu- Torture and forced labor were also prohibited tions, particularly that of 1964. The historical (Articles 24 and 22). Article 1 strongly affirmed overview in this chapter is not a comprehensive Afghanistan’s independence. Amanullah strong- survey of Afghanistan’s legal history. Rather, it ly believed that Afghanistan could not be sover- focuses on events that inform our understand- eign unless it was absolutely independent from ing of the 2004 Constitution. external forces, namely the British, who had ex- ercised control over Afghanistan until the con- 3.1. THE EARLY CONSTITUTIONS: 1923 clusion of the War for Independence in 1919. AND 1931 King Amanullah enacted Afghanistan’s first con- Though the 1923 Constitution lives up to its rep- stitution in 1923 as part of an ambitious process utation as ‘progressive’ and ‘liberal’ in some re- of centralization, formalization, and seculariza- spects, it also illustrated Amanullah’s efforts to tion. The 1923 Constitution was influenced by centralize power and assert Afghanistan’s inde- many sources, including the French and Turkish pendence from Great Britain – goals that were constitutions. The 1923 Constitution significant- not always congruent with liberal ideals. Both ly limited the power traditionally held by reli- the content and drafting of the 1923 Constitu- gious and tribal elders by concentrating author- tion illuminated Amanullah’s heavy-handed ity in the king. The constitution did not provide approach to reform. He challenged social, po- for a legislative body and instead vested all of litical, and legal dynamics with little input from the lawmaking power in the hands of the king. his subjects and re-enforced his personal au- The Constitution also prohibited all courts out- thority. Though some of the individual articles side of the formal state courts, greatly reducing promoted individual rights and quality, others the power of the religious courts and informal did not or served the dual purpose of advancing justice mechanisms. Article 55 stated that no Amanullah’s vision of modernity while central- court other than the regularly constituted tri- izing power. bunals sponsored by the state could hear a case. Amanullah faced resistance to both the expan- This was the most significant limitation of infor- sion of individual rights and the centraliza- mal justice systems that Afghanistan has ever tion of power in this constitution. In 1923, he
KING AMANULLAH
• • • • • • • • • 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927
1923 1925 CONSTITUTION AMENDMENTS 18 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
assembled a Loya Jirga of 1000 delegates to ap- governments have been more careful to be in prove the new constitution. They refused, ob- touch with local sentiments before proposing jecting to the constitution’s limits on the power major legal reforms. Despite its limitations, the of the ulema, expanded rights for women, call Constitution of 1923 constrained later regimes for universal education, and exclusion of any because it established the tradition of constitu- mention of the Hanafi School of jurisprudence. tional rule. Undeterred, Amanullah re-convened a smaller After Amanullah fled and his immediate succes- group of about 100 supportive delegates to rub- sor was killed, a former supporter of Amanul- ber-stamp the constitution. lah seized the throne. Nadir Shah renounced The concentration of power in the central gov- Amanullah’s reforms and asserted his commit- ernment provoked strong resistance from the ment to the Hanafi School of jurisprudence in or- religious leadership at the time. In 1925 the der to quell any preference for the former leader. King faced a revolt, and he called another Loya Notably, Nadir Shah still felt constrained to cre- Jirga to obtain support from local leaders. They ate a constitution because of the precedent set forced him to amend the constitution in return of having a government with limited powers. for support against the revolt. Thus began the His 1931 Constitution was based on the Turk- tradition of calling a Loya Jirga to approve a ish, Iranian, and French constitutions and the new constitution, a practice that continued. The 1923 Constitution, plus many aspects of Hanafi 1925 amendments focused on reintegrating reli- Shari’a and local custom. One scholar called it a gion officially into the constitution. The great- “hodgepodge of unworkable elements.”38 Unlike est change was to Article 2, which, after the 1925 Amanullah, Nadir Shah consulted religious lead- amendments, read: ers during the drafting process, a nod to his de- termination that the new constitution not be out The religion of Afghanistan is the sacred re- ligion of Islam and its official religious rite is of touch with the sentiment of the people. the sublime Hanafite rite. Followers of other The 1931 Constitution scaled back some of religions such as Jews and Hindus residing in Amanullah’s secular and social reforms, omitting Afghanistan are entitled to the full protection all mention of women, and more emphatically of the state provided they do not disturb the public peace. Hindus and Jews must pay the recognized the role of Hanafi Shari’a jurispru- 39 special tax and wear distinctive clothing. dence. This constitution declared the religious law of the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam as the of- Despite the 1925 reforms, Amanullah lost his ficial law of Afghanistan and required adherence hold on power and fled the country in 1929. to Islam and Shari’a in legislative action. In fact, The 1923 Constitution has been hailed as a vi- the legislation passed by the parliament as part sion of centralization and formalization, but the of the constitutional system was, by law, inferior cavalier nature with which it addressed the con- to the unwritten Shari’a law. Further, in Article cerns of local and religious leaders ultimately 5, the king was required to carry out his duties contributed to the regime’s demise. Subsequent in accordance with the law of the Shari’a and the
NADIR SHAH MOHAMMAD ZAHIR SHAH
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1929 1931 1933 1933 1935 1937 1939 1941 1943
1931 CONSTITUTION Chapter 1 19
dictates of the Hanafi jurisprudence. The courts This liberal period lasted until 1953, when Sar- were also required by Article 88 to decide cases dar Mohammad Daoud Khan became Prime Min- in accordance with the Holy Hanafite creed. ister and began aggressively suppressing oppo- 44 One significant innovation in the Constitution of sition to the regime. Daoud also opened public 1931 was the creation of a national parliament education to women and embarked on a major consisting of two houses: the Upper House (ma- project of codification of the law. The process of jlis-e-ai’yan) and the National Assembly (majlis- codifying Afghanistan’s laws was Daoud’s lasting e-shura-e-milli). Members of the National As- legacy. He began the process of developing Af- sembly were elected for three years by the peo- ghanistan’s civil law system, which has contin- ple of their district, while members of the Upper ued to the present. House were appointed by the king. In practice, 3.2. THE LIBERAL AGE: THE however, “the deputies of the lower house were CONSTITUTION OF 1964 hand picked by the king just as much as the mem- In contrast to earlier documents, the Constitu- bers of the upper house” and the parliament was tion of 1964 was the product of extensive nego- a way to keep tribal leaders in Kabul during the tiations, debate, and public discourse. Drafting summer months when they were most likely to began just weeks after Daoud resigned in March, 40 foment trouble in their regions. The legislature 1963. King Zahir appointed a commission of sev- had no formally binding lawmaking powers, but en members to write a new liberalized consti- it could recommend laws to the king. tution, and this group met almost daily for the Soon after the constitution was enacted, Nadir next year, seeking opinions from a diverse cross- 45 Shah was assassinated and succeeded by his son, section of Afghan society. A draft was complet- Mohammad Zahir Shah. A period of relative sta- ed in February of 1964, reviewed by a second, bility and growth followed for the next thirty twenty-nine person commission, and then the 46 years, but it was not under constitutionalism as King called a loya jirga for ratification. such. Only in a few brief years after World War Why, if Afghanistan had experienced relative II did free municipal and national elections oc- stability and growth for several decades, was a 41 cur (in 1947 and 1950, respectively). The par- new constitution adopted in 1964? The answer liamentary activism of 1949 is particularly note- lies, arguably, in the ten years of Daoud’s rule worthy, however. Taking their oversight role as Prime Minister (1953-1963). Consider the fol- seriously, reform-minded members began ques- lowing excerpt from Martin Ewan’s book, Af- tioning ministers about budgetary matters, ex- ghanistan, about the circumstances surrounding posing and upsetting an entrenched pattern of Daoud’s resignation:47 corruption as a major path to riches and power.42 It was not just the need to find a solution to Some ministers refused to reply to inquiries, the impasse with Pakistan [over the disputed creating a confusing dispute about the parlia- “Pushtoonistan”], crucial though this was, that ment’s constitutional powers.43 brought about Daoud’s downfall. For a year or
elections DAOUD
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1945 1947 1949 1951 1953 1955 1957 1959 1961
1955 commercial code 20 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
PRE-CONSTITUTIONAL PERIOD 1923-1964 1964-1973 1973-2004 2004–PRESENT THE EARLY CONSTITUTIONS THE LIBERAL AGE TURMOIL AFTER 1973 5 1 2 3
2001 United States invades Afghanistan 1994 4 Creation of 1989 the Taliban Geneva Accords
1979 2010 Soviet Union 2004 Interim Criminal Procedure Code 1973 invades
Afghanistan 2000 Overthrow of the monarchy 990 1
2004 CONSTITUTION: 1 0 Civil Procedure Code 1953 · Current constitution of
1980 Afghanistan Daoud prime 1949 minister · Created three equal branches 1992 CONSTITUTION of government (executive, First period of representative (never entered into force) legislative and judicial)
governance in Afghanistan 1970 1 77 Civil Code 1987 CONSTITUTION:
1933 · Established a multiparty 1 7 Penal Code
1960 state with a legislature 1930 Zahir Shah reign Nadir Shah reign 1980 CONSTITUTION: · Sole constitution where Islam not recognized 1950 1919 1 Commercial Code as Afghanistan’s official religion
Amanullah 1977 CONSTITUTION reign (never entered into force) 1940
1964 CONSTITUTION: · Constitutionalization of the Loya Jirga
1930 · Separation between religious and state institutions · Supremacy of statutory law over Shari’a · Judiciary named as a separate, co-equal branch
1920 with the executive and legislature · Changed composition of legislature 1931 CONSTITUTION:
1880 1910 · Religious law of the Hanafi school declared official law Abd 1923 CONSTITUTION: of Afghanistan al-Rahman (amended in 1 2 ) Khan reign · Created Afghanistan’s first 1900 · First constitution in Afghanistan s history legislative body with two · Sought the formalization and centralization houses of the government
1890 · Affirmed Afghanistan’s independence · Protected individual freedoms · Prohibited all courts outside of the CONSTITUTIONAL TIMELINE
1880 formal state courts Chapter 1 21
PRE-CONSTITUTIONAL PERIOD 1923-1964 1964-1973 1973-2004 2004–PRESENT THE EARLY CONSTITUTIONS THE LIBERAL AGE TURMOIL AFTER 1973 5 1 2 3
2001 United States invades Afghanistan 1994 4 Creation of 1989 the Taliban Geneva Accords
1979 2010 Soviet Union 2004 Interim Criminal Procedure Code 1973 invades
Afghanistan 2000 Overthrow of the monarchy 990 1
2004 CONSTITUTION: 1 0 Civil Procedure Code 1953 · Current constitution of
1980 Afghanistan Daoud prime 1949 minister · Created three equal branches 1992 CONSTITUTION of government (executive, First period of representative (never entered into force) legislative and judicial)
governance in Afghanistan 1970 1 77 Civil Code 1987 CONSTITUTION:
1933 · Established a multiparty 1 7 Penal Code
1960 state with a legislature 1930 Zahir Shah reign Nadir Shah reign 1980 CONSTITUTION: · Sole constitution where Islam not recognized 1950 1919 1 Commercial Code as Afghanistan’s official religion
Amanullah 1977 CONSTITUTION reign (never entered into force) 1940
1964 CONSTITUTION: · Constitutionalization of the Loya Jirga
1930 · Separation between religious and state institutions · Supremacy of statutory law over Shari’a · Judiciary named as a separate, co-equal branch
1920 with the executive and legislature · Changed composition of legislature 1931 CONSTITUTION:
1880 1910 · Religious law of the Hanafi school declared official law Abd 1923 CONSTITUTION: of Afghanistan al-Rahman (amended in 1 2 ) Khan reign · Created Afghanistan’s first 1900 · First constitution in Afghanistan s history legislative body with two · Sought the formalization and centralization houses of the government
1890 · Affirmed Afghanistan’s independence · Protected individual freedoms · Prohibited all courts outside of the CONSTITUTIONAL TIMELINE
1880 formal state courts 22 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
more the royal family had been debating the of men and women and all tribes before the law, future of the country and wider considerations freedom of thought and expression, the protec- had come into play. Partly, they were nervous tion of private property, and the right to form of the increasing dependence on the Soviet Union that Daoud’s policies were entailing. political parties. More fundamentally, however, there was the Perhaps the most important difference from the realization that, particularly with the emer- 1931 Constitution was the mandated suprem- gence of an assertive educated class, Daoud’s excessively autocratic rule was becoming acy of the statutory law over Shari’a. In con- increasingly resented. There was, in fact, a trast with the 1931 Constitution, the 1964 Con- growing incompatibility between the policies stitution made statutory law legally superior to of social, educational and economic advance Shari’a once it was passed by the parliament and that he was, with some success, pursuing and accepted by the king. Further, courts were re- his determination to keep the levers of power quired by Article 102 to first apply the provisions in his own hands. The royal family had taken note of developments in several Middle East of the constitution and the laws of Afghanistan countries, where traditional rulers had in when deciding a case. After the 1964 Constitu- recent years been overthrown and replaced by tion was passed, Shari’a was only (officially) used revolutionary regimes. Particularly shocking to decide a case in the absence of statutory law had been the murder in 1957 of the Iraqi King on the subject. This structure mirrors the official Feisal and his Prime Minister Nuri Said… The role of Shari’a in the way courts decide cases in general feeling in the royal family was that a move towards a constitutional monarchy and Afghanistan today. a more democratic style of government was The 1964 Constitution also, for the first time, a necessity if they were not to suffer a similar named the judiciary as a separate, co-equal fate. To achieve these objectives, the first re- branch with the executive (the king) and the leg- quirement was the removal of Daoud… islature, laying the foundation for the current We now look at some features of the 1964 Con- separation of powers under the 2004 Constitu- stitution, which is widely recognized as an im- tion. While guaranteed on paper, this equality 48 portant basis for the 2004 Constitution. At the was not matched in reality. This can be attribut- time of its passage, the 1964 Constitution was ed to three problems: 1) too few qualified judges unique in the Islamic world because it accepted and lawyers to ensure a fair application of the a separation between religion and the state’s law; 2) entrenched local practices that under- governing institutions. Article 1 of the constitu- mined the formal state system; and 3) preemi- tion established a government based on the sov- nence of the King and Prime Minister.49 ereignty of the people, rather than religion. Is- The 1964 Constitution also changed the compo- lam remained the official religion of the country sition of the legislature to include the Wolesi Jir- per Article 2, yet the different role played by re- ga (Lower House) and the Meshrano Jirga (Upper ligion in the constitution was striking. Other in- House). The members of the Wolesi Jirga were novative provisions included the formal equality elected by universal adult franchise for four-year
• • • • • • • • • 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
1964 CONSTITUTION Chapter 1 23
terms. One third of the members of the Meshra- to legislate to effectuate the new principles in DISCUSSION QUESTIONS no Jirga was appointed by the king, another the constitution, but they were without the sup- 1. Can any constitution, third was elected by the Provincial Council, and port of the people. by itself, be “strong,” or the remaining third was appointed by the Chair- does a constitution’s 3.3. TURMOIL AFTER 1973 effectiveness always man of the Provincial Jirga. Both houses were In 1973, Daoud, with support from elements depend on the people required to pass a bill before it became law. The who implement it? of Marxist groups, overthrew King Zahir Shah, legislature had broad legislative and executive abolished the monarchy, and named himself 2. Afghanistan’s past oversight powers to control the budget (Article constitutions failed President. Daoud formed a Central Committee to 75), ratify treaties (Article 64), and approve of or to usher in lasting advise him, yet he ruled via decree with absolute “constitutionalism,” but dissolve the executive (Articles 89-93). Like the power over the government. Daoud’s major ini- they failed for different judiciary, the legislative branch was more pow- reasons. What were tiative during this period was to install a system the main flaws of the erful on paper than in practice.50 Its disorgani- of land redistribution, with compensation to be 1923, 1931, and 1964 zation and ineffective newly elected members constitutions? paid by the government, to expand the reach of meant that the legislature “struggled to accom- private property. In January 1977, the Loya Jirga 3. Now try to characterize plish anything.”51 was called to adopt a new constitution which each of the flaws you identified in Question 2. The 1964 Constitution ushered in a brief period was adopted on February 24, 1977. Analyze each flaw and of democratic governance, with two parliamen- determine whether it is 52 This constitution differed from earlier incarna- a structural problem in tary elections, a boom in publications, student the constitution itself 53 tions. Its two major innovations were the explic- demonstrations, and political mobilization. (for example, a bad idea it mention of the rights of women and the recog- This was the most productive period in the legal that could never work); nition of the right of every citizen to vote. The a problem of imple- history of Afghanistan in terms of codification role of religion in the constitution was also di- mentation, meaning and centralization. It witnessed the culmination that the idea was sound minished, as there was no mention of the Hanafi on paper but did not of the codification process started by Daoud and school of Islamic jurisprudence as the official translate into practice; the writing of the criminal code, civil code, and or a broader problem, religion. Overall, the constitution reflected the criminal procedure code. Much of the modern such as poverty or il- socialist ideology of the time. Indeed, Articles literacy, that is entirely law of Afghanistan, which is still in force today, 17 and 18 encouraged government regulation of external to the constitu- was passed by the parliament during this time. tion itself? the economy and Article 13 nationalized all nat- Comprehensive criminal codes defined crimes ural resources of the state. and punishments, and the judicial system was, for the most part, regularized. The legal system The 1977 Constitution never entered into force during this period most closely reflects the cur- because, on April 27, 1978, a coup was launched rent modern legal structure of Afghanistan. against the Daoud government. Soon after the coup, the Revolutionary Council of the People’s Yet the ambitious constitution and the parlia- Democratic Republic of Afghanistan was formed mentary elections that followed were criticized as the new government, headed by Nur Mu- as irrelevant to the lives of many citizens of Af- hammad Taraki, which was soon replaced by a ghanistan, who were uneducated about the new concepts. The parliament was given the ability
COUP NUR MUHAMMAD DAOUD TARAKI
• • • • • • • • 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978
1976 1977 penal code CONSTITUTION (never entered into force)
civil code 24 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
Soviet-style politburo. This government ruled Religion, overall, was given more deference than by decree rather than through the legislature, in the preceding years. Indeed, during the ear- with decrees emanating from the central plan- lier communist period, the enmity to religion ning committee without representation of the was so fierce that individuals who attempted to people. practice their religion by going to the mosque In December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Af- or praying were subject to abuse. However, the ghanistan. The USSR, which had coordinated the 1980 Constitution represents the only time in invasion with leading Afghan Marxist Babrak the constitutional history of Afghanistan that Is- lam was not recognized as the official religion of Karmal, assassinated President Hafezullah Amin the country in a constitutional document. and installed Karmal as the president of the country. In 1980, the Revolutionary Council is- Almost all governing institutions were remade sued a provisional constitution, the Fundamen- during this period, including the remodeling of tal Principles of the Democratic Republic of Af- compulsory education in the soviet method with ghanistan. Article 36 named the Revolutionary required classes in Russian. Religious instruction Council as the sole governing institution in the was supplemented with instruction on Commu- country. Perhaps in deference to popular senti- nist ideology. In general, law was modeled on ment, this constitution did not mention Marx- soviet institutions and lawmaking. Local gover- ism but gave a prominent place to religion. nance was emphasized with a hybrid of the local Article 5 outlined the role of Islam in the new soviet and the jirga introduced. These local jirgas government: were supposedly responsible for local economic, political, and social administration; in fact, how- Respect, observance, and preservation of Islam as a sacred religion will be ensured ever, these local organs were required to receive in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan the approval of the central authorities, in effect and freedom of religious rites guaranteed for giving the local jirgas very little control. Muslims. Followers of other faiths will also enjoy full freedom of religious practice as long Karmal was soon replaced by Dr. Najibullah to as they would not threaten the tranquility help calm the growing insurgency against the and security in society. No citizen is entitled communist government. In January 1987, Na- to exploit religion for anti-national and anti- jibullah formed the Extraordinary Commission people propaganda or other actions running for National Reconciliation to draft a new consti- counter to the interests of the Democratic tution. In November 1987, a Loya Jirga adopted Republic of Afghanistan. The government will help the clergy and religious scholars in car- a new constitution. It established a multiparty rying out their patriotic activities, duties and state with a legislature for which elections were obligations. held in early 1988. Further, Article 2 of the con- stitution named Islam as the official religion of the state and, like the 1931 Constitution, stated
Soviet Union invades Afghanistan
BABRAK KARMAL
• • • • • • 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 Chapter 1 25
that no law shall be made that is contrary to its degree of disarray and anarchy within the gov- dictates. There was also a formal legislature in ernment of Afghanistan in 1992. The official gov- the 1987 Constitution, but all lawmaking author- ernment in Kabul had no control over the rest of ity was concentrated in the politburo. The ju- the country and different tribal groups battled diciary was to make its decisions in accordance to win control over the government. with the law; however, this constitution did not As the civil war continued, another movement specify whether that law was the codified law of began to win battlefield victories and capture the state or of the Shari’a. many towns outside of Kabul. In 1994, a group Facing a rising tide of mujahedeen attacks of religious students created the Taliban. They against the government, the Soviet Union com- were tired of the suffering caused by the in- pleted its withdrawal from Afghanistan, pur- fighting between mujahedeen groups, the gen- suant to the Geneva Accords, on February 15, eral insecurity in the country, and the kidnap- 1989. Najibullah, the Soviet backed president, ping of women. Led by Mullah Mohammed remained in power and in control of the coun- Omar, the Taliban attracted the support of many try until 1992, although his followers were now a refugees and religious students and were fi- minority in the legislature. nanced, reportedly, by the United States, Paki- In 1992, an interim government was formed to stan, and Saudi Arabia. By September 1996, Ka- lead the Islamic State of Afghanistan. This state bul had fallen and the Taliban controlled the ma- was, however, a state in name only, as the interim jority of Afghanistan. Subsequently, the Taliban government could barely exercise control over set up their government in Kabul and Kandahar. the city of Kabul. When Burhan al-Din Rabbani Mullah Omar presided over the Supreme Shura. seized executive power in 1992, he introduced a The Taliban professed that their government new Constitution of the Islamic State of Afghani- aimed to free Afghanistan of corruption and to stan. Departing from all previous constitutions, create a pure society in accordance with Islamic the 1992 Constitution said that the state was principles. based on the Quranic verse and that sovereignty At the beginning of Taliban rule, the government belonged to God. This contrasted with the 1964 relentlessly rooted out corruption and estab- Constitution, which said that the sovereignty of lished law and order. In this they were success- the state rested in the people. The 1992 Consti- ful, as the cycle of fighting between mujahedeen tution also envisaged no role for codified law in was stopped in many parts of the country and the governing of society and the adjudication of trucking routes into and throughout Afghani- disputes. Instead, the law was given solely by an stan were reopened. However, these goals came extremist interpretation of the Shari’a. This con- at the expense of the creation of a fully staffed stitution was never put into force because of the
Soviet Union completes withdrawal BUHRAN AL-DIN RABBANI
• • • • • • • • • 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993
1987 1990 1992 CONSTITUTION civil procedure code CONSTITUTION 26 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
modern governing structure. The former insti- tutions of the state, the ministries, schools, and other public services, withered. To govern through the shuras established in Kandahar and Kabul, the Taliban established an Islamic state with rule by edict based on a radi- cal interpretation of Shari’a. These edicts con- trolled most aspects of life, from women’s cloth- ing to the length of a man’s beard to appropriate family activities. These edicts and decrees were posted all around Kabul and Kandahar so that people could be aware of the requirements. The Department for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice enforced these edicts, some- times through violence. During this period, women had virtually no legal rights. Girls were unable to attend public school. Foreign aid to the country became minimal amid a flurry of Taliban edicts aimed at driving out foreign workers in non-governmental organiza- tions (NGOs). For example, on July 10, 2000, the Taliban government issued an edict requiring that all foreign aid organizations fire their - fe male Afghan employees. Law was enforced spo- radically and unequally. There was little written law and few formal legal processes, such as regu- larized trials.
U.S. invades TALIBAN ESTABLISHES Afghanistan ISLAMIC STATE
• • • • • • • • 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Chapter 1 27
4. THE CONSTITUTION OF 2004 A rather remarkable chain of events led to Af- constitution within eighteen months. The third ghanistan’s 2004 Constitution. One way to begin phase began once the new Constitution was ap- the story is to start with events that happened proved in January of 2004. This phase lasted until almost seven thousand miles from Kabul. The the first national election, in October 2004, when terrorist attacks against the United States on Hamid Karzai was elected president. September 11, 2001, gave rise to an American- Importantly, not all of the deadlines initially led military campaign that ousted the Taliban agreed to in the Bonn Agreement were met. For government from power within months. With instance, the Bonn Agreement called for the cre- a power vacuum looming in the wake of regime ation of a Constitutional Commission (to draft a collapse, a group of prominent but unrepresen- new constitution) within two months of the TA’s tative Afghans convened in Bonn, Germany, to formation. In practice, the Commission was in- map out a path for forming a new national gov- 54 augurated five months after the TA formed (thus ernment. The resulting Bonn Agreement of De- three months late). With the Constitutional Loya cember 2001 articulated a three-stage process of Jirga still scheduled to occur eighteen months political transition. after the TA’s formation, the drafting Commis- First, an Interim Administration (IA) was formed sion now had only thirteen months in which to whose duties included running the state in the work, instead of the sixteen months originally 57 short term and preparing to reform the judicial planned. While this is the outline of the pro- sector and civil service. The government was to cess in broad strokes, the details of what hap- temporarily operate under the 1964 Constitu- pened provide insight into the Constitution that tion, excluding provisions relating to the king, emerged. 55 executive, or legislature. Hamid Karzai was 4.1. DRAFTING PROCESS chosen as chairman of the Interim Administra- Hamid Karzai, as President of the Transition- tion, which operated for six months - at which al Administration, appointed a nine-member point the second phase began. Constitutional Drafting Commission in October The second stage was the formation of a Tran- 2002.58 Composed of seven men and two wom- sitional Administration (TA) in June of 2002. An en,59 the commission quickly “fractured into two Emergency Loya Jirga (organized by the out- factions [one led by Shahrani, the other by Maru- going Interim Administration) elected Hamid fi], each of which worked on its own draft.”60 Six Karzai as president of the TA and approved his months after its creation the Commission was cabinet. The TA’s powers were identical to the still in disarray and had made little progress; 56 powers of the preceding IA, but its mission organization and outside support were severely was different: the TA was to initiate and over- lacking.61 Nevertheless, in early April of 2003 it see the drafting (via Constitutional Commission) submitted a draft constitution to President Kar- and adoption (via Constitutional Loya Jirga) of a zai. This draft was not released to the public, but
HAMID KARZAI elections elected president of TA
• • • • • • • • • 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
2004 CONSTITUTION
interim criminal procedure code 28 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
FIGURE 2: TIMELINE OF 2004 CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS As this timeline illustrates, the drafting and adopting the Constitution did DECEMBER 22 2001 AUGUST 2002 not always proceed Professor Rabbani transfers Constitutional Commis- power to Interim sion (CC) to be formed according to schedule Administration (IA). within two months of TA. or plan.
JUNE 11-19 2002 DECEMBER 5 2001 Emergency Loya Jirga (ELJ) to Bonn Agreement signed. select Transitional Administra- tion within 6 months of IA s creation.
2001 2002 WHAT THE PLAN CALLED FOR
WHAT ACTUALLY HAPPENED
2001 2002
DECEMBER 5 2001 JUNE 11-19 2002 Bonn Agreement signed. ELJ of 1.650 representatives elects Karzai head of TA. DECEMBER 22 2001 H. Karzai selected as Chairman of IA. NOVEMBER 7 2002 King Zahir inaugurates 9-member CC (announced by Karzai on October 5). Chapter 1 29
SEPTEMBER 2003 Expectation that Karzai would make draft public (he did not).
JANUARY 2003 OCTOBER 2003 Plan as articulated by UNAMA Constitutional Loya Jirga Constitutional Commission Support (CLJ) to convene (as per JUNE 2004 Unit (not legally binding). UNAMA plan). Elections to be held within 2 years of AUGUST 2003 convening of ELJ. JANUARY 4 2004 Plan to release draft of Constitution for public review. CLJ to convene (no later than January 2004, 18 months after TA).
2003 2004 2005
2003 2004 2005
APRIL 26 2003 JANUARY 4 2004 Draft constitution CLJ approves Constitution. presented to Karzai, and CC expanded to OCTOBER 9 2004 35 members. Presidential elections held, Karzai elected.
JUNE-AUGUST 2003 DECEMBER 13 2003 CC travels to provinces for CLJ of 502 representatives public consultations. No convenes. public draft.
LATE SEPTEMBER 2003 NOVEMBER 3 2003 Much reworked draft Karzai edits draft and delivered to Karzai. releases it to the public. 30 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
A CRITIQUE OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION’S SELECTION PROCESS63 The formation of the Constitutional Commission was marked by considerable delay and involved primarily factional bargaining at the cabinet level without significant consideration of the public interest… Worse, in spite of the promise of “broad consultations” on the commission’s composition, ICG interviews with provincial government officials, jihadi party officials, and civil society figures in Kabul, Mazar-i Sharif, and Jalalabad revealed little understanding of the process, let alone acceptance or buy-in… [President Karzai’s commission member appointment process] is dominated by powerful officials from the Panjshiri Shura yi-Nazar component of the United Front formerly affiliated with the mujahidin leader Ahmed Shah Masoud and is widely seen as having a lock on military and political power at the national level… The full commission also includes only seven women… The experience of the drafting commission suggests that qualified, articulate and effective Afghan women have been passed over in favour of individuals who can be manipulated to serve factional ends… How this group can be trusted to handle public consultation or create a sense of national ownership in the draft remains unclear.
it was reportedly the Shahrani draft, largely “cut legitimacy, while others argued that broad par- and pasted” together based on the 1964 Con- ticipation could destabilize what was a delicate stitution.62 The government then appointed a process or undermine moderation on controver- larger, 35-member Constitutional Commission sial and sensitive issues.65 While by the end of its to oversee a phase of public consultation, educa- consultation process the Commission had man- tion, and draft finalization. aged to reach a large number of people (through hundreds of public meetings and the receiving In large part simply due to its size, the full Com- and logging of tens of thousands of public com- mission “represented a broader political and 66 ments), one author argues that ultimately, “the ethnic spectrum than the first Commission.”64 reluctantly gathered opinions of the public were It extensively reworked the draft constitution swept under the carpet in last-minute backroom but at no point released a version to the pub- 67 deal-making.” lic. In June of 2003 the Commission initiated two months of public consultations, yet with no The Commission delivered its draft to President 68 public draft to consider the input was generally Karzai in late September of 2003. Unhappy limited to discussion of general principles. In- with some aspects of this draft, however, mem- deed, from the very start there had been debate bers of President Karzai’s cabinet and National over whether the constitution drafting process Security Council re-drafted sections in an ef- should involve wide public participation. Some fort to secure greater power in the executive 69 believed that such involvement would enhance branch. It was not until November 3, 2003, just five weeks before the Constitutional Loya Jirga Chapter 1 31
(CLJ) was formed, that President Karzai released religious conservatives argued that the Consti- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS the draft constitution to the public for the first tution should be based on Islamic law, with ex- 1. Why might the interim time. The CLJ convened in Kabul on December plicit reference to Sharia, while rights groups government have en- 13, 2004. There were 502 participants, mostly challenged such an approach, especially con- trusted a Constitutional 75 Court with the final elected at the district level by community rep- cerned about its impact on women. Never- authority to approve resentatives, representing a wide range of views. theless, despite heated arguments, walkouts, the new constitution instead of, for instance, Women made up roughly twenty percent of the threatened boycotts, and bitter complaints over holding a national 76 group.70 According to observers, the CLJ “was a backroom deals and government interference, referendum among all well organized and civil affair in contrast to its the delegates approved a new constitution on citizens? What are the advantages of using ju- rough and tumble predecessor, the emergency January 4, 2004. dicial review to approve loya jirga.”71 An outward appearance of civility, a new constitution? Looking back now, it is perhaps easy to believe Disadvantages? however, did not preclude intense debates over that a peaceful and successful CLJ was never in the Constitution. 2. The South African doubt, or that the current form of the Consti- procedure relied heav- While a number of articles in the Constitution tution was inevitable. Yet it is important to re- ily on strong political trace their roots to the 1964 Constitution, many member the context of the times, and that there parties. Would such an approach have worked important elements are new, the result of in- was tremendous uncertainty and instability. in Afghanistan? tense political jockeying and deal making among various groups and interests. As the Interna- 3. Compare the drafting procedure in South tional Crisis Group stated, the drafting process Africa with the proce- was “largely dictated by the perceived need to dure in Afghanistan. Which elements of each accommodate competing political actors with process were effective? autonomous power bases – a situation that was Why? apparent both in the composition and work of the Constitutional Review Commission, as well as in the subsequent deliberations over its draft within President Karzai’s cabinet.”72 Powerful factions clashed over issues including the role of Islam, female and human rights, the num- ber of vice presidents, national languages, and the structure of government.73 For example, President Karzai pushed for a constitution with strong presidential powers, while more funda- mentalist groups and non-Pushtun minorities tried to limit the president’s authority by argu- ing for a strong parliament and constitutional court in which they could share power.74 And 32 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS: THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONSTITUTIONAL DRAFTING PROCESS The current Constitution of the Republic of South Africa was implemented in 1997 after a long, participatory process. The formation of a new constitution was an integral part of the transition to a post-apartheid society. The particular structure of the drafting procedure reflected a compromise between the African National Congress (ANC), representing the majority of South African citizens, and the National Party (NP), one of several smaller, minority parties. The ANC wanted to ensure democratic representation in the new constitution, while the NP wanted to ensure that minority rights were protected.77 The ANC and the NP agreed on a three-stage process. First, all political parties were to be included in a constitutional conference where they would unanimously agree upon the structure of an interim government and a set of guiding constitutional principles. Second, an elected interim government would draft the text. Third, a Constitutional Court would determine whether the draft text complied with the previously agreed upon guiding principles. Only then could the constitution be enacted. Proponents of this process faced many challenges that may have seemed insurmountable. Racially motivated violence continued. Disagreements within the major political parties and between smaller parties threatened the ability of the ANC and the NP to gain consensus. New institutions had to be created along the way. The Constitutional Court, for example, did not yet exist. The process, which began in November 1991, faced several setbacks. The first attempt to agree on a set of principles failed. Talks broke down by March 1992 and violence increased. Several months later, the ANC and NP again resumed talks and, this time, were able to formulate a set of common principles that all parties could agree to. These principles were included in an interim constitution, which also provided for an elected Constitutional Assembly78 to oversee the final drafting and created the Constitutional Court.79 The Constitutional Assembly sought to engage the public. Through mass advertising and public briefings, the Assembly educated citizens about the drafting process. The Assembly solicited suggestions from all South Africans, resulting in more than 13,000 submissions, most from individuals.80 After two years of public engagement and private negotiations, the Assembly agreed on a text in May 1996. The text could not be enacted, however, until the Constitutional Court certified that it adhered to the principles established by the interim constitution. The Court heard extensive arguments in July 1996 and found that several provisions violated the principles; the constitution could not be implemented without revisions. The Assembly changed the necessary provisions and the Court certified the constitution in December 1996. The Constitution was finally implemented on February 4, 1997, more than five years after official talks began. Chapter 1 33
5. METHODS OF CONSTITUTIONAL members of the National Assembly should, be- INTERPRETATION fore voting for a law, consider whether it is in In preceding sections we have examined the accord with the Constitution. If, for example, the Constitution’s basic foundational principles, the National Assembly enacts a law that the Presi- purposes that it is intended to serve, and the his- dent believes is unconstitutional, but that the tory of its creation. Now, all of this background judiciary has not yet ruled on, should the Presi- information will serve us well as we apply the dent enforce the law or not? What do you think Constitution to everyday government and civil- “respect and supervise the implementation of ian life. The Constitution is intended only as a the Constitution” means in this situation? broad guide; it does not provide clear answers to This section will present five different -meth many questions. Moreover, there is rarely only ods of constitutional interpretation: textualism, one “correct” answer. Yet this does not mean structuralism, originalism, pragmatism, and that judges and others who interpret the Con- precedent. While some may argue that there stitution can capriciously decide what they, per- is only one correct method of interpretation, sonally, think the Constitution should mean – many more agree that no single method can al- such arbitrary power would defeat the purpose 81 ways take priority or be decisive. While there are of having a constitution in the first place. Con- sharp differences between these methods, and sistent, fair, logical, and historically faithful in- in theory some are exclusive of others, often- terpretation is key. times it may be valuable to use several or all of Related to the question of how to interpret the them when analyzing an issue. Constitution is the issue of who should, or must, Textualism and structuralism are the most basic interpret the Constitution. On the institutional and uncontroversial methods of interpreting the level, the judiciary and/or the Independent Con- Constitution. While there is room for disagree- stitutional Commission have authority to in- ment about what certain words mean, or what terpret the Constitution. The controversy over certain structures suggest, everyone agrees that which institution has final authority is itself a the words and structure of the Constitution are matter of constitutional interpretation and will relevant to its meaning. From this starting point, be discussed more fully in Chapter 6 on the ju- however, we move to review the more contro- diciary. But equally important, if less obvious, is versial methods of constitutional interpretation, the role of individuals. Lawyers and judges are including originalism, pragmatism, and prec- not the only ones who interpret the Constitu- edent. These three methods become especial- tion. The President, members of the National ly important when the Constitution’s text and Assembly, and government ministers all inter- structure are vague or unclear, or when the text act with the Constitution on an almost daily ba- and structure alone do not provide enough guid- sis.82 Article 63 requires that the President swear ance. As you can imagine, it is in these gray areas to “respect and supervise the implementation that there is the most argument about what the of the Constitution” Article 74 requires Minis- Constitution “means” or “intends.” ters to swear to “respect the Constitution.” And 34 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
5.1. TEXTUALISM DISCUSSION QUESTIONS can look to surrounding language, to how it is The least controversial method of constitutional 1. Many articles in the Con- used elsewhere in the Constitution, and to how stitution seem to require interpretation centers on the text itself. In some it appeared in prior drafts or earlier constitu- an implied use of “only.” cases, the language of the Constitution is clear tions. For example, we find clues to what “due But, sometimes the word and provides a quick answer. For example, when is used explicitly as well. process of law” means in Article 27 by looking In Article 149, we see both the Constitution states that “[t]he capital of Af- at subsequent articles. In the case of detentions, the implied usage in Clause ghanistan shall be the city of Kabul” (Article 21), 1 and an express usage in the Constitution provides a basic outline of “due 84 Clause 2: the text is definitive. Yet while the Constitution process” protections, such as the right to ap- is clear on some points, other language is ambig- 85 a. The principles of adher- pear before a court, the right to a defense at- ence to the tenets of the uous or unclear. Moreover, giving priority to the torney,86 and the right to not be tortured87 or Holy religion of Islam as text does not necessarily mean that anything not 88 well as Islamic Repub- have a confession coerced. As you can see, the licanism shall not be written down is excluded from the Constitution. text is our starting point for understanding the amended. In other words, “[t]o take text as primary, and as Constitution, but it will frequently be necessary b. Amending fundamen- ultimately authoritative whenever it speaks to a and helpful to view the Constitution through tal rights of the people proposition, is not necessarily to take text as ex- shall be permitted only to other lenses. improve them (emphasis clusive, and as filling up the available space for added). constitutional authority.”83 5.2. STRUCTURALISM c. Amending other articles of The Constitution’s structure contributes to an Indeed, the Constitution’s authors did not in- this Constitution, with due understanding of what the document means respect to new experi- tend the document to be entirely self-contained and intends. “Structure,” in this sense, can be ences and requirements and therefore exhaustive. Take, for example, Ar- of the time, as well as pro- thought of as “that which the text shows but visions of Articles 67 and ticle 27, Clause 2, which provides that “No one does not directly say.”89 This includes sentence 146 of this Constitution, shall be pursued, arrested, or detained without shall become effective structure, word choice, word repetitions, and due process of law.” Because the Constitution with the proposal of the organizational structure. For example, the Con- President and approval of does not define “due process of law,” looking at stitution does not use the actual phrase “separa- the majority of National the text of this Article by itself provides little Assembly members. tion of powers,” but it seems to confirm that pur- guidance as to what constitutes a legal pursuit, pose in its organization and allocation of various ANALYSIS arrest, or detention. We can call this a kind of The implied usage of “only” in powers: articles defining the president, national “cross-reference” in that the Article requires the Clause 1 (as the first word in assembly, and judiciary are separated into dis- the Clause) links with Clause reader to look elsewhere, both within and with- tinct chapters. 3 to provide that any article out the Constitution, to understand its meaning. in the Constitution can be Professor Lawrence Tribe points out a second amended except for Articles 1-3. Only rarely will the constitutional text alone The express usage of “only” interesting example of structural analysis. As in Clause 2 indicates that the be definitive, making clear when anything that he states, “[a] word commonly omitted from the “list” of fundamental rights contradicts it cannot be valid. More often, it held by Afghans can be ex- Constitution’s text but frequently understood to may be uncertain whether something is con- panded but not shortened. be there implicitly is the word ‘only.’”90 It would tradictory, or there may be several plausible Do you agree with the idea be incorrect to attribute deep significance to the that the use of “only” must be interpretations of the text. In these challeng- absence of the word “only”; it must be recog- implied in some cases, as in ing situations, the text is only a starting point. Clause 1, given that the Consti- nized as implied due to how it fits in the struc- To understand an ambiguous word or phrase we tution’s drafters found it valu- ture of the Constitution. Although Tribe was able to explicitly use the word elsewhere (as in Clause 2)? Chapter 1 35
writing about the U.S. Constitution, the idea also will inevitably show extreme disagreements in DISCUSSION QUESTIONS applies to the Constitution of Afghanistan. For the debate, with solutions of murky compro- 1. What are the most instance, Article 64 declares that “[t]he President mise rather than clear unity. Thus, when dis- important words in shall have the following authorities and duties,” agreements over constitutional provisions arise, Article 47, Clause 2, and how would you among these being the authority to declare war there will often be two or more equally persua- interpret them? What and peace. The article does not say that “only sive sides to the argument of what the authors would you argue is the principle that underlies the President” has this authority, but the word meant, hoped, expected, or feared. the Clause? is implied. The Constitution does not grant the In addition to uncertainty over what the histori- National Assembly power to declare war, instead 2. Denmark’s Constitution cal record actually shows, there are two different was first adopted in it grants it the power to approve the state budget forms of originalism. One branch, when answer- 1849 and the drafters (which is a powerful oversight mechanism that would hardly recognize ing a constitutional question, asks: What would today’s world with its can cut funding for war). the drafters do? This approach promotes the cell phones, comput- ers, cars, and airplanes. 5.3. ORIGINALISM idea that the Constitution should be rock-hard Afghanistan will also Originalism is an approach to constitution- and unchanging – with an understanding fixed undergo change in at a certain point in time.92 The second branch future years that the al interpretation that places great weight on founders of 2004 could the stated or implicit intentions of those who asks: What were the principles that the drafters not imagine. If situa- drafted, debated, and voted for the Constitu- had in mind, and how do they apply today? This tions arise in the future to which the Constitu- tion. Originalism is a common theme in Ameri- more flexible approach looks at original under- tion provides no clear can jurisprudence, though it is not influential in standing to get a general sense of purposes and answers, should it mat- aspirations. While these two branches may not ter what the Constitu- Europe. Originalists argue that understanding tion’s founders would what the drafters of the Constitution intended appear entirely distinct today, as time passes the do? Should we care is an important step in trying to be faithful to difference between them may become more ap- about what principles they had in mind? the Constitution. As Professor Tribe writes, “[a] parent and more important. A critical reading of bsent some extremely persuasive justification, Article 47, Clause 2 helps illustrate the challenge. it would be nonsensical to begin by treating a Clause 2 provides: phrase in the Constitution as meaning one thing The state shall guarantee the copyrights of when, to those who wrote or ratified or read it authors, inventors and discoverers, and, shall at the time, it would have meant something en- encourage and protect scientific research in all tirely different.”91 Determining what a phrase fields, publicizing their results for effective use in accordance with the provisions of the law. meant to constitutional drafters is challenging, however, particularly when a constitution was What exactly does this mean? In what way will adopted decades or centuries earlier. the government guarantee the copyrights of Even though the Constitution of Afghanistan authors, and for how long? Perhaps the found- was adopted in 2004, the drafting process was so ers had specific answers to these questions in opaque and the ratification Loya Jirga so raucous mind, and the historical record may provide that it is not entirely clear what the drafters in- clues, but by the year 2040 those solutions may tended for many provisions in the Constitution. no longer be appropriate. Perhaps the period of The records that are available from this period protection for scientific discoveries will need to 36 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
be lengthened or shortened, or the rights of au- Branch of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, thors will need to be expanded or contracted. In Article 13 states that “courts shall resolve cases 2040, legislators, judges and lawyers may argue in accordance with the constitution and other about whether the founders meant to lock in a laws… ”95 Article 13 does not say anything about permanent approach (the approach they en- considering prior Supreme Court decisions, visioned in 2004), or whether they cared more meaning that lower courts are not bound to about the principal of protecting and rewarding follow Supreme Court decisions. Yet Article scientific discoveries (which may require a new 48, Clause 1 of the Law on the Organization approach in 2040). and Jurisdiction of the Judiciary Branch of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan provides that 5.4. PRECEDENT the Supreme Court shall overturn a decision and “[T]he bare words of the Constitution’s text, remand it to the lower court if it “determines and the skeletal structure on which those words that a lower court decision was made contrary to were hung, only begin to fill out the Constitution law, or the court committed an error in applying as a mature, ongoing system of law.”93 In other the law, or the court’s decision was based on words, constitutional law consists not only of an error in interpretation of law. In the case of the actual articles in the Constitution but also observing any grounds for remanding a decision, of the opinions of the Supreme Court, which the Supreme Court Dewan shall overturn such interprets those articles in its decisions. As Af- decision even if the appellant does not indicate ghanistan’s system matures and Supreme Court the ground for overturning lower court’s decisions accumulate, lawyers and judges will be decision in the appellate brief.” Thus when the able to look at constitutional provisions through Supreme Court interprets the Constitution in a layers of interpretations from previous cases.94 certain way, that decision will likely have a real This creation of “precedent” is already occur- impact on future cases. Lower court judges may ring. In the Spanta case of 2007, for example, realize that if they rule in a way that goes against which you will read about in Chapter 2 on Sep- earlier Supreme Court decisions they will simply aration of Powers, the Supreme Court made be overturned. an important interpretation of Article 92. The The Supreme Court may, over time, change the Court held that a minister could not be subject way in which it interprets various constitutional to a vote of no confidence for failing to address provisions. As Professor Tribe writes: issues outside of his or her authority and spe- cific duties. Presumably, if this type of question Why change? A constitutional text that the comes to the Supreme Court again in the future Supreme Court read one way during an ear- lier period may be read by the Court to say it will answer it in the same way – this is what we something different in a later period. “Correc- mean by precedent. tions” of this sort do not revise the underlying Why do Supreme Court decisions have constitutional provision or structure itself. They aim, instead, to preserve the basic meaning of precedential value? In the Law on the the Constitution by improving one’s reading Organization and Jurisdiction of the Judiciary of its terms. It is not only failures of judicial Chapter 1 37
A PROBLEM OF GENDER? An interesting hypothetical experiment in pragmatism can be found by examining Article 22 of the Constitution, which reads: “(1) Any kind of discrimination and distinction between citizens of Afghanistan shall be forbidden. (2) The citizens of Afghanistan, man and woman, have equal rights and duties before the law.” In short, the Constitution calls for equality between men and women, with no distinction between them. What if the Legislature passed a law that required all businesses to employ women as 50% of their workforce within three years. For example, if a company employs 100 people three years from now, the law mandates that fifty of the workers must be female, even if today the company only employs 10 women. Would such a law be constitutional? On one hand, the Legislature is trying to achieve the sort of gender equality that Article 22 of the Constitution calls for. On the other hand, does the law make a “distinction” between men and women by mandating that employers consider gender when making hiring decisions? If the Legislature’s intent is to help women get jobs, is it allowed to pass laws that mandate the hiring of women – even if some men end up getting fired or passed over as a result? How might a pragmatic judge rule on the constitutionality of this law? Would an originalist judge rule differently? What about a textualist?
formulas, of course, that bring on such change. 5.5. PRAGMATISM “The course of human events” – in any of its Pragmatism is at the opposite end of the inter- political, economic, or social dimensions – is pretive spectrum from originalism. Whereas an capable of teaching lessons that seem to com- pel one to read the same text in a new way. originalist cares deeply about what the founders Such lessons sometimes lead to the conclusion meant, a pragmatist places highest priority on that the new reading – the one required in or- the consequences of an interpretative decision. der to be faithful to the Constitution’s meaning In other words, a pragmatist might sometimes – ought to have been the reading of the text favor a decision that is “wrong” on original- all along… At other times, one concludes that ist terms because it promotes stability or social the earlier reading was entirely appropriate in its day but has been overtaken by events. And, welfare. Some critics of pragmatism argue that it on yet other occasions, changed readings re- is not a method of constitutional interpretation, flect a mix of both – a confession of past error, but rather a rejection of constitutionalism and and a recognition of changed events.96 the rule of law. Such critics believe that pragma- This reminds us that although courts may in- tism leads to decisions based merely on what is terpret the Constitution in a certain way today, appropriate and popular at the moment, rather it may be appropriate to reconsider that inter- than what fits with the constitutional frame- 97 pretation at some point in the future. This point work and its underlying values. Yet pragma- leads directly to the last method of constitution- tism is not necessarily so extreme, and it would al interpretation that we will review. be strange for judges to place no importance on the consequences of their decisions. 38 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CONSTITUTIONS AS “PRECOMMITMENT” As noted scholar Stephen Holmes observes, constitutions and popular democracy are seemingly in conflict: constitutions remove certain decisions from the democratic process by entrenching rights and governmental institutions, binding future generations without their voting consent (since constitutions are relatively difficult to amend). The natural question is why should a small group of people(a constitution’s founders) be empowered to exert such enormous influence over future generations; shouldn’t people in every generation have the right to consent to the fundamental rules that govern them? Holmes reconciles this paradox by arguing that constitutional restraints actually serve an important democratic function: a properly functioning democracy must channel and restrict its own decision- making authority, so as to protect the deliberative process that is central to democracy itself. “Precommitment” to a set of hard to change rules provides stability over time (no need to continually reinvent government) and serves a powerful moderating function against popular, but potentially harmful, passions.98
6. AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION Constitutions may need to be altered to reflect An additional unstated reason is that faults changing conditions or new societal consensus might be discovered in the Constitution that about the role of government. Amendments are need to be fixed. This section will cover the pro- usually more difficult to pass than regular leg- cedures for amending the Constitution. islation, reflecting the special status of consti- First, it is important to note that the Constitu- tutions. The particular mechanisms for passing tion may not be amended at two moments when constitutional amendments vary greatly from it might be particularly vulnerable to political country to country. manipulation: during a state of emergency, and The Constitutional drafters did not intend for when there is an interim President. the text to be unalterable. In fact, there are sev- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN eral references in the document itself to the possibility that the Constitution might need to ARTICLE 146 be amended in the future. The preamble, for ex- The Constitution shall not be amended during the ample, states that the people of Afghanistan “ap- state of emergency.
proved this constitution in accordance with the ARTICLE 67, CLAUSE 5 historical, cultural and social realities as well as The First Vice-President, in acting as interim Presi- requirements of time… ” And Article 149, Clause dent, shall not perform the following duties: 3, provides that the Constitution can be amend- ed “with due respect to new experiences and re- Amend the Constitution; quirements of the time… ” Dismiss ministers; These provisions recognize that as Afghanistan Call a referendum. develops and circumstances change the Consti- tution may need to change as well; articles may At all other times the Constitution can be need to be added, deleted, or re-written. amended, yet the process is not supposed to be Chapter 1 39
easy. It is more difficult to amend the Constitu- However, there is some uncertainty about the DISCUSSION QUESTION correct version of the text, and whether the tion than to pass a regular law, and this reflects 1. Should every element the belief that the Constitution is a foundational last sentence in Article 149 uses “or” instead of of a constitution be document with core values and structures that “and.” If the text says “shall become effective open for amendment? with the proposal of the President [or] approv- What about articles should not be subject to popular passions of the pertaining to the moment. Articles 149 and 150 provide the pro- al of the majority of National Assembly mem- fundamental nature of bers,” it would mean that either the President or the state? What about cedures that must be followed in proposing and articles protecting hu- approving a constitutional amendment. the National Assembly can propose an amend- man rights? ment (the National Assembly would propose an 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN amendment by passing it with a majority vote). ARTICLE 149 If the text says “and,” then it would appear that (1) The principles of adherence to the tenets of the only the President may propose an amendment, Holy religion of Islam as well as Islamic Republican- and the proposal must then be approved by a ism shall not be amended. majority of the National Assembly. Approval of a proposal by the National Assembly is just a pre- (2) Amending fundamental rights of the people liminary step, though, since the Loya Jirga must shall be permitted only to improve them. also approve the amendment. (3) Amending other articles of this Constitution, with Once a proposal is passed, it must follow the due respect to new experiences and requirements procedures outlined in Article 150. Thus, “a of the time, as well as provisions of Articles 67 and commission comprised of members of the Gov- 146 of this Constitution, shall become effective with ernment, National Assembly as well as the Su- the proposal of the President [or] and approval of preme Court shall be formed by presidential de- the majority of National Assembly members. cree to prepare the draft proposal.” It is unclear ARTICLE 150 exactly what role this commission plays, and what “prepare the draft proposal” means, but (1) To process the amendment proposals, a commis- there are several possibilities: 1) Does the com- sion comprised of members of the Government, Na- mission turn the President’s idea, which has al- tional Assembly as well as the Supreme Court shall ready been voted on by the National Assembly, be formed by presidential decree to prepare the into a formal proposal? 2) Does it edit the draft draft proposal. proposal? 3) Does it organize the convening of (2) To approve the amendment, the Loya Jirga shall the Loya Jirga? Since the first two possibilities be convened by a Presidential decree in accordance would be most in conflict with Article 149, argu- with the provisions of the Chapter on Loya Jirga. ably the best reading of this language in Article (3) If the Loya Jirga approves the amendment with 150 is that the commission is responsible for or- the majority of two-thirds of its members, the Presi- ganizing the Loya Jirga and nothing more. Once dent shall enforce it after endorsement. an amendment proposal reaches the Loya Jirga, two-thirds of the Loya Jirga’s members must ap- According to Article 149, the President proposes prove the amendment for it to take effect. an amendment and the National Assembly must approve the proposal by a majority vote (51%). 40 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CONCLUSION This introductory chapter provides background people in these positions will regularly confront knowledge and theoretical frameworks that will questions of what the Constitution means or al- be of use throughout the rest of this book. In the lows. We discussed five different ways in which first section we discussed constitutions and con- someone can interpret the Constitution, but stitutionalism. We explored the various purposes there are other valid and reasonable ways to that constitutions serve in general, and the spe- view the Constitution as well. The key takeaway cific goals that the Constitution of Afghanistan is that it is important to be aware of how one can addresses. We also examined why constitutional- interpret the Constitution, since different meth- ism is more than simply having a constitution; ods of interpretation may lead to dramatically it is the concept of limited government powers different outcomes. and defined law-making procedures. Finally, we reviewed how to amend the Consti- One key concept to draw from our discussion of tution. This is particularly relevant because the constitutions and constitutionalism is that the Constitution is a living document that can be human factor cannot be ignored. The legitimacy changed and improved to meet new circum- and long-term sustainability of a constitution is stances. Although the Constitution is fragile in inextricably linked with the people who imple- one sense, as discussed above, its flexibility can ment it. Constitutions are fragile; they will fail also make it remarkably strong and enduring. if people in government abuse their powers, ig- Bear this in mind as you continue reading and nore or circumvent the law, or engage in corrup- think critically about what changes, if any, could tion that destroys citizens’ trust in the state. improve the Constitution. We next reviewed Afghanistan’s constitutional history. Afghanistan has had a number of consti- tutions over the years, and there are many les- sons that can be learned from how these docu- ments were written, adopted, and carried out. These constitutions also highlight the evolution of the state, and the political and social changes that have occurred and still echo today. We then reviewed the history of the 2004 Constitution, and the major procedural, political, and social factors that influenced the final text. Next we discussed methods of constitutional in- terpretation. Throughout this book you will be asked to think about whether certain actions are constitutional or not. This is valuable practice for anyone who is interested in being a lawyer, judge, legislator, or government minister, since Chapter 1 41
ENDNOTES 1 Donald S. Lutz, Principles of Constitutional De- 17 Id. at 2. sign 4 (2006). 18 Constitution of North Korea, formally known as 2 Gerhard Casper, Constitutionalism in Vol. 2 En- the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. cyclopedia of the American Constitution 479 http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/ (Leonard W. Levy et al. eds., 1986). Constitution_of_North_Korea_%281972%29 3 William G. Andrews, Constitutions and Constitu- 19 Nwabueze, supra note 5, at 10-12. tionalism 24 (William Andrews ed., D. Van Nos- 20 James T. McHugh, Comparative Constitutional trand Company 1968). Traditions 1 (Peter Lang 2002). 4 Id. at 13. 21 Laurence Tribe, Foreword to American Consti- 5 B.O. Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emer- tution Society, It Is A Constitution We Are Ex- gent States 1 (Farleigh Dickinson University pounding 7 (2009). Press 1973). 22 The English translation of the Constitution of 6 Mark Tushnet, Constitutionalism and Critical Le- Afghanistan has approximately 10,400 words. gal Studies, in Constitutionalism: The Philo- 23 See, e.g., the 10th Amendment of the U.S. Consti- sophical Dimension 150 (Alan S. Rosenbaum tution, which states that, “The powers not del- editor, 1988). Tushnet argues, in fact, that “rules egated to the United States by the Constitution, of law constrain only when, and to the extent nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to that, they are implemented by a group of people the States respectively, or to the people.” who share certain values – that is, the rule of 24 law must be the rule of men,” which leads to his Andrews, supra note 3, at 22. See, e.g., the 9th conclusion that “constitutionalism, though nec- Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which essary, is impossible.” states that, “The enumeration in the Constitu- tion of certain rights shall not be construed 7 John Locke, Two Treatises on Government: A to deny or disparage others retained by the Translation Into Modern English 70 (Industrial people.” Systems Research 2009) (1690). 25 Andrews, supra note 3, at 22. 8 Id. 26 Constitution of Afghanistan, Article 62, Clause 2. 9 Id. 27 Ramin Moschtaghi, Max Planck Manual on Af- 10 Jean-Jaques Rousseau, The Social Contract §6 ghan Constitutional Law, Volume One: Struc- (1762). http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/r/rous- tures and Principles of the State 21 (2009). seau/jean_jacques/r864s/book1.html#section7 28 Id. at 22. 11 Casper, supra note 2, at 476. 29 Somewhat related, Article 157 requires the 12 Andrews, supra note 3, at 13. establishment of an independent commis- 13 Casper, supra note 2, at 479. sion to supervise the implementation of the Constitution. 14 Nwabueze, supra note 5, at 1. 30 Andrews, supra note 3, at 24-25. 15 Andrews, supra note 3, at 14. 31 Article 43: “Education is the right of all citizens 16 Nwabueze, supra note 5, at 5. of Afghanistan, which shall be offered up to the 42 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
B.A. level in the state educational institutes free 52 Id. at 560. of charge by the state.” 53 Arjomand, supra note 40, at 953 (citing Dupree, 32 Alan S. Rosenbaum, Constitutionalism: The Phil- supra note 43, at 587-623). osophical Dimension 2-3 (Alan S. Rosenbaum 54 According to Barnett Rubin, Crafting a Constitu- editor, 1988). tion for Afghanistan, Volume 15, Number 3, Jour- 33 Thurgood Marshall, Reflections on the Bicenten- nal of Democracy 5, 6 (2004), four groups of nial of the United States Constitution, Volume 101 Afghans were represented, with the two main Harvard Law Review 2, 5 (1987). groups being the Northern Alliance and the “Rome Group” representing exiled King Zahir 34 J. Alexander Thier, The Making of a Constitution Shah. in Afghanistan, Volume 51 New York Law Review 557, 574 (2006-2007). 55 International Crisis Group, Afghanistan’s Flawed Constitutional Process 12 (June 12, 2003) [here- 35 Id. at 576. inafter ICG]. 36 International Crisis Group, Afghanistan: The 56 Rainer Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Constitutional Loya Jirga 3 (Dec. 12, 2003) [here- Afghan Constitution, Max Planck Institute, 901 inafter CLJ]. (2004). 37 Id. at 559. 57 ICG, supra note 56, at 13. 38 Id. at 464. 58 It was not inaugurated by King Zahir Shah, and 39 Said Amir Arjomand, Constitutional Develop- thus able to begin work, until November 2002. ment in Afghanistan: A Comparative and Histori- 59 The men were 1) Neamatullah Shahrani (Vice cal Perspective, 53 Drake Law Review 943, 949 President of the TA and chairman of the Com- (2005). mission); 2) Qasim Fazili (who, according to the 40 Id. at 949. ICG, never attended a meeting); 3) Rahim Sher- 41 Arjomand, supra note 40, at 950. zoy; 4) Abdul Salam Azimi; 5) Mohammad Musa Ashari; 6) Musa Marufi; and 7) Mohammad Sar- 42 Louis Dupree, Afghanistan 494 (Princeton Uni- war Danesh. The women were 1) Asifa Kakar and versity Press 1973). 2) Mukarama Akrami. 43 Id. at 495. 60 ICG, supra note 56, at 14. 44 Id. at 499. 61 Thier, supra note 35, at 567. 45 Id. at 566. 62 ICG, supra note 56, at 15; Rubin, supra note 55, at 46 Id. at 566. 10. 47 Martin Ewans, Afghanistan: A New History 117- 63 ICG, supra note 56, at 16-17 (all citations 18 (Curzon Press 2001). omitted). 48 See, e.g., Thier, supra note 35, at 561. 64 Thier, supra note 35, at 567. 49 Id. at 564. 65 Id. at 568. 50 Id. at 563. 66 Rubin, supra note 55, at 10; Michael Schois- 51 Thier, supra note 35, at 563. wohl, Linking the International Legal Framework Chapter 1 43
to Building the Formal Foundations of a “State at 83 Lawrence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law, Risk”: Constitution-Making and International Law in It Is A Constitution We Are Expounding 22 in Post-Conflict Afghanistan, Volume 39 Vander- (American Constitution Society for Law and Pol- bilt Journal of Transnational Law 819, 833 icy ed., 2009). (2006). 84 United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghani- 67 Thier, supra note 35, at 569. stan, Arbitrary Detention in Afghanistan: A Call For Action (Volume II) 5 (Jan. 2009). 68 Id. at 568. 85 Article 31, Constitution of Afghanistan. 69 Id. at 568. 86 Article 31, Constitution of Afghanistan. 70 Amy Waldman, Meeting on New Constitution, Af- ghan Women Find Old Attitudes, New York Times, 87 Article 29, Constitution of Afghanistan. Dec. 16, 2003, at A13. 88 Article 30, Constitution of Afghanistan. 71 Thier, supra note 35, at 570. 89 Tribe, supra note 84, at 23. 72 CLJ, supra note 37, at 11. 90 Laurence H. Tribe, Taking Text and Structure Seri- 73 Carlotta Gall, Chairman Walks Out of Afghan ously: Reflections on Free-Form Method in Consti- Council, New York Times, Dec. 31, 2003, at A11 tutional Interpretation, 108 Harvard Law Review [hereinafter Chairman]. 1221, 1240 (1995). 74 Thier, supra note 35, at 570. 91 Tribe, supra note 84, at 26. 75 Afghans Struggle Over Islam’s Role, CBS/AP News, 92 Geoffrey R. Stone, Louis M. Seidman, Cass R. Sun- Dec. 19, 2003, available at http://bit.ly/nnABeb. stein, Mark V. Tushnet & Pamela S. Karlan, Con- stitutional Law 718 (5th ed. 2005). 76 Id. at 570; Chairman, supra note 74; Carlotta Gall, Afghans Clash at a Conference to Work Out a 93 Tribe, supra note 84, at 31. New Constitution, New York Times, Dec. 30, 2003, 94 See, e.g., Sotirios A. Barber & James E. Fleming, at A10. Constitutional Interpretation: The Basic Ques- 77 Catherine Barnes and Eldred De Klerk, South Af- tions 135 (2007). rica’s multi-party constitutional negotiation pro- 95 Law on Organization and Jurisdiction of Judicia- cess, Volume 13 Accord 26, 26 (2002). ry Branch of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, OG 78 Interim Constitution of South Africa, Chapter 5, # 1109 (June 30, 2013). Section 68. 96 Tribe, supra note 84, at 31. 79 Interim Constitution of South Africa, Chapter 7, 97 See, e.g., Barber, supra note 95, at 174. Section 98. 98 This box only touches on Holmes’s ideas about 80 Id. at 32. precommitment. If you are interested in learn- 81 See, e.g., Robert H. Bork, in The Great Debate: In- ing more, see Stephen Holmes, Passions & Con- terpreting Our Written Constitution 43 (Federal- straint: on the Theory of Liberal Democracy ist Society ed., 2005). (Univ. of Chicago Press 1995). 82 “Observance of the provisions of the constitu- tion” is also a duty of all citizens (Article 56). 44 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CHAPTER 2: SEPARATION OF POWERS
INTRODUCTION · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·45 1. SEPARATION OF POWERS: A THEORETICAL OVERVIEW· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 46 1.1. Horizontal vs. Vertical Separation of Powers...... 48 1.2. How Should Power Be Separated?...... 48 1.2.1. Presidential Systems...... 48 1.2.2. Parliamentary Systems...... 49 1.2.3. Hybrid Systems ...... 50 1.2.4. Presidential vs. Parliamentary Systems in Divided Societies...... 50 1.3. Criticism of the Separation of Powers Doctrine...... 52 2. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS IN THE CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN· · · · · · 53 2.1. Constitutional History & Design...... 53 2.2. Balances in the Constitution of Afghanistan...... 54 2.2.1. Bicameralism...... 54 2.2.2. Different Constituencies & Methods of Election...... 55 2.2.3. Different Terms of Office...... 55 2.3. Checks in the Constitution of Afghanistan...... 57 2.3.1. The Presidential Veto ...... 57 2.3.2. Legislative Authority over the Executive...... 57 2.3.3. Judicial Review...... 58 2.4. The Separation of Powers in Practice...... 58 2.4.1. Separation of Powers in Practice: The INLTC...... 59 2.4.2. Separation of Powers in Practice: Term Limits in the Supreme Court...... 59 2.4.3. Separation of Powers in Practice: The Special Election Court65 ...... 59 3. SEPARATION OF THE JUDICIAL BRANCH: JUDICIAL REVIEW· · · · · · · · · · · · · 61 3.1. Constitutional Courts: Parallel Supreme Jurisdictions...... 61 3.1.1. The Constitutional Court of the Federal Republic of Germany...... 62 3.1.2. The Constitutional Court of Egypt...... 64 3.2. Decentralized Judicial Review: The Supreme Court Model...... 65 3.2.1. The Theory Behind Decentralized Judicial Review...... 66 3.2.2. The Supreme Court of the United States...... 68 3.2.3. The Supreme Court of Pakistan...... 71 4. EMERGENCY POWERS· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 74 4.1. Article 143...... 76 4.2. Article 144...... 76 4.3. Article 145...... 77 4.4. Article 146...... 78 4.5. Article 147...... 78 4.6. Article 148...... 78 4.7. Criticisms of Emergency Powers...... 78 5. EXECUTIVE & LEGISLATIVE POWER IN FOREIGN & MILITARY AFFAIRS· · · · · · · 80 6. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS IN AFGHANISTAN: A CASE STUDY· · · · · · · · · · 82 6.1. Article 121: Who Has the Power to Interpret the Constitution?...... 85 6.2. What Constitutes a “Convincing Reason?”...... 86 6.3. What Constitutes a Majority? ...... 87 6.4. Was the Second Vote Valid?...... 87 6.5. A Political Decision?...... 87 CONCLUSION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 88 CHAPTER 2 45
THE SEPARATION OF POWERS
INTRODUCTION In 2007, the Afghan National Assembly voted to ARTICLE 121 remove Foreign Minister Spanta by a no-confi- At the request of the Government, or courts, the Su- dence vote pursuant to Article 92 of the Consti- preme Court shall review the laws, legislative de- 1 tution. President Karzai did not believe that the crees, international treaties as well as international Wolesi Jirga had the power to do this, so he asked covenants for their compliance with the Constitu- the Supreme Court to make a ruling under Arti- tion and their interpretation in accordance with the 2 cle 121. In a written opinion, the Supreme Court law. determined that the Wolesi Jirga did not have the power to remove Minister Spanta because The following diagram displays the events of the the legislature did not follow the no-confidence Spanta case. vote provisions in Article 92.3 After the Supreme Court issued this decision, however, the legisla- Wolesi Jirga votes to remove ture refused to recognize the Court’s authority Foreign Minister Spanta using an to make a judgment in the case.4 Even though Article 92 no-confidence vote. the National Assembly refused to recognize the Court’s decision, Spanta remained in the gov- President Karzai does not believe ernment. What does this scenario tell us about the removal is proper, and he asks how power is allocated within the Government the Supreme Court to rule on the of Afghanistan? issue under Article 121. The constitutional provisions relied on in this case are excerpted below: The Supreme Court rules that the removal of Foreign Minister 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN Spanta was not proper under ARTICLE 92 Article 92.
(1) The Wolesi Jirga, on the proposal of 20 percent of all its members, shall make inquiries from each The National Assembly refuses Minister. to recognize the Supreme Court’s authority to make a ruling in this (2) If the explanations given are not satisfactory, the case. House of People shall consider the issue of a no- confidence vote.
(3) The no-confidence vote on a Minister shall be explicit, direct, as well as based on convincing rea- These questions of the powers and duties grant- sons. The vote shall be approved by the majority of ed to various governmental actors are part of an all members of the House of People. important doctrine of constitutional law called the “Separation of Powers.” 46 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
1. SEPARATION OF POWERS: DISCUSSION QUESTIONS theory of the separation of powers. Montes- A THEORETICAL OVERVIEW Before reading this quieu wrote that: chapter and studying the The most important element of a democracy When the legislative and executive power are subject, how would you is that the people vote to select their own rep- answer these questions united in the same person, or in the same based on your personal resentatives in government, who are then ac- body of magistrates, there can be then no experience and knowl- countable (or responsible) to the people. To be liberty; because apprehensions may arise, lest edge of the Spanta case? accountable to the people means that represen- the same monarch or senate should enact tyrannical laws, to execute them in a tyranni- 1. After all of this, was tatives are responsive to the needs and desires cal manner. Mr. Spanta still foreign of the people. But, as in any government, there minister? is a danger that power will be too concentrated Again, there is no liberty, if the power of judg- ing be not separated from the legislative and 2. Does the Wolesi Jirga in the hands of some people, while others are have the power to re- executive. Were it joined with the legislative, move a government left without a voice. This risk exists in a democ- the life and liberty of the subject would be ex- minister? racy because a united majority group can elect posed to arbitrary control; for the judge would a larger number of government officials than be then the legislator. Were it joined to the 3. Does the president have the power to ask the minority can, and those majority officials executive power, the judge might behave with 5 the Supreme Court to can then control the legislative agenda and pass violence and oppression. All would be lost if rule on an action by the the same man or the same body of principal laws favoring the majority. Minority groups Wolesi Jirga? men, either of nobles, or of the people, exer- therefore might not be able to protect their in- cised all these three powers: that of making 4. Does the Supreme terests, or even their basic rights against the will Court have the power the laws, that of executing public resolutions, to decide if the Wolesi of the majority. and that of judging the crimes or disputes of Jirga acted improperly? individuals. For example, imagine what would happen in Af- 5. Does the Wolesi Jirga ghanistan if the majority of the National Assem- The doctrine of separation of powers aims to have the power to re- prevent the problem of tyranny, or arbitrary fuse to comply with bly wanted to pass a law stating that members the Supreme Court’s of the minority parties in the National Assem- rule, by distributing power throughout several decision? bly were not permitted to publish their political branches (departments or subdivisions) of gov- 6. Who has the power views without first gaining permission from the ernment. These separate branches then serve as to decide how the majority party. This proposed law would violate “checks and balances” to the powers of the other Constitution should be branches. Checks and balances are mechanisms interpreted? Article 34 of the Constitution of Afghanistan, which provides that “Every Afghan shall have through which each branch of government can 7. As a lawyer or judge the right, according to the provisions of the law, exercise some control over the other branches, in Afghanistan, where should you look to to print and publish on subjects without prior so that no one group of people has absolute find answers to these submission to state authorities.” But, if the Na- power. According to the theory behind the sepa- questions? tional Assembly held all of the power in the gov- ration of powers doctrine, this system of sepa- ernment, who would prevent the legislative ma- rating power into three agencies produces four jority from passing this unconstitutional law? benefits: 1. First, it decreases the likelihood that laws Montesquieu, a French political thinker who will be passed for the wrong reasons. This is lived during the Enlightenment of the 17th and because it is much more difficult for lawmakers 18th centuries, is famous for articulating the to act out of pure self-interest or on the basis 47
of a passing impulse if they are restrained by they think is correct under the law rather than the other branches. As a result, laws are more on what will help them get re-elected or will likely to be impartial and for the public good.6 make the political leader who appointed them If a King has absolute power, for example, he happy. can pass any law he likes to benefit himself 4. Fourth, the branches of government are personally because there is no restraint on his mutually accountable to each other, meaning power. Under a government that uses separated that they each work to ensure that the other power, however, other parts of the government, branches do not exceed their proper authority.9 such as the legislature and the judiciary, would This means that each branch of government prevent him from passing laws that only can monitor and oversee what the other benefit him. branches are doing, so each branch must 2. Second, the system promotes the protection answer to the other branches. For example, the of individual rights because, as previously legislature restrains the president’s power to mentioned, minority rights are more likely to appoint ministers through the power to bring be protected when the majority cannot do a no-confidence vote. Likewise, the president whatever it likes.7 For example, if the majority restrains the legislature’s power through his of the legislature was made up of businessmen veto power. and wanted to pass a law that helped businessmen but hurt farmers, farmers might While reading this chapter, it is important to be able to prevent this by using the system keep in mind that there is no one “correct” way of separated power. Farmers might be able to to separate power in a government, and that persuade the president to veto the law. Or, the governmental structures vary considerably judicial branch might later invalidate the law if through the world. it conflicted with the Constitution. 3. Third, the government functions more efficiently becauseeach branch is able to focus on its specific work and specialize. Much like how division of labor makes an economy more efficient, this division of labor should make the government more efficient.8 This functional specialization is considered particularly important to maintaining professionalism and expertise among non-elected officials such as judges and bureaucrats. Under this theory, judges can be experts in the law, and government economists can be economic experts who have spent their entire lives becoming experts in that subject matter rather than running for election. Professional specialization also allows officials in such areas of technical expertise to be insulated from direct political pressure. For example, judges can make rulings based solely on what 48 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEMS13 The chief executive officer is elected by the same constituency (group of people) that chooses the legislative branch; Different parties can control executive and legislative branches; The president appoints the cabinet; Executive officers may only work for the executive, and members of legislature may only work for the legislative branch; The executive and legislative powers are more strictly separated than in a parliamentary system. Examples: Afghanistan, United States, most Latin American countries.
1.1. HORIZONTAL VS. VERTICAL SEPARATION OF POWERS other hand, chose a unitary system with power This chapter will focus on the horizontal sepa- concentrated in a centralized government. ration of powers, or the separation of powers This chapter will focus solely on the horizontal between actors at the federal level of govern- separation of powers. You will learn more about ment. There is another type of the separation of the vertical separation of powers in Afghanistan powers—the vertical separation of powers— in Chapter 4: Government & Administration. that refers to how power is divided between Even though you have not yet studied it, think national and local governments. In Afghanistan, about the benefits and disadvantages of a- cen for example, horizontal separation of powers re- tralized versus decentralized system while read- fers to the division of power within the central ing the rest of this book. government: between the executive branch, the 1.2. HOW SHOULD POWER BE legislative branch, and the judicial branch. Ver- SEPARATED? tical separation of powers in Afghanistan refers Different countries choose to separate govern- to the division of power between the central ment powers in different ways. The two most government, provincial governments, and local common ways to separate powers are presiden- governments. tial systems and parliamentary systems.12 The United States is an example of a federal 1.2.1. PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEMS government structure (a system with a strong vertical separation of powers). All state govern- In presidential systems, the separation of pow- ments in the United States make their own laws, ers has three primary components: administer their own courts, and have substan- 1. division between executive, legislative, and tial authority over their territory. Many ethni- judicial acts, cally divided societies have also chosen to im- 2. government is divided into three separate plement federal systems of government in order branches—executive, legislative, and judicial, to create meaningful power sharing between and 10 different ethnic communities. Some examples 3. each branch employs different people. For of this are Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Cy- example, no government minister may prus.11 These governments all have a robust ver- participate in the National Assembly, and no member of the legislature may act as a judge tical separation of powers. Afghanistan, on the in court.14 Chapter 2 49
1.2.2. PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEMS The separation of powers in a presidential sys- tem can be visualized like this: In parliamentary systems, both chambers of the parliament must agree on a bill before it be- comes a law. But, there is no executive who has the power to veto the law because the prime JUDICIAL minister is often a member of parliament.16 The BRANCH: APPLIES LAWS essence of the separation of powers in parlia- EXECUTIVE TO INDIVIUALS; mentary systems is traditionally considered to BRANCH: RESOLVES be the existence of an independent judiciary.17 ENFORCES LAWS ISSUES OF INTERPRETATION This is because there is little to no separation between the executive and the legislature like there is in presidential systems. A parliamentary LEGISLATURE system could therefore be visualized like this: BRANCH: ENACTS LAWS
EXECUTIVE INDEPENDENT The reasoning behind these requirements and (GOVERNMENT): ACCOUNTABLE JUDICIARY this structure is that if one group of people TO LEGISLATURE formulates laws, another group enforces them, and yet another interprets the laws, it becomes LEGISLATURE much more difficult for government agencies to (PARLIAMENT): act out of self-interest because the other branch- MEMBER OF THE SAME PARTY AS THE EXECUTIVE es are constraining their power. However, while the theory of the separation of powers includes strict separation between the functions of the three branches, in reality there is often some Even though the majority party controls both overlap due to practical necessities. the executive and the legislature, the minority 18 In presidential systems, the legislature writes party in a parliamentary system has power. In and passes laws, but the president usually has the United Kingdom, for example, members of the power to veto a law. The legislature can over- the parliamentary minority have the authority ride a presidential veto by voting to pass the law to insist on a review of the actions of the ma- by a supermajority (usually a two-thirds vote). jority party. This is particularly evident in the You will learn more about lawmaking in a presi- British tradition of Question Time, wherein dential system when you learn about lawmaking members of the legislature ask questions of gov- in Afghanistan, which uses a presidential system. ernment ministers that they are required to an- swer. Even though the majority party controls both the executive and the legislature in a par- liamentary system, the minority party has the right to question and review the actions of the executive.19 50 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEMS15 The government, including the prime minister and cabinet, is selected by and accountable to an elected legislature; The executive and legislative branches are controlled by the same party or coalition of parties (but different parties can control different houses of the legislature); The highest executive officers may also be members of parliament; If the prime minister loses the “confidence” of the legislature, a new election may occur prior to the next scheduled election time; There is often a head of state (president), with limited substantive powers, and a head of government (prime minister), who actually runs the government; The executive and legislative powers are less separated than in a presidential system. Examples: United Kingdom, Germany, South Africa, Iraq, Thailand, most Western European countries.
1.2.3. HYBRID SYSTEMS 1.2.4. PRESIDENTIAL VS. PARLIAMENTARY Some countries combine presidential and par- SYSTEMS IN DIVIDED SOCIETIES liamentary systems to form hybrid (or mixed) In presidential regimes, the executive and the systems of government. The best known ex- legislature are two separate entities, each sepa- ample of a hybrid system is the government rately elected by the people. Neither branch has of France. In France, the president is directly the power to oust the other branch. As a result, elected by the people, as in a presidential sys- the executive and the legislature must cooper- 20 tem. The president has far-reaching powers, in- ate and coordinate in order to make policy. In cluding the power to appoint the prime minister, parliamentary regimes, by contrast, the execu- other ministers, and secretaries. However, the tive and legislative branches are interdependent. president must appoint the prime minister and Only the legislative branch is directly elected the cabinet from the party that controls the par- by the people, and the legislature produces the liament, even if that party is different than the executive branch (led by the prime minister). president’s own party. In addition, the govern- This means that the executive branch needs the ment is accountable to parliament rather than confidence of the legislature to stay in office. If to the president. In these ways, the French sys- the legislature loses confidence in the executive tem is a parliamentary system. branch, the legislature has the power to dismiss the executive. At the same time, the prime min- ister usually has the power to dissolve the par- liament and call for new elections. This arrange- ment forces the two branches to agree because each branch must accept the other.21 Given this, which system of government do you think is best in divided societies such as Afghani- stan? Traditionally, many political theorists have Chapter 2 51
believed that parliamentary systems produce a because it encourages the president to politicize more stable situation in such cases because they the administration of existing laws rather than force the executive and the legislature to agree to work with the legislature to create new laws, in policymaking. There are very stable parlia- as the president should.28 mentary regimes, such as in Scandinavian coun- On the other hand, advocates of presidential tries, where there is only moderate ideological systems argue that many emerging democra- disagreement between political parties. When cies with divided societies are choosing to im- extremist parties emerge in such systems, how- plement presidential systems.29 Professor Ste- ever, they have great capacity to take over the ven Calabresi30 argues that presidential systems government and threaten minorities. This hap- are more democratic because the chief execu- pened in Germany and France between World tive is directly elected by the people and because War I and World War II and in Northern Ireland a party has to win several elections in different more recently. On the other hand, the sharply regions and over a longer period of time to gain divided presidential system in the United States control of the entire government. By contrast, often creates a situation wherein government is one party gains control of the entire govern- unable to make policy because the two branches 22 ment in most parliamentary systems through cannot agree. winning just one election.31 He further believes Currently, advocates of parliamentary sys- that presidential systems are more stable since tems argue that in divided societies, parliamen- in parliamentary systems the legislature can tary systems “provide a consensual framework call elections so frequently that it is possible for in which different economic, ethnic, and - reli the government to change constantly. Calabresi gious groups can find representation and negoti- thinks that the presidential veto power, which ate their differences.”23 In addition, there is an makes it more difficult to pass legislation, pre- opportunity to change governments in between vents foolish legislation and encourages long- elections. Presidential systems, such advocates term consistency in laws.32 claim, are more likely to produce conflict in di- vided societies for two reasons.24 First, a strong president can use his or her executive powers to suppress opposition.25 If the president has a lot of power in the government, in some cases he can take over the legislature’s job of passing laws, thus violating constitutional design. This has happened in many Latin American countries.26 Second, if the executive and the legislature are controlled by different parties and cannot agree, democratic breakdown is possible.27 Profes- sor Bruce Ackerman writes that the American presidential system is a danger to the rule of law 52 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 1.3. CRITICISM OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS DOCTRINE 1. If you were forming a The primary criticism of the separation of pow- government, would you choose a parliamentary ers doctrine is that it can result in a constitu- or presidential system? tional breakdown wherein one branch violates Why? the constitution and installs itself as the sole 33 2. Do you think that a lawmaker. This most commonly arises when presidential system different parties control the executive and the is the best choice for Afghanistan? legislature, and they arrive at a deadlock where- in they cannot agree how to proceed and run 3. How would the Govern- 34 ment of Afghanistan the government. Usually in such situations, be different if it were a it is the executive who takes control of the en- parliamentary system? tire government.35 This criticism therefore goes hand-in-hand with the criticism that establish- ing a strong executive places too much power with one individual. Some claim that the sepa- ration of powers doctrine is one of the United States’ most dangerous imports to Latin Ameri- ca because numerous Latin American presidents have disbanded the legislatures and installed themselves as dictators.36 A response to this criticism is that a strong system of checks and balances can minimize this risk. Chapter 2 53
2. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS entrusted with, among other things, “consid- IN THE CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN eration of all cases filed by real or incorporeal persons,”43 and “review[ing] the laws, legislative 2.1. CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY & decrees, international treaties as well as interna- DESIGN tional covenants for their compliance with the The doctrine of separation of powers first -ap Constitution and their interpretation in accor- peared in Afghanistan in 1964, when King Zahir dance with the law” and in accordance with spe- adopted a constitutional monarchy with sepa- cific procedures.44 Cases can be brought before ration between the executive, legislative, and the Supreme Court at the request of either the 37 judicial branches. The 2004 Constitution of Government or the lower courts.45 Afghanistan is based on the 1964 Constitution, This means that the National Assembly has the adopting a separation of powers doctrine by di- power to enact laws so that they become official viding power between three branches of govern- 38 laws of Afghanistan. The executive branch is en- ment. One difference between the 1964 and the trusted with the sole power to enforce laws, or to 2004 constitution with serious implications for ensure that what the legislature has passed is Afghanistan is the scope of the chief executive’s actually implemented in the country. And, the power. The 2004 Constitution combines the judiciary has the power to apply the law to indi- powers of the King and the powers of the Prime vidual cases, and to interpret the law if it is unclear. Minister under the 1964 Constitution, and gives 39 The 2004 Constitution includes another check them both to the president. This means that on power through the Loya Jirga, established in the 2004 Constitution gives the president the Articles 110-115, which can convene to “decide authority not only to head the executive branch, issues related to independence, national sover- but also responsibility to maintain the function 40 eignty, territorial integrity as well as supreme of the state of Afghanistan as a whole. You will national interests,” “[a]mend provisions of [the] learn more about the president’s dual power in Constitution,” and “[i]mpeach the President.”46 Chapter 3: The Executive. This additional body, charged with making deci- As mentioned above, the Constitution of Af- sions on issues of the utmost importance, pro- ghanistan adopts a presidential system rather vides an additional constraint on the power of than a parliamentary system. The National As- the other three branches.47 The Loya Jirga only sembly, established in Articles 81-109, has the convenes periodically to address certain is- authority of, among other things, “[r]atification, sues and so it does not play the same consistent modification or abrogation of laws or legislative separation of powers role that the other three 41 decrees.” The President and the Government branches do. This chapter will therefore focus (the executive branch), described in Articles 60- only on the executive, the legislature, and the ju- 80, have the duty, among others, to “[e]xecute diciary. You will learn more about the Loya Jirga the provisions of [the] Constitution, other laws, in Chapter 5: The Legislature. as well as the final decisions of the courts.”42 The Judiciary, laid out in Articles 116-135, is 54 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
THE LEGISLATIVE POWER OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH48 Although the Afghan National Assembly is given broad power to make the law in Afghanistan, the Constitution gives the executive substantial control over the process. First, according to Article 97, the National Assembly must give priority to bills and treaties introduced by the Government if the Government so requests. Second, Article 76 permits the Government to pass regulations without prior approval from the National Assembly so long as they do not conflict with any other law. Third, under Article 79, the Government may legislate in place of the National Assembly if it decides that it is necessary to hold an “emergency session” of the legislature.
For a country to benefit from the separation of 2.2.1. BICAMERALISM powers, the branches of government must each Bicameralism is the practice of having two sep- have actual power to be mutually accountable arate chambers in a legislature who must each to each other. A separation of powers doctrine pass a bill by a majority vote before it becomes written on the pages of a document cannot pro- a law. This means that there are two separate duce benefits if each branch is not able to exer- legislative bodies, each elected differently, that cise its power in practice. One of the ways that each must approve of all laws by a majority of constitutions try to ensure that the separation their members. The Constitution establishes a of powers doctrine described on paper is trans- bicameral legislature, comprised of two distinct lated into reality is through a system of checks chambers: the Wolesi Jirga (House of People), and balances. “Checks and balances” are mech- and the Meshrano Jirga (House of Elders). Arti- anisms through which each branch of govern- cle 94 requires that both chambers must pass a ment acts to limit or restrain the power of the bill by a majority vote in order for it to become other branches. a law: “Law shall be what both houses of the Na- tional Assembly approve and the President en- 2.2. BALANCES IN THE CONSTITUTION dorses.” The basic theory behind bicameralism OF AFGHANISTAN is that laws represent the will of a larger number Three important constitutional balances, (ways of the people of a country if two separate legis- to distribute power between the various branch- lative bodies must approve them, particularly if es) are: (1) bicameralism, (2) different constitu- each of the legislative bodies is elected by a dif- encies and methods of election for each branch ferent constituency (group of people) and by a of government, and (3) different terms of office different mode of election. for each branch.49 The Constitution of Afghani- stan includes all three of these balances. Chapter 2 55
2.2.2. DIFFERENT CONSTITUENCIES & governments a voice in national policy-making. METHODS OF ELECTION Currently, since district councils have not yet The fact that different constituencies elect each been established, each provincial council elects branch of government by a different electoral two Meshrano Jirga members, and these elected method means that each body that wields power officials represent two thirds of the members of within the government is chosen by a different the Meshrano Jirga.55 The one-third of the Me- group of people and selected in a different way. shrano Jirga that is appointed by the president According to the Constitution, the president is ensures the participation of national experts, elected directly by the people and must receive disabled persons, and nomads in the nation- a simple majority of more than 50 percent of al legislature.56 Finally, judicial appointments the vote in order to take office.50 The people of must be approved by two governmental bod- Afghanistan also directly elect members of the ies (the president and the Wolesi Jirga), which Wolesi Jirga, with the number of representa- allows the constituencies of each body to voice tives “proportionate to the population of each their opinion on the appointment. Each of these constituency,” or each province.51 By contrast, power-balancing mechanisms reduces the like- one-third of the members of the Meshrano Jirga lihood that one group or special interest will are elected by provincial council members, one- dominate the national political agenda, because third are elected by district councils, and one- most decisions require the approval of multiple third are appointed by the president.52 Unlike actors who are each accountable to different the executive and legislative branches, the ju- segments of society who have different needs diciary is selected solely through appointment, and interests. with Supreme Court justices appointed by the president “with the endorsement of the Wole- 2.2.3. DIFFERENT TERMS OF OFFICE si Jirga,”53 and lower court judges “appointed The third important governmental balance is at the proposal of the Supreme Court and ap- different terms of office for each branch of -gov proved by the president.”54 ernment. In Afghanistan, the president serves five-year terms,57 the Wolesi Jirga serves five- The rationale behind ensuring that each body of year terms,58 and the Meshrano Jirga serves government is selected by a different constitu- three-, four-, or five-year terms.59 The first set ency and by a different mode of election is that of Supreme Court justices was appointed to four, each of these bodies is then directly accountable seven, or ten-year terms, so that the conclusion to a different group of people. The president is of their terms would be staggered. All appoint- accountable to the entire country. Members of ments after this initial slate will be for ten-year the Wolesi Jirga are accountable to the people of terms.60 Staggered terms of office are important the province that elected them, who may have because they allow the people to express their interests and needs specific to their region (an preferences at different points in time, so- dif agricultural region, for example, may have a ferent majorities are represented in the govern- particular interest in farm policy). Two-thirds of ment as the majority’s preferences are assessed the Members of the Meshrano Jirga are account- at different intervals. able to local governments, which gives local 56 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
Suppose that in 2008, the Afghan people elected SUMMARY: only members of the Islamic Unity Party. Then, BALANCES IN THE CONSTITUTION OF in 2011, priorities changed and the Afghan peo- AFGHANISTAN ple decided they wanted to vote for members 1. Bicameralism—Both Wolesi Jirga and of the National Participation Party. If they had Meshrano Jirga must vote to pass law by elected all of their government representa- majority tives in 2008 and had chosen them only from 2. Different constituencies and methods of the Islamic Unity Party, then the people might election for each branch of government— be left with representatives who did not repre- a. President directly elected by entire sent their preferences in 2011. However, if dif- country ferent members of the government are selected b. Wolesi Jirga directly elected by people by province on staggered terms at different intervals, then c. Meshrano Jirga selected through the Afghan people can elect officials from -dif appointment system ferent parties at different times, so the govern- d. Supreme Court appointed by President; ment will contain representatives from both the approved by Wolesi Jirga Islamic Unity Party and the National Participa- e. Lower courts appointed by Supreme tion Party at the same time. Through this sys- Court; approved by President tem, the government is, in theory, continually 3. Different terms of office for each branch— sampling different geographical units at differ- a. President: 5 years ent intervals to track public opinion. b. Wolesi Jirga: 5 years c. Meshrano Jirga: 3, 4, or 5 years d. Supreme Court: 10 years Chapter 2 57
2.3. CHECKS IN THE CONSTITUTION OF 62 reject appointments, and (2) remove a minis- AFGHANISTAN ter through a no-confidence vote.63 Note that To complement these balances, the Constitution although Afghanistan uses a presidential sys- integrates numerous “checks” that enable the tem, it has chosen to adopt the no-confidence various branches of government to restrict the vote, which is typical of parliamentary systems. power of the other branches.61 These provisions allow the legislature to act as 2.3.1. THE PRESIDENTIAL VETO a constraint on executive power, helping to en- One important check is the presidential veto, ar- sure that ministers are appointed to represent ticulated in Article 94, which gives the president the best interests of the people, rather than to the power to constrain the legislature’s law- personally serve the president. These checks making function by rejecting legislation passed also help to ensure that government ministers by a majority of the National Assembly. The act to advance the interests of the people while president’s authority to intervene in the legis- in office. By acting as a check on the presiden- lative process, however, is limited. The National tial appointment and removal of ministers, the Assembly can override the president’s veto and National Assembly is, in theory, giving each of pass a law with a two-thirds majority vote. its diverse constituencies a voice in the selection and retention of unelected executive branch THE PRESIDENTIAL VETO (ARTICLE 94) officials. STEP While the National Assembly has the authority 1 to approve a no-confidence vote against govern- NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PASSES LAW ment ministers, the National Assembly can vote to remove the president from office only for 64 2 crimes, treason, or crimes against humanity.
PRESIDENT CAN REJECT LEGISLATION This gives the legislature much less power over THROUGH PRESIDENTIAL VETO the president than over the government.
APPOINTMENT & REMOVAL OF MINISTERS 3 1 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CAN OVERRIDE VETO TO PASS LAW THROUGH 2/3 VOTE PRESIDENT APPOINTS MINISTERS (ARTICLE 64)
2.3.2. LEGISLATIVE AUTHORITY OVER THE EXECUTIVE 2
The legislature acts as a check on executive WOLESI JIRGA APPROVES OR REJECTS power by exerting a degree of control in the ap- APPOINTMENTS (ARTICLE 91) pointment and retention of government min- isters. Although the president appoints minis- 3 ters and they serve under the executive branch, WOLESI JIRGA CAN REMOVE MINISTERS the Wolesi Jirga has the power to (1) approve or THROUGH NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE (ARTICLE 92) 58 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
SEPARATION OF POWERS IN PRACTICE: THE NO CONFIDENCE VOTE From reading this book and following the news in Afghanistan, you may have noticed that the National Assembly passes no-confidence votes very frequently. Why do you think that this is? One possible explanation is that in practice, the National Assembly does not have much power and so resorts to a no-confidence vote whenever it wants to try to exercise authority. However, you may have also noticed that executive branch officials frequently refuse to step down following a no-confidence vote. Is the no-confidence vote actually a check on power if the executive branch does not respect the results?
2.3.3. JUDICIAL REVIEW 2.4. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS IN A third important check grants an independent PRACTICE body—in Afghanistan either the Supreme Court This section has focused primarily on textual or the Independent Commission on the Super- ways to separate power through constitutional vision of the Implementation of the Constitu- design. However, it is important to keep in mind tion—the power to interpret the Constitution that the allocation of power through practice and to ensure that all laws passed are consistent and action is just as essential to the doctrine of with the Constitution. This mechanism, known separation of powers. Words on a page do not as “judicial review,” allows a third party to serve mean anything if people do not follow them as an independent check on both the legislature with their actions. Furthermore, how power is and the executive, to ensure that they are up- separated is dynamic, and can often change over holding the values enshrined in the Constitution. time as practice changes. In order to actually The professional expertise of judges insulates understand the function of separation of pow- legal interpretation from elected officials, who ers, one must also understand the manner in are more responsive to the whims and special which the branches of government interact and interests of the majority because of a desire to share power in practice. The following three an- be reelected. Judicial review is a controversial ecdotes provide examples of how the separation constitutional mechanism. Some scholars argue of powers doctrine functions, or fails to function that it is essential for a well-functioning govern- correctly, in practice. As you read through these ment, while others argue that it is undemocratic examples, ask yourself the following questions: because it gives unelected judges legislative au- 1. Is this action consistent with Afghanistan’s thority. Many constitutions grant the power of constitutional design? judicial review, while many others do not. It is 2. Is this action consistent with the theory behind not clear whether either the Supreme Court or the separation of powers doctrine? the Independent Commission on the Supervi- 3. If your answer to either of the first two sion of the Implementation of the Constitution questions is no, what could be done to make has the power of judicial review in Afghanistan. this action consistent with the Afghanistan’s This will be discussed more later in this chapter constitutional design and the theory behind the separation of powers doctrine? and in Chapter 6: The Judiciary. Chapter 2 59
2.4.1. SEPARATION OF POWERS IN PRACTICE: “acting justices.” Viewed in the light of separa- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS THE INLTC tion of powers doctrine, these actions are con- The Afghan Ministry of Justice established an In- 1. One of the primary cerning because the National Assembly cannot objectives of separation dependent National Legal Training Center (IN- have its voice heard in the judicial appointment of powers is the protec- LTC) to train judges. The Supreme Court, howev- tion of minority rights. process, as envisioned by the Constitution, if the In your opinion, are mi- er, decided that separation of powers principles president unilaterally extends the terms of Su- nority rights being pro- precluded the Ministry of Justice (which is un- tected in Afghanistan? preme Court justices. Furthermore, the Consti- der the executive branch) from training judges tution limits Supreme Court justices to one term 2. Are laws being passed under the judicial branch, because the Constitu- in office to insulate them from political control and implemented out of tion establishes an independent judiciary. The concern for the public by either of the other branches, so they are free good rather than self- Supreme Court then established its own legal to make their rulings based on principles of jus- interest in Afghanistan? training center. Nothing in the Constitution ex- tice rather than political considerations. Justices plicitly states that the Ministry of Justice cannot 3. Do you think that the cannot be free of political control if they are con- different branches of help to train judges. Does the doctrine of sepa- cerned about pleasing the president to obtain an the Afghan govern- ration of powers really forbid the INTLC from ment serve as checks extension of their appointment to the Court. and balances for one training members of the judiciary? another? 2.4.3. SEPARATION OF POWERS IN PRACTICE: 2.4.2. SEPARATION OF POWERS IN PRACTICE: 65 THE SPECIAL ELECTION COURT 4. If the Afghan Constitu- TERM LIMITS IN THE SUPREME COURT In 2011, President Karzai established by decree tion establishes a sys- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN tem of governance that the Special Election Court (SEC). The Special relies on the doctrine ARTICLE 117 Court ordered that 62 of the 249 members of the of separation of powers, why might it be that (1) The Supreme Court shall be comprised of nine Wolesi Jirga elected in 2010 must vacate their Afghanistan is not ex- members, appointed by the President and with the seats. In their place, 62 parliamentary candi- periencing all of these benefits? endorsement of the House of People, and…shall be ini- dates who had lost their seats or were disquali- tially appointed in the following manner: fied from the 2010 National Assembly elections were to be reinstated. The 62 candidates who (2) Three members for a period of 4 years, three lost their seats but were reinstated by the SEC members for 7 years, and three members for 10 were political supporters of President Karzai. years. Later appointments shall be for a period of Critics claim that Karzai created the SEC to in- ten years. Appointment of members for a second term validate election gains made by his opponents. shall not be permitted. Both the Independent Election Commission In 2006, President Karzai appointed three Su- (IEC) and the Electoral Complaints Commission preme Court Justices through proper consti- declared that the SEC had no constitutional ba- tutional procedures for four-year terms: Chief sis. In response, Attorney General Mohammed Justice Phohand Abdul Salam Azimi, Justice Ishaq Aloko brought criminal charges against Muhammad Qasim Dost, and Justice Zamen Ali members of the Commissions. Behsodi. As of 2011, however, each of these three The Wolesi Jirga then approved a no-confidence justices was still in office, beyond their consti- vote against Attorney General Mohammed Ishaq tutionally designated term limits, because Presi- Aloko, who had convened the court on behalf of dent Karzai unilaterally reappointed them as 60 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
President Karzai. The Wolesi Jirga also passed a In September 2011, the speaker of the National no-confidence vote against five Supreme Court Assembly swore in eight of the nine reinstated justices for their support of the SEC. Mr. Aloko, members. Hundreds of police officers blocked however, rejected the no-confidence vote, argu- the doors to parliament to prevent the replaced ing that the Wolesi Jirga did not have quorum to MPs from entering. Many members of the Na- properly approve a vote of no-confidence since tional Assembly stood outside during the swear- the SEC had ordered that 62 of the 132 members ing in ceremony to show their support for the of parliament (MPs) who voted for the motion to ousted members. vacate their seats. What does this occurrence tell us about the MP Mr. Mohammad Sarwar Usmani Farahi separation of powers in Afghanistan? Was the threatened to apply Article 69 to President Kar- president constitutionally permitted to estab- zai. Article 69 provides that the Wolesi Jirga can lish the SEC? Was the Wolesi Jirga constitution- bring a charge against the president for crimes ally permitted to approve the votes of no confi- against humanity, national treason, or crime. dence? Does the Constitution permit the IEC to After several months of disputes and negotia- alter or clarify election results? Could the Wolesi tions, President Karzai agreed to abolish the SEC. Jirga apply Article 69 against the president in As part of the decision, Karzai reaffirmed the this case? Is the Minister for Parliamentary Af- authority of the IEC to make final decisions in fairs allowed to tell MPs not to attend a plenary contested elections. The Independent Elections session? Commission agreed to reinstate nine of the 62 members that the SEC had ordered reinstated. The Wolesi Jirga, however, passed a resolution stating that the results of the parliamentary elections could not be altered by anyone, includ- ing the IEC. Before the August 20, 2011 plenary Wolesi Jirga session, MPs accused the Minister of Parliamen- tary Affairs Mr. Homayon Azizi of warning mem- bers of the Wolesi Jirga not to attend the plenary session. MPs claimed that he did this so that the Wolesi Jirga would not be able to show its oppo- sition to the reinstatement of the nine MPs. MPs jokingly referred to Mr. Azizi as “The Minister of the Executive Branch for Parliamentary Affairs,” because they felt his allegiance to the executive branch was so strong. Chapter 2 61
3. SEPARATION OF THE JUDICIAL the notion of judicial review, it is important to BRANCH: JUDICIAL REVIEW note that the topic can be controversial and that The judiciary plays an important role in any sep- not everyone believes that it is a good idea. Some aration of powers scheme. Many nations give argue, for example, that the judiciary should not their high court the power to “review” legisla- be permitted to issue interpretations of laws be- tion, or to determine whether a law is consistent cause in doing so it is essentially creating new with the constitution (which, as you learned laws, which only the legislature has the power in Chapter 1, is the supreme law of the land). to do. If the court determines that a law is not con- sistent with the constitution, it can invalidate 3.1. CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS: PARALLEL SUPREME JURISDICTIONS that law. This is called the power of “judicial re- view.” Inherent in the power of judicial review is A constitutional court is an independent, spe- cialist court that decides only matters of con- the power to interpret the constitution. There 67 are different types of judicial review under the stitutional interpretation. The constitutional broad concept:66 court model gives the power of judicial review to a single court and that court is outside of the 1. Abstract Review: The right to bring the case 68 before the constitutional court is reserved regular court system. Because of this, such sys- for the highest state bodies and officials (the tems are sometimes referred to as centralized president or the cabinet), groups of members of judicial systems.69 In systems that use consti- parliament (i.e. parliamentary opposition), and tutional courts, there are usually two judicial similar bodies. The constitutionality of a statute systems, each with its own high court.70 The is examined abstractly, not in the context of first system, dealing with matters of constitu- any particular case. tional interpretation, is under the authority of 2. Concrete or Incidental Review: The 71 the constitutional court. The second system, constitutional or supreme court reviews cases based on referrals of constitutional questions sometimes referred to as the ordinary court sys- by lower courts. tem, adjudicates all matters not under the juris- diction of the constitutional court, and is under 3. Constitutional Complaint: This procedure 72 gives individuals access to a constitutional the authority of its own high court. Constitu- court. A person who already has lost his or her tional courts can perform a wide variety of roles, case before the ordinary courts can complain including: (1) adjudicating issues relating to before the constitutional court that his or her constitution drafting or constitutional amend- constitutional rights have been violated. ments, (2) judicial review of legislative acts, (3) Different types of governments structure - judi review of the constitutionality of executive ac- cial review in different ways. The United States tion, and (4) examine the legality of actions of 73 design features one court system, with a high political parties and elections. court that reviews all types of cases. Other coun- tries employ a system in which a specialized constitutional court reviews all constitutional issues. While many legal systems today support 62 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CONSTITUTIONAL COURTS74 Specialist Court having ONLY constitutional jurisdiction; ONLY one court has power of judicial review and the power to interpret the constitution; Constitutional court systems are sometimes referred to as centralized systems; Often involves two judicial systems: 1) constitutional system, and 2) civil or ordinary system. Countries with Constitutional Courts (a few of many examples): Austria, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Russia, Turkey, Egypt, South Africa, Thailand, and Indonesia.
DIAGRAM OF A JUDICIAL SYSTEM WITH 3.1.1. THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF THE PARALLEL SUPREME JURISDICTION & FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY A CONSTITUTIONAL COURT: Like most European countries and many other countries around the world, Germany has a spe- cialized constitutional court. The German Con- HIGH stitutional Court serves as the model for many COURT other such courts around the world. As with HEARS ONLY other constitutional courts, the German consti- ORDINARY tutional court has one job: to review public acts CASES CONSTITUTIONAL to determine whether or not they are constitu- COURT tional. The constitutional court does not hear
HEARS ONLY appeals on other types of cases or consider other CONSTITUTIONAL issues; it focuses all its attention on determin- CASES ing whether executive and legislative acts are Depending on the constitutional. specific judicial system, cases can be referred to Germany chose to have a specialized constitu- the constitutional THE court by: EXECUTIVE tional court due to a belief that judicial review is a political act because it involves judgments on legislation or executive action.76 Germany want- THE LEGISLATURE ed constitutional review done by a special court
A CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF TRIAL COURTS & ORDINARY AFGHANISTAN? COURTS OF APPEALS COURTS Early drafts of the 2004 Constitution of HEAR BOTH ORDINARY CASES & CONSTITUTIONAL CASES Afghanistan included a constitutional court. ORDINARY The Government’s final draft, which was finally CITIZENS backed by the Loya Jirga, however, opted for a Supreme Court instead.75 Chapter 2 63
law bring abstract review cases. Unlike with with judges elected by parliament and therefore DISCUSSION QUESTIONS concrete review, in the case of abstract review, representative of the political community, rath- no individual has brought a claim on the issue 1. What do you think of 77 er than a court of legal technocrats. before a lower court. the notion of abstract review? What benefits The German Basic Law specifically lists the Con- 5. Individuals in Germany also have the right or disadvantages might stitutional Court’s entire jurisdiction.78 This to bring constitutional complaints before it have? 87 means that the law makes clear which types of the Constitutional Court. This means that any individual may submit a compliant 2. What do you think of cases the court can review and which types it the fact that ordinary of unconstitutionality if one of his or her cannot. The Constitutional Court of Germany citizens can bring con- constitutional rights has been violated stitutional complaints has expansive authority. For example, the Con- by a “public authority,” or the actions of a before the Constitu- stitutional Court can rule on the following types governmental body.88 tional Court? Would a system like that work of issues: Justices on the German Constitutional Court are in Afghanistan? Why or 1. The Constitutional Court has the authority to why not? elected for twelve-year terms with no possibility declare political parties unconstitutional.79 89 3. Do you think it is a One example of this type of case is when after of reelection. All justices must retire at age 68 90 good idea that the World War II, the court banned a neo-Nazi even if they have not served twelve years. Half Constitutional Court of party.80 of the justices on the Constitutional Court are Germany can declare elected by one of the chambers of parliament, political parties uncon- 2. The Constitutional Court has the authority stitutional? Why might to rule on disputes between branches of the while the other half of the justices are elected by this be a good or bad 91 federal government of Germany in order to the other chamber of parliament. The Minister idea in Afghanistan? maintain the proper balance of power between of Justice compiles a list of federal judges who 4. According to Article them.81 For example, if a political party does meet the qualifications for appointment, and 121 of the Constitution not get a place on the ballot, that party can ask the parliament votes for a candidate from this of Afghanistan, the Su- the court to rule on whether or not it should 92 preme Court can review have a place on the ballot.82 list. The elections process is highly politicized, public acts only at the in part because the two-thirds majority require- request of the Govern- 3. The Constitutional Court has the authority to ment or the courts. How ment in one of the chambers gives the parlia- engage in concrete judicial review, or judicial could this fact make review arising from an ordinary lawsuit.83 mentary majority substantial control over the the Supreme Court of 93 This means that a lower court, when ruling election process. Afghanistan operate differently from the on a particular issue, thinks that it involves The Constitutional Court has the power to pre- Constitutional Court of a constitutional issue and so refers the case Germany? to the Constitutional Court.84 A requirement pare its own budget in consultation with parlia- 94 of concrete judicial review is that a party ment and the Ministry of Finance. The court’s 5. What do you think 95 has actually brought a claim involving the deliberations are secret. When issuing opin- about the fact that justices on the Con- particular issue in question. ions, one justice drafts an opinion that reflects stitutional Court of 4. The Constitutional Court has the authority to the opinion of the majority of the court. The Germany are elected by the Parliament? How engage in , which means abstract judicial review official opinion is unsigned, and at least six jus- would such a system 96 that the court can rule on whether a particular tices must agree to it. If a justice disagrees with work in Afghanistan? public act is constitutional even if a party has an opinion, he or she can write and sign a dis- How would it change not brought a claim involving the issue in the Supreme Court of 85 senting opinion explaining why he or she does Afghanistan? question. In the case of abstract review, the 97 government requests that the court rule on a not agree with the majority. The Constitutional particular issue.86 Usually, minority members Court, however, decides more than 90 percent of of parliament who disagree with a particular its reported cases unanimously.98 64 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
3.1.2. THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF EGYPT LAW OF EGYPT NO. 48 (1979) Prior to the 2011 revolution, Egypt also had a Article 25 grants the Supreme Constitutional Court constitutional court known as the Supreme Con- three main powers:105 stitutional Court (SCC).99 Even though Egypt’s system of government has changed substantially (1) To serve as the final authority in case of a juris- since 2011, the former SCC was successfully used dictional dispute between two Egyptian courts. for decades and served as a model for constitu- (2) To issue authoritative interpretations of legis- tional courts. The SCC’s level of judicial indepen- lative texts if different judicial institutions (for ex- dence varied over the years. Ironically, President ample, the national courts and the administrative Jamal Abd al-Nasir established the Supreme courts) have disagreed about the proper interpreta- Court in order to limit judicial independence by tion and uniform interpretation is important. bringing the court under the executive.100 Sub- sequently, in 1979, President Anwar al-Sadat es- (3) To perform constitutional review in certain cases, tablished the new Supreme Constitutional Court, including ones where lower courts determine that designed to have substantial independence.101 a legitimate constitutional question needs to be resolved. The executive, however, maintained tight con- trol over court appointments.102 The president In the Egyptian system, lower courts could refer also appointed associate justices and was re- cases with constitutional issues to the SCC, and quired to choose between two nominees: one once a case was referred to the SCC, the court selected by the chief justice and one selected by was obligated to hear it.106 As a general matter, the general assembly of the Court. The president lower courts were willing to refer cases to the also appointed associate justices, was required SCC, and citizens were allowed access to have to choose between two nominees: one selected their constitutional claims adjudicated.107 by the chief justice and one selected by the gen- The SCC made a series of landmark decisions eral assembly of the Court.103 There was also no limiting the executive’s control over the po- limit to the number of justices on the SCC, which litical system throughout the 1990s, including the president has previously used to add addi- striking down numerous election laws and in- tional justices sympathetic to his views.104 corporating international human rights norms into Egyptian constitutional law.108 While the Constitution of Egypt did not explicitly guaran- tee individual human rights, Articles 64 and 65 guaranteed “the rule of law.”109 The SCC ruled that the Constitution compelled adherence to standards of individual human rights because this notion of “the rule of law,” along with Is- lamic Law, encompassed international human rights standards.110 The government of Egypt was therefore constitutionally bound to adhere Chapter 2 65
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS THE SUPREME COURT OF AFGHANISTAN Article 121 of the Constitution of Afghanistan provides that the Supreme Court may only review 1. Is there a benefit to legislation “upon request of the Government or the Courts.” The president of Afghanistan can appoint having one court spe- and remove judges on lower courts without the approval of the National Assembly.118 This gives the cialize solely in consti- tutional interpretation? president substantial authority over which cases are referred to the Supreme Court. 2. Is there a benefit to having constitutional 3.2. DECENTRALIZED JUDICIAL REVIEW: interpretation more to international human rights standards, even if THE SUPREME COURT MODEL widely dispersed these were not specifically written in the- Con among courts? 111 Supreme courts are characterized by the notion stitution of Egypt. The SCC frequently heard that “jurisdiction to engage in constitutional in- 3. What do you see as the cases on issues of Islamic law and issued opin- benefits and disad- 112 terpretation [thus judicial review] is not limited ions backed by Islamic Law reasoning. vantages of having to a single court.”119 All courts are under a single two judicial systems Prior to the 2011 revolution, Egypt had been un- as opposed to a single general judicial system. And, all courts are gen- judicial system? der a state of emergency suspension powers for eralized, deciding issues of common law, statu- years (discussed later in this chapter). In 1979, tory interpretation, and constitutional interpre- President Sadat enacted controversial reforms tation.120 This means that courts in the ordinary to the family law, granting women additional judicial system review legislation and determine 113 rights by emergency decree. He chose to en- issues of constitutionality. Because many courts act them by emergency decree because there have the power of judicial review, supreme court was too much resistance from the religious es- systems are sometimes referred to as decen- tablishment to pass them through the regular tralized judicial systems. Since the ordinary 114 legislative process. In 1985, the SCC held that court system decides issues of constitutionality the family law reforms had been unconstitution- in addition to ordinary cases, there is only one 115 ally enacted and voided the law. The SCC rea- high court with jurisdiction over the entire legal soned that when passing legislation under his system. emergency powers, the president must show a connection between the emergency decree and SUPREME COURTS121 state security, which did not exist in this case.116 This ruling made a bold statement of judicial in- Generalized courts hear all types of cases; dependence with the message that the Consti- The jurisdiction to engage in constitutional tution limited what the executive could enact interpretation is not limited to a single court; through emergency decree. After all of these The system is decentralized; bold rulings on subjects such as human rights Only one highest court exists; and emergency powers, President Mubarak neu- Countries with Supreme Courts (a few tralized the SCC by appointing his political allies examples): The United States, Argentina, 117 Australia, Canada, India, Japan. to the Court. 66 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DIAGRAM OF A JUDICIAL SYSTEM 3.2.1. THE THEORY BEHIND DECENTRALIZED FEATURING A SUPREME COURT AND JUDICIAL REVIEW JUDICIAL REVIEW The Federalist Papers are classic commentaries on the formation of the United States’ system of government written by Alexander Hamilton, SUPREME John Jay, and James Madison at the time that the COURT United States constitution was written (the late HEARS BOTH ORDINARY & eighteenth century). The Federalist No. 78 lays CONSTITUTIONAL CASES out the theory behind the United States judicial review system:122 [T]he judiciary, from the nature of its func- tions, will always be the least dangerous to the political rights of the Constitution. . . . The judiciary . . . has no influence over either the COURTS OF sword or the purse; no direction either of the APPEALS strength or of the wealth of the society, and HEAR BOTH ORDINARY & can take no active resolution whatever. It may CONSTITUTIONAL CASES truly be said to have neither force nor will, but merely judgment . . . . It is not otherwise to be supposed, that the Constitution could intend to enable the representatives of the people to substitute their will to that of their constituents. It is far more rational to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the lim- its assigned to their authority. TRIAL COURTS The interpretation of the laws is the proper HEAR BOTH ORDINARY & CONSTITUTIONAL CASES and peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by judges as a fundamental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act pro- ceeding from the legislative body. . . . Nor does this conclusion by any means sup- pose a superiority of the judicial to the legisla- tive power. It only supposes that the power of the people is superior to both, and that where the will of the legislature, declared in its statutes, stands in opposition to that of the people, declared in the constitution, the judges ought to be governed by the latter, rather than the former. Chapter 2 67
This excerpt from the Federalist Papers One question that arises when reading this pas- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS can be summarized as follows: sage is: how does the judiciary know what the 1. Who better represents will of the people is any more than the legisla- the will of the people— The legislature should not decide on the ture does? After all, the people elected the leg- the judiciary or the validity of its own laws or its own powers legislature? islature, not the judiciary. This is one of the pri- because this is an invitation for it to act 2. Who has the power to in a self-serving manner. mary criticisms of the power of judicial review. interpret the Constitu- Some say that judicial review is undemocratic tion in Afghanistan? because judges are not elected, and that it would Courts should serve as an “intermediate body” between the people and the be better for the elected legislature to make legislature to ensure that the legislature these decisions. does not exceed its authority. To respond to this criticism, it is important to look back at the theory behind constitutional- As the “least dangerous branch,” the ism and popular sovereignty. According to this judiciary is best situated to be in this theory, as you learned in Chapter 1 on constitu- position because it is the least likely to tionalism, the people are their own sovereigns, make politically motivated decisions or and the will of the people is represented in the act tyrannically. This is because it has no control over the military (“the sword” ) or constitution. Therefore, by ensuring that all the budget (“the purse”). laws are consistent with the constitution, the judiciary is ensuring that all laws are consistent with the will of the people. Therefore, the judiciary has the sole power to interpret the laws to ensure There are other practical justifications for - ju that they are consistent with the dicial review as well. First, some argue that be- Constitution (the supreme law of the cause constitutional interpretation and legal land), and to ensure that the legislature analysis are technically complex topics, a society has not exceeded its authority by passing an unconstitutional law. benefits from having one group of people (usu- ally judges) specialize in the subject. This creates professionalism within the field of constitution- The Federalist papers make clear that the power al and legal analysis. Second, some claim that it of judicial review does not indicate that the judi- is good to have those who are interpreting the cial branch has more power than the legislative constitution and laws insulated from direct po- branch. The two branches have co-equal pow- litical pressure. If elected officials were charged er, but the people have power superior to both with evaluating the constitutionality of the branches. In reviewing legislation for its con- laws, they might constantly base their decisions stitutionality, judges must not substitute their on what they think would be most likely to get will for that of the legislature, or do what the them elected in the next election, rather than judges want to do personally with regard to the constitutional and legal principles. Third, some legislation. Rather, judges must make impartial say that while judicial review is not perfect, it is decisions based on constitutional and legal prin- the best available option. While judges are not ciples that represent the will of the people. perfect, it is better to have neutral professionals 68 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
who are trained in the subject matter deciding In order for the United States Supreme Court issues of constitutional interpretation than to to hear a case, it must arise from an actual case have officials seeking reelection doing so. that the lower courts have ruled on. The United Despite these theoretical arguments, the United States does not conduct abstract judicial review States Supreme Court is frequently criticized for like the Constitutional Court of Germany. Also, making decisions based on politics rather than unlike many constitutional court systems, in legal principles. There is no easy answer to the the United States the lower courts themselves question of how to best uphold a constitution. cannot refer cases to the Supreme Court. Rather, And, there is not a correct government or judi- the parties to a case file an application to have a cial structure for doing so. Rather, it is impor- lower court’s decision reviewed based on consti- tant that you know how different systems work tutional reasons. and what arguments people make in support of In addition, while the German Basic Law specifi- those systems. Then you can come to your own cally states what types of cases Constitutional conclusions. Court of Germany has the authority to review, the United States Constitution does not explic- 3.2.2. THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED itly mention that the Supreme Court has the STATES power to review legislation for constitutional- More countries in the world follow the consti- ity. Rather, the Supreme Court itself ruled that tutional court model. For countries that follow it possesses the power to conduct judicial review. the supreme court model, however, the United States Supreme Court is the leading example. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the The United States Supreme Court differs from United States was a young country, having only the German constitutional court model in sev- gained independence in 1783. Although the eral key ways. United States adopted its constitution in 1787, in the early nineteenth century the country The United States Supreme Court consists of was still trying to figure out exactly how power nine justices. The president appoints these nine should be divided between the different branch- justices, and the Senate (the upper chamber es of government, much as Afghanistan is doing of the Congress) must approve the president’s today. nominees by a simple majority. Supreme Court appointments are very politicized in practice, In 1801, President John Adams made several often turning into ideological battles between last-minute judicial appointments right before the United States’ two political parties. Once ap- he left office and his political rival Thomas Jef- 123 pointed, Supreme Court justices have lifetime ferson replaced him as president. These judi- tenure, meaning that they can remain justices cial appointees are often referred to as the “mid- for the rest of their lives. The rationale behind night justices” because Adams appointed them lifetime tenure is that it will allow the court to so late on his last night in office. The Congress, make decisions without regard to political pres- which supported Adams, passed a law creating sure from the executive or the legislature. new positions for judges to help Adams make the midnight appointments.124 Adams made Chapter 2 69
these appointments so late that while he fol- Marbury stands for two important propositions. lowed all constitutional and legal procedures to First, the case stands for the notion that if the make the appointments, he did not have time to Constitution and another law conflict, courts deliver the actual pieces of paper, or commis- should always give priority to the Constitution sions, to some of the appointees to make their because it is the supreme law of the land. Second, appointment official. Because John Adams was Marbury became famous for the larger proposi- his political rival, President Jefferson did not tion that the United States Supreme Court has deliver the judicial commissions to the appoin- “the power to police the other branches, acting tees.125 The new Congress, which supported Jef- as the central guardian of constitutional prin- ferson, repealed the law that had created the ciples and the special enforcer of constitutional new judicial positions.126 norms.”129 This means that the Supreme Court One of the men who had been appointed but has the power to decide if the president and the did not receive his commission, William Mar- congress are acting contrary to the Constitution. bury, went to the Supreme Court of the United And, if the Court decides that either of the other States, requesting that the Court force President branches is violating the Constitution, the other Jefferson’s Secretary of State (Foreign Minister) branch must stop what it was doing immediately. James Madison to deliver the commission. This The following is an excerpt from the original case raised new and important legal issues in text of Marbury v. Madison:130 the United States, and became the famous case Marbury v. Madison, the Supreme Court of the 127 of Marbury v. Madison. United States Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitu- (February 1, 1803) tion gives the president the authority to appoint Certainly all those who have framed written judges with the “Advice and Consent of the Sen- constitutions contemplate them as forming the ate.” In this case, President Adams gained the ad- fundamental and paramount law of the nation, vice and consent of the Senate for his midnight and consequently, the theory of every such appointments, he was president at the time he government must be, that an act of the legisla- 131 made the appointments, and he was acting pur- ture, repugnant to the constitution, is void. suant to a law passed by Congress that was valid It is emphatically the province and duty of the at the time. The issue before the Supreme Court judicial department to say what the law is. was whether President Jefferson could disregard Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity expound and interpret that those judicial appointments by refusing to de- rule. If two laws conflict with each other, the liver the commissions. The Court held that be- courts must decide on the operation of each. cause the appointments were constitutionally So if a law be in opposition to the constitu- valid, Jefferson could not choose to ignore the tion; if both the law and the constitution apply appointments, and Marbury must receive his to a particular case, so that the court must commission. While the Court was deciding the either decide that case conformably to the law, case, several people questioned the Supreme disregarding the constitution; or conformably Court’s authority to decide the constitutionality to the constitution, disregarding the law; the of legislative acts.128 70 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
court must determine which of these conflict- Marbury v. Madison Step-by-Step Analysis ing rules governs the case. This is of the very essence of judicial duty. A written constitution is the supreme and If, then, the courts are to regard the constitu- superior law of a nation, and therefore tion, and the constitution is superior to any any other act that contradicts the ordinary act of the legislature, the constitution, constitution is not valid. and not such ordinary act, must govern the case to which they both apply. It is the job of the judiciary, and only Those then who controvert the principle that the judiciary, to interpret the law and to the constitution is to be considered, in court, determine what the law is. as a paramount law, are reduced to the neces- sity of maintaining that courts must close their eyes to the constitution, and see only the law. If a court confronts a case in which an applicable law conflicts with the This doctrine would subvert the very founda- Constitution, the Constitution must tion of all written constitutions. It would de- always govern the case because it is the clare that an act which, according to the prin- supreme law of the land. ciples and theory of our government, is entirely void, is yet, in practice, completely obligatory. It would declare that if the legislature shall do All branches of government are bound what is expressly forbidden, such act, notwith- by the Constitution, and the other standing the express prohibition, is in reality branches are bound by the judiciary’s effectual. It would be giving to the legislature interpretation of the Constitution. practical and real omnipotence,132 with the same breath which professes to restrict their powers within narrow limits. It is prescribing Marbury is often criticized as politically moti- limits, and declaring that those limits may be vated. John Marshall, the Chief Justice of the passed at pleasure. Supreme Court who wrote the opinion, was a [A] law repugnant to the constitution is void; strong Adams supporter, and even served as his and that the court, as well as other depart- Secretary of State (Foreign Minister). Marshall ments, are bound by that instrument. had therefore been involved in Adam’s appoint- The Supreme Court’s reasoning can be broken ment of the midnight justices, and so had an in- down into the following step-by-step analysis: terest in whether the commissions were deliv- ered or not. Marshall states in the opinion that it “is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is” as if this is a commonly known fact. The notions that the judiciary has the sole power to interpret the laws and that the courts have the power to in- validate legislative acts, however, were new con- cepts at the time. Some accuse Marshall of in- venting the concept just to give the Court more power.133 Regardless of why Marshall wrote Chapter 2 71
what he did, the ideas that the judiciary has the SELECTED EXCERPTS FROM THE 1973 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN: sole power to interpret the law and the Constitu- 1. Do you think that the tion and that the other branches must defer to Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court Supreme Court’s hold- ing in Marbury v. Madi- the Court’s judgment are widely accepted in the 184. ORIGINAL JURISDICTION OF SUPREME son was correct? United States today. COURT. 2. On what legal authority Marbury v. Madison was an important moment in (1) The Supreme Court shall, to the exclusion of every did the Supreme Court the development of the United States. Today, it is other court, have original jurisdiction in any dispute base its decision in Marbury? undisputed that the Supreme Court has the pow- between any two or more Governments. [Explana- er to decide whether or not a law is constitution- tion: In this clause, “Governments” means the Fed- 3. What do you think al, and the Supreme Court has invalidated many about the accusations eral Government and the Provincial Governments.] of political motivation laws as unconstitutional. Even more importantly, in Marbury? 185. APPELLATE JURISDICTION OF the other branches respect the Supreme Court’s SUPREME COURT. 4. Do you see any similari- authority in practice. When the Supreme Court ties or differences be- (1) Subject to this Article, the Supreme Court shall makes a ruling, the other branches respect that tween the situation in have jurisdiction to hear and determine appeals ruling and act accordingly. The Congress, for ex- the United States at the from judgments, decrees, final orders or sentences. time of Marbury v. Madi- ample, will allocate budget money according to son and the situation in Supreme Court decisions, and the Executive will (2) An appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court from Afghanistan today? use its power to enforce those decisions. any judgment, decree, final order or sentence.
3.2.3. THE SUPREME COURT OF PAKISTAN 186. ADVISORY JURISDICTION.
Pakistan adopted a supreme court system in its (1) If, at any time, the President considers that it 1973 constitution. The Supreme Court of Paki- is desirable to obtain the opinion of the Supreme stan is composed of a Chief Justice and no more Court on any question of law which he considers of 134 than 16 additional justices. According to the public importance, he may refer the question to the Supreme Court’s website: “The President of Supreme Court for consideration. Pakistan appoints Judges to the Supreme Court (2) The Supreme Court shall consider a question so from amongst the persons recommended by the referred and report its opinion on the question to Chief Justice of Pakistan on the basis of their the President. knowledge and expertise in the different fields 135 of law.” As you can see below in the excerpts The Supreme Court of Pakistan is generally re- from the Constitution of Pakistan, the Supreme garded as an activist court, and it has frequently Court has expansive authority. It has original ju- clashed with Pakistan’s executive and legislative risdiction over certain types of intergovernmen- branches. In 2007-2008, the Court was engaged tal disputes, appellate jurisdiction over most in a protracted power battle with Pakistan’s ex- cases arising in lower courts, including Paki- ecutive branch that resulted in constitutional stan’s Federal Shariat Court, and jurisdiction to crisis. The conflict began in 2007 when then- render advisory decisions at the request of the president Pervez Musharraf suspended Chief president. The Court has the power of both con- Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry alleging corruption.137 136 stitutional and statutory review. This action was particularly interesting given 72 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
that Musharraf handpicked Chaudhry after he removal to the Supreme Judicial Council, which came to power in a 1999 coup. Shortly thereaf- is comprised of the three senior-most judges ter, Chaudhry sat on a 12-judge panel that legiti- on the Supreme Court and the two senior-most mized the coup based on grounds of necessity.138 judges on the provincial high courts.148 Mush- After Chaudhry became Chief Justice in 2005, arraf purposely suspended Chaudhry when the however, he engaged in an ambitious public second-most senior judge, Rana Bhagwandas, whose independence the regime feared, was out interest litigation campaign that brought him 149 into conflict with the Musharraf regime.139 In of the country for personal reasons. this litigation, the Court halted government- Following the ouster of Chaudhry, Pakistan’s bar sanctioned construction projects on safety associations boycotted appearing in court and grounds,140 freed oil and sugar prices from ex- ignited mass street protests against his dismiss- ecutive-branch control,141 and invalidated the al.150 Syed Fakhar Imam, the former Speaker of privatization of several state-owned enterprises Pakistan’s National Assembly, is quoted as say- on corruption grounds.142 Chaudhry also estab- ing: “For the first time in Pakistan’s history a lished a Human Rights Cell within the Supreme chief justice stared a general in the eye and did Court143 and took an activist stance towards ille- not blink. This gave the people the strength to gal detentions associated with the U.S. “war on protest in defense of the law and the most ba- terror” by demanding that the Ministry of the sic tenets of democracy.”151 On July 20, 2007, the Interior produce lists of missing persons.144 Supreme Court of Pakistan issued a decision re- instating Chaudhry as Chief Justice, but his rein- At the same time, because the Constitution of 152 Pakistan states that the president may not con- statement was short-lived. currently hold any other government position, On November 3, 2007, following the presidential members of the legal community were challeng- election, Musharraf suspended the Constitution ing Musharraf’s eligibility to run in the upcom- and declared martial law, issuing an order as- ing 2007 presidential election because he re- serting that, “the Supreme Court or a high court mained head of the military.145 After Chaudhry and any other court shall not have the power showed his willingness to rule against regime in- to make any order against the President or the terests, Musharraf realized that he could not rely Prime Minister.”153 When 64 judges refused to on the Supreme Court to uphold his eligibility take an oath under this order, Musharraf re- for reelection. A day after the Court requested placed them.154 The constitutional and political that the government report the whereabouts of crisis Musharraf had created by trying to rein in a list of 148 missing persons in March 2007, Pres- the judiciary, however, had damaged his politi- ident Musharraf suspended Chaudhry.146 cal viability beyond repair. Facing impeachment, Musharraf suspended Chaudhry by presidential Musharraf resigned in 2008, and his successor, decree, despite the fact that the Constitution of Asif Ali Zardari, used the reinstatement of the dismissed judges as a political tool to consoli- Pakistan does not grant the president the power 155 to unilaterally remove a supreme court justice.147 date his power. Zardari finally bowed to pres- Rather, the Constitution gives this power of sure to reinstate Chaudhry, along with other ousted judges, in March 2009.156 Chapter 2 73
JUDICIAL POWER & ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION Shoaib A. Ghias161 makes the following argument on the relationship between the executive and the Supreme Court in Pakistan. What do you think? “Public law scholars suggest that economic liberalization expands judicial power since independent courts are useful for targeting low-level corruption, enforcing contracts, attracting investors, and accepting blame for unpopular economic measures. The regime tolerates independent courts because of the judiciary’s economic function of fostering growth. In Pakistan, while courts targeted low-level corruption, they also canceled contracts, scrutinized investors, and exposed the regime for unpopular economic outcomes. The regime tolerated the Chaudhry Court because of the judiciary’s political function of regime legitimization. But once empowered, the Court began to dismantle the regime’s social control and became unreliable for regime legitimization.”
As of 2013, Chaudhry remained Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pakistan.157 In 2012, the Court dismissed Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gil- lani on the basis of contempt of court charges.158 Shortly thereafter in early 2013, the Court or- dered the arrest of his successor, Prime Minis- ter Raja Pervez Ashraf, on corruption charges.159 Supporters of the Court argue that it serves as a critical check on Pakistan’s strong executive and is thus a cornerstone of the country’s demo- cratic structure. Critics of the Court have called its maneuvers “judicial coups” and have accused the Court of putting Pakistan’s democracy at risk by continually fomenting domestic political unrest and intruding in the daily affairs of the government.160 What do you think? 74 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
4. EMERGENCY POWERS 165 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS emergency. Supporters of this model respond
1. Which one of these op- Thus far we have focused on constitutional that it is impossible to draw a bright line dis- tions do you think is the functions under normal conditions. But what tinction between “normal” times from times of best and why? happens when a nation experiences unexpect- emergency, so the legal system should reflect 166 2. Does having special ed events? There are three primary constitu- reality. emergency powers tional approaches to dealing with emergency 3. Finally, some models assert that governments make it difficult for a 162 government to return to situations: should not depart from the normal balance of normal powers after an 1. Some constitutions provide special powers during emergencies because this would emergency has passed? constitutional provisions that identify under make it too easy for political leaders to use Is there an incentive to what conditions a government may depart from emergencies to give themselves more power. extend the emergency the constitution’s normal balance of power and powers indefinitely? Under this option, an emergency cannot autho- specific procedures to follow in the event of 3. Can a line be drawn such a departure. rize a departure from the normal legal system. between normal times The ordinary legal system provides the neces- and times of emer- Nations that use this approach often specify sary solution to any emergency, and the consti- gency? How would you draw that line? what could qualify as an “emergency” that war- tution applies equally in war and in peace. Critics rants special powers. Constitutions often define of this model maintain that it is naïve, because 4. Is it naïve to think that “emergencies” broadly to refer to, for example: some governments can a government will necessarily take whatever respond to emergencies invasion, wars outside a nation’s territory, re- measures are necessary when faced with serious without special emer- bellion and civil disorder (including short-term threats, so law and actual government practice gency powers? 163 riots), natural disasters, and economic crises. may sharply diverge, revealing an unrealistic le- 5. Should the government These constitutions then proceed to describe gal system.167 Moreover, critics assert that if the be held to different the types of special powers a government may standards in times of conditions and procedures are not carefully de- emergency? assume during such times of emergency. lineated in the constitution, it is actually easier 2. Other constitutions are written according to for the government to invoke special emergency a belief that a constitution does not need to powers in normal times and for such powers to specify what to do in the event of emergency. 168 become the norm. Instead, the balance of power should be interpreted to take into account the fact that the allocation of power may need to shift during an emergency. Professor Gross describes this model as: “While the law on the books does not change in times of crisis, the law in action reveals substantial changes that are introduced into the legal sys- tem by way of revised interpretations of exist- ing legal rules.”164 This model is sometimes criticized for being unprincipled, and allowing those in power to change the legal system un- der the guise of protecting the country from an Chapter 2 75
EMERGENCY POWERS IN EMERGING DEMOCRACIES Professor Victor Ramraj argues that emergency powers should be viewed fundamentally differently in nations that are trying to establish legality as opposed to nations with established rule-of-law.169 He believes that states seeking to establish the rule of law face a paradox wherein the government may need to assert extra powers to stabilize the country so that a legal system can develop. But at the same time, invoking emergency powers can give the impression that the government is disregarding constitutional constraints and the rule of law itself.170 Do you agree with this assertion? Should emerging democracies be given more latitude in invoking emergency powers and suspending the constitution while they are trying to establish the rule of law? Or should emerging democracies be held to the same standard as everyone else in order to avoid setting a bad precedent during development?
The Constitution of Afghanistan follows the first ARTICLE 145 option outlined above and contains special pro- During the state of emergency, the President can, visions for the separation of powers in times after approval by the presidents of the National As- of emergency. Usually, constitutions give more sembly as well as the Chief Justice of the Supreme power to the executive and less power to the leg- Court, suspend the enforcement of the following islature during times of emergency. The Consti- provisions or place restrictions on them: tution provides the following: 1. Clause 2 of Article 27; 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN 2. Article 36; ARTICLE 143 3. Clause 2 of Article 37; (1) If because of war, threat of war, serious rebellion, 4. Clause 2 of Article 38. natural disasters or similar conditions, protection of independence and national life become impossible ARTICLE 146 through the channels specified in this Constitution, The Constitution shall not be amended during the the state of emergency shall be proclaimed by the state of emergency. President, throughout the country or part thereof, ARTICLE 147 with endorsement of the National Assembly. (1) If the presidential term or the legislative term (2) If the state of emergency continues for more of the National Assembly expires during the state than two months, the consent of the National As- of emergency, the new general elections shall be sembly shall be required for its extension. postponed, and the presidential as well as parlia- ARTICLE 144 mentary terms shall extend up to 4 months. During the state of emergency, the President can, in (2) If the state of emergency continues for more consultation with the presidents of the National As- than four months, the President shall call the Loya sembly as well as the Chief Justice of the Supreme Jirga. Court, transfer some powers of the National Assem- (3) Within 2 months after the termination of the bly to the government. state of emergency, elections shall be held. 76 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
ARTICLE 148 powers. Additionally, the National Assembly At the termination of the state of emergency, mea- must consent to extend emergency powers for sures adopted under Article 144 and 145 of this more than two months. These are important Constitution shall be void immediately. ways in which the legislature can constrain the president’s power to declare and extend a state 4.1. ARTICLE 143 of emergency. The first clause of Article 143 addresses the question “what is an emergency”? The clause 4.2. ARTICLE 144 provides a list of four objective conditions con- This article allows the president to assume in- stituting an emergency: (1) war, (2) threat of war, creased power by transferring “some powers” (3) serious rebellion, and (4) natural disasters. of the legislature to the executive. In many The clause further provides that if “similar con- countries, the executive assumes more power ditions” arise, the government may also invoke in times of emergency. This is because of a be- a state of emergency. Does this fact—that the lief that in times of emergency, the government president can invoke emergency powers under needs to be able to react quickly, and the normal “similar conditions”—give the president permis- legislative process may be too time-consuming. sion to invoke emergency powers whenever he Proponents of this theory claim that the coun- wants to? try needs decisive leadership, and the executive is best situated to provide this. Additionally, the Importantly, the circumstances under which the president has the best access to information and president may invoke emergency powers are intelligence and is Commander-in-Chief of the constrained by the requirement that “protec- military. While it is true that the normal legisla- tion of independence and national life become tive process can be slow and can result in dead- impossible through the channels specified in lock, the justifications for increased executive this Constitution.” This means that the presi- power during emergencies also make executive dent may only invoke the state of emergency if control during such times dangerous. the nation cannot function under the normal system. At the same time, it might be possible The fact that the president controls the military for the president to argue that a wide array of and intelligence apparatus, combined with the conditions could render “national life…impos- fact that the president can act quickly on his sible” under normal constitutional conditions, own initiative, creates a danger that the presi- thus allowing him to easily invoke emergency dent can use the state of emergency to take powers. Constitutional text is often very vague actions otherwise not authorized under the and open-ended, leaving open a wide variety of Constitution. As mentioned previously in this possible interpretations. Those entrusted with Chapter, the president of Egypt frequently used constitutional interpretation must later fill in emergency powers to pass legislation by presi- those gaps. dential decree that would have been impossible to pass through the normal legislative process. While the president’s power to declare the state For this reason, Article 144 requires the par- of emergency may seem vast, the National As- ticipation of other government actors before sembly must endorse a declaration of emergency Chapter 2 77
transferring legislative power to the executive. ARTICLE 37, CLAUSE 2 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS According to Article 144, both presidents of the The state shall not have the right to inspect per- 1. Why do you think that National Assembly and the Chief Justice of the sonal correspondence and communications, unless the drafters of the Con- stitution selected these Supreme Court (the heads of the other branches authorized by provisions of the law. particular provisions to of government) must consent before legislative be suspended in times ARTICLE 38, CLAUSE 2 powers are transferred to the executive, and the of emergency? No one, including the state, shall have the right to National Assembly has to consent to extend the 2. The definition of “emer- state of emergency for more than two months. enter a personal residence or search it without the gency” comprises war owner’s permission or by order of an authoritative and natural disaster. But, It is noteworthy that Article 144 does not enu- the suspension of these court, except in situations and methods delineated specific provisions merate which powers of the legislature may be by law. seems focused on the transferred to the executive in times of emer- threat of internal rebel- gency. The phrase “some powers” seemingly Each of these provisions includes internal con- lion. Why do you think this is? prevents the executive from assuming all of the straints, even without special emergency sus- legislature’s power in times of emergency. This pension powers: 3. Do you think that 1. Article 27, Clause 2 allows the government to suspending these provi- lack of specificity, however, could potentially sions would be neces- arrest and detain people, but detention must be lead the president to assume large portions of sary in times of emer- with due process of law. the legislature’s power during an emergency. gency? Do you think that any danger might 2. Article 36 grants the Afghan people the right result from suspending 4.3. ARTICLE 145 to hold demonstrations only under certain these provisions? Article 145 gives the president, with the approv- conditions: al of the heads of the other two branches, the 4. Why does the president a. Such demonstrations must be unarmed. gain more power in authority to suspend or restrict a number of times of emergency? b. Demonstrations must be in accordance constitutional provisions. Importantly, the Con- with the law. This means that the 5. How do you define an stitution limits the provisions that the executive emergency? How do government can limit demonstrations may suspend during times of emergency to the you tell when a state of simply by passing laws against them following four provisions, meaning that all other emergency ends? through the normal legislative process, so provisions must remain in place during times of long as those limitations do not conflict emergency. with any other part of the Constitution 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN c. Demonstrations may only be for ARTICLE 27, CLAUSE 2 legitimate and peaceful purposes. Violent No one shall be pursued, arrested, or detained with- demonstrations, or demonstrations for out due process of law. purposes deemed illegitimate, therefore, would not be permitted. ARTICLE 36 3. Article 37, Clause 2 prohibits the government The people of Afghanistan shall have the right to only from searching correspondence illegally. If gather and hold unarmed demonstrations, in ac- laws permitting the search of correspondence cordance with the law, for attaining legitimate and are passed under the normal legislative process, peaceful purposes. then it is permissible under Article 37. 78 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
4. Article 38, Clause 2 only forbids the To address this concern, Article 147 requires government from entering an individual’s home absent authorization from either the that the Loya Jirga is convened if a state of emer- legislature (via a law) or from the judiciary (via gency continues for more than four months. Ad- a judicial order). The government therefore has ditionally, Article 147 requires elections within legal channels to conduct searches, even under two months after the state of emergency ends. ordinary conditions. The Constitution assigns the duty to convene The common element to each of these provi- the Loya Jirga, however, to the president. If the sions is that under ordinary times, the Consti- president declared and extended the state of tution allows the government to act only under emergency to avoid elections, and he declined the authority of a legislative or judicial act. The to call the Loya Jirga after four months, what emergency suspension provisions allow the ex- type of recourse would other government ac- ecutive to act under its own authority, bypassing tors have?
the need for legislative or judicial authorization. 4.6. ARTICLE 148 Given this, are these emergency suspension pro- Article 148 attempts to avoid the problem of visions justified and necessary? continuously extended emergency powers by 4.4. ARTICLE 146 explicitly stating that (1) transfer of legislative Article 146 states that the Constitution may not power to the executive, and (2) suspension of be amended during the state of emergency. This selected provisions of the Constitution, shall be is important because the Constitution is the su- void immediately when the state of emergency preme law in the country, and during states of ends.
emergency the normal consultative process that 4.7. CRITICISMS OF EMERGENCY ensures participation from a wide range of ac- POWERS tors is suspended. If the president could uni- A primary criticism of special emergency pow- laterally amend the Constitution during a state ers is that it is impossible to accurately draw a of emergency, his powers would be virtually line between times of “normalcy” and times of unrestrained. “emergency.” Nations often experience long pe- 4.5. ARTICLE 147 riods of conflict or civil unrest. If a country has a Article 147 states that if elections are scheduled civil war lasting 30 years, is there a 30-year-long to occur during a state of emergency, those elec- emergency, or at some point does the country tions shall be suspended. On the one hand, this revert to “normal” times? If the nation reverts is logical. It would be very difficult to conduct to the law of normal times, what determines at elections during an emergency, and the country what point the emergency ends? This has pre- would need consistent leadership during such a sented a serious problem for countries that face time. On the other hand, this provision could po- threats of terrorism. Such countries must con- tentially allow the president to declare and ex- stantly balance the importance of counterter- tend a state of emergency in order to avoid elec- rorism with democratic checks and balances on tions and stay in power. the different branches. Chapter 2 79
EMERGENCY POWERS IN PRACTICE176 During the August 6, 2011 Wolesi Jirga plenary session, Mr. Siavash Baktash (Kabul) claimed that President Karzai was considering declaring a state of emergency in Afghanistan. “In recent days there are talks about the declaration of a state of emergency by the president. I would like to make it clear to Mr. Karzai that there is no excuse for him to do that and that he will not be able to do so without the confirmation of the National Assembly.” Mr. Siavash went further to warn the president against such a declaration and said that it would turn Afghanistan into a “Middle East”—referring to the recent uprising of the Middle East and North Africa. Mr. Siavash warned: “If the President does go ahead with the state of emergency, no better fate will await him than that of Mr. Mubarak.” Mr. Abdul Zahir Qadeer also touched on the issue, saying, “There are certainly rumors about the state of emergency, but the President has no authority to declare that without the confirmation of the National Assembly.” Mr. Qadeer went on to say that if the president took such action, it would be very “reckless” of him. Mr. Nader Khan Katawazai, an MP from the eastern province of Paktika, however, called the debate about the state of emergency “premature.” Mr. Katawazai argued: “No emergency state has been proposed or considered by the President and no official has mentioned it, so it’s premature to discuss it.” He did agree with his colleagues though that in order for the president to declare a state of emergency, confirmation by the National Assembly was necessary: “We all know that the President can’t declare a state of emergency without the approval of the National Assembly.”
Some countries have responded to threats by Under the former government of Egypt, the extending the state of emergency indefinitely. country was under emergency powers that au- For example, when enacted in 1928, the Special thorized prolonged detention without filing Powers Act in Northern Ireland (a country that charges and warrantless searches from 1981 un- experienced prolonged conflict as a result of its til the regime was overthrown in 2011.174 The constitutional status and tension between Prot- emergency powers authorized the conviction estant and Catholic religious groups), was sup- of members of the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s posed to last for five years. However, the Act sub- largest opposition group, in military courts on sequently became permanent.171 Similarly, Israel undisclosed charges, and human rights groups has been under emergency powers since its es- strongly opposed the measures.175 As mentioned tablishment in 1948, even though the state of previously in this Chapter, the Egyptian Supreme emergency was initially supposed to be a tempo- Constitutional Court made a strong showing of rary provision to last only through the War of In- judicial independence when it voided numerous dependence.172 Since 1974, the government has laws that Egyptian presidents had passed pursu- routinely used emergency powers to deal with ant to emergency decree power. Protestors cited ordinary situations such as monetary issues and the continuous state of emergency powers as a labor disputes.173 primary reason motivating the mass protests and revolution in Egypt in January 2011. 80 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
5. EXECUTIVE & LEGISLATIVE POWER ARTICLE 75 IN FOREIGN & MILITARY AFFAIRS The Government shall have the following duties: In many countries the chief executive has more (4) Prepare the budget, regulate financial conditions power relative to the legislature in foreign and of the state as well as protect public wealth; military affairs than in domestic affairs. Many constitutions, such as the constitutions of the ARTICLE 90 United States, France, and Afghanistan, provide The National Assembly shall have the following that the president is the commander-in-chief of duties: the armed forces. Different constitutions divide (3) Approval of the state budget as well as permis- the power to declare war and make treaties be- sion to obtain or grant loans; tween the executive and the legislature in dif- ferent ways. The Constitution of Afghanistan al- (5) Ratification of international treaties and agree- locates power in foreign and military affairs as ments, or abrogation of membership of Afghanistan follows: in them;
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN ARTICLE 91
ARTICLE 64 The House of People shall have the following spe- cial authorities: The President shall have the following authorities and duties: (2) Decide on the development programs as well as the state budget; (3) Being the Commander in Chief of the armed forces of Afghanistan; (3) Approve or reject appointments according to provisions of this Constitution. (4) Declare war and peace with the endorsement of the National Assembly; ARTICLE 95
(5) Take necessary decisions to defend territorial in- Proposals for drafting the budget and financial af- tegrity and preserve independence; fairs shall be made only by the Government.
(6) Dispatch armed forces units outside of Af- ARTICLE 99 ghanistan with the endorsement of the National If, during the sessions of the National Assembly, the Assembly; annual budget, or development program, or issues related to national security, territorial integrity and (14) Appoint heads of political representatives of independence of the country is under discussion, Afghanistan to foreign states as well as internal the sessions of the Assembly shall not end pending organizations; decision of the matter. (15) Accept credentials of foreign political represen- tatives in Afghanistan; The Constitution of Afghanistan gives almost full authority over war and foreign affairs powers to (17) Issue credential letter for conclusion of inter- the executive branch, but the legislative branch national treaties in accordance with the provisions does maintain important checks on the execu- of the law; tive’s powers. One of the most important checks that the legislature maintains over the executive Chapter 2 81
is approval of the budget. A country cannot fight the nation, (3) the president has better access to a war without funding it, so the Government of relevant information and intelligence,177 and (4) Afghanistan cannot commit troops or engage the military is under the president’s control so in hostilities without the National Assembly there is a direct and unified chain of command. approving a budget that funds those military One important difference between the two actions. While the National Assembly must ap- countries is that the U.S. Constitution gives Con- prove the state budget, it is the executive branch gress the power to declare war,178 whereas the that prepares the budget, so the executive has Constitution of Afghanistan gives the president considerable control over the budget even the power to declare war, although only with the though the legislature must approve it. “endorsement of the National Assembly.” Do the Additionally, while the Constitution gives the justifications that U.S. constitutional law gives president the power to negotiate and sign inter- for granting the president increased power in national treaties, the legislature has the power foreign and military affairs apply equally to the to ratify international treaties. When the execu- case of Afghanistan? tive signs an international treaty, it is like prom- You will learn more about the executive power in ising that the country will commit to being a foreign and military affairs under the Constitu- party to the treaty. But a nation does not official- tion of Afghanistan in Chapter 3: The Executive. ly become bound by a treaty until it is ratified. The Afghan National Assembly therefore has the power to determine what international treaties actually become legally binding on Afghanistan. The Wolesi Jirga furthermore has the power to approve or reject the president’s appointments. Thus, while the president has the primary re- sponsibility to select Afghanistan’s foreign rep- resentatives, the Wolesi Jirga must approve of foreign representatives before they take office. The United States is also known for concen- trating war powers in the executive branch, al- though Senate approval is required before the president can take many foreign affairs actions. The United States’ treaty making process is simi- lar to that of Afghanistan. In U.S. constitutional law, the president is understood to have expan- sive power in issues of foreign relations or mili- tary action because (1) quick action is required when military action is involved, (2) the presi- dent has constitutional authority to speak for 82 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
6. THE SEPARATION OF POWERS IN shall be explicit, direct, as well as based on AFGHANISTAN: A CASE STUDY convincing reasons.” If the justification of the Wolesi Jirga of the Islamic Republic of Afghani- The following is an English translation of the stan is the fact that the Foreign Minister did Supreme Court of Afghanistan’s decision in the not take measures to prevent the expulsion of 179 2007 Spanta case referred to in the introduc- Afghan Refugees by the authorities of the Is- tion to this Chapter. The opinion grapples with lamic Republic of Iran, taking into account the the status of the separation of powers in Af- degree to which the decisions of the Foreign Minister of one country [Afghanistan] could ghanistan and the question of who interprets influence the policies of another country [Iran], the Constitution of Afghanistan. is this a “convincing reason” pursuant to Article Spanta Opinion, The Supreme Court of the 92, Clause 3 of the Constitution? Islamic Republic of Afghanistan [Article 92, Clause 3 of the Constitution (May 13, 2007) provides: “The vote shall be approved by the majority of all members of the Wolesi Jirga.”] Letter No. (944) 626 dated May 13, 2007 of Based on the accepted formula of 50 percent the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs sent to plus 1 [which constitutes a majority] of votes the Supreme Court of the Islamic Republic of in the Wolesi Jirga, 124 votes (50 percent) Afghanistan at the request and directive of were counted for the unseating of the Minister President of the Islamic Republic of Afghani- on the first day of voting. Because one vote stan, was set forth for discussion in the High was contested, the issue was referred for a Council of the Supreme Court. The Supreme second vote. In such cases, is the second vote Court reviewed, assessed, and considered the legitimate and lawful? Or shall the decision be contents of the letter from a legal point of made based on negotiation and the ordinary view. The letter contained three questions National Assembly procedure (which relies on 180 about the interpellation of the two Govern- the first vote)? ment Ministers—Ustad Akbar, the Minister for Refugees and Repatriation, and Dr. Spanta the One hundred ninety-five members of the Wole- Minister of Foreign Affairs—by the Wolesi Jirga, si Jirga were present on the first day of voting, which led to a no-confidence vote for both of whereas 217 were present on the second day the ministers on May 10 and 12, 2007. of voting. The members who were absent for the first vote did not hear the questions and Having assessed its content, the letter does not answers during the interpellation session. specifically consider the no-confidence vote Should their judgment and vote be considered declaration against the Minister for Refugees under the law? and Repatriations on May 10. However, the Wolesi Jirga did not attain a majority vote of The Office of the President has asked the no-confidence against the Minister of Foreign Supreme Court for clarification on these three Affairs because the first vote was confusing questions. and considered null according to Article 92, The Supreme Court of Afghanistan, as the in- Clause 3 of the Constitution. The Wolesi Jirga’s dependent pillar of the judiciary of the country, second vote on May 12 was questionable to believes that the National Assembly of Af- the President for the following reasons: ghanistan is a platform for fulfilling the sacred Article 92, Clause 3 of the Constitution pro- wishes of the people of Afghanistan to achieve vides: “The no-confidence vote on a Minister the rule of law, stability, and democracy. The Chapter 2 83
National Assembly has taken firm steps within and Islamic relations between the two neigh- its authority and is cooperating through legal bors, to adhere to the agreements that the two procedures with the other two branches of the countries had signed and to allow the refugees Government (the Executive and the Judiciary), to stay in Iran and to live in peace and dignity just as these other two branches have played until the situation was conducive for their re- a similar role in strengthening the National turn. These letters are attached to this opinion. Assembly (Legislature). In this spirit, the Su- In this decision, the Supreme Court consid- preme Court addresses this issue according to ers the action of the Wolesi Jirga, utilizing its legal analysis and law enforcement. After as- authority under Article 92 of the Constitution sessing the issue, the Supreme Court deemed in the process of interpellation. The Supreme it necessary to obtain additional information Court also seeks to reply to the three questions from the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs and posed by Office of the President regarding the the Wolesi Jirga. The Court also asked the Min- authority granted by Article 92 as applied to a istry of Foreign Affairs to provide lawful docu- no-confidence vote. On this issue, the Office of ments that show diplomatic communications the President has asked for Supreme Court’s [between Afghanistan and Iran] on the subject judgment, interpretation, and assessment. In of the protection of dignity and on efforts to response, the Supreme Court of Afghanistan avoid the forceful expulsion of Afghan refugees reasons and holds that: from the Islamic Republic of Iran. Article 92 of the Constitution provides: Although we could not obtain the requested documents from the Wolesi Jirga, the Ministry The Wolesi Jirga, on the proposal of 20 percent of Parliamentary Affairs provided to the Su- of all its members, shall make inquiries from preme Court the procedure prepared by Wolesi each Minister. Jirga and the list of Wolesi Jirga members If the explanations given are not satisfactory, who took part in the May 10 and 12 sessions. the Wolesi Jirga shall consider the issue of a These documents explain the procedure of no-confidence vote. the Wolesi Jirga in the process of interpella- tion of the two ministers, Ustad Akabar and Dr. The no-confidence vote on a Minister shall be Spanta. Additionally, the Ministry of Foreign Af- explicit, direct, as well as based on convinc- fairs, at the request of the Supreme Court, sent ing reasons. The vote shall be approved by the documents that explain actions and continued majority of all members of the Wolesi Jirga. contacts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with This Article should be interpreted as follows: the Islamic Republic of Iran on the issue of Afghan refugees. These documents include 49 As indicated in the text of Article 92, the justi- letters that indicate that the Iranian authori- fications for interpellation shall be thoroughly ties put direct and indirect pressure on Afghan analyzed. In a no-confidence vote, the Wolesi refugees, ignoring multilateral agreements Jirga plays the role of a national court deliver- signed to avoid forceful expatriation of the ing a vote of no confidence in a Minister for refugees and to extend their voluntary repa- failure to perform specific duties. According to triation period. The letters demonstrate the Article 77 of the Constitution, Ministers of the diplomatic efforts of the Ministry of Foreign Government are responsible to Wolesi Jirga. If Affairs in cases of crime, assault, and battery a Minister fails to provide a satisfactory expla- of the refugees. [According to these letters, the nation of his performance of duties specified Ministry of Foreign Affairs] requested that the under Article 77, the Minister shall be con- Islamic Republic of Iran consider the brotherly sidered responsible for this nonperformance 84 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
of duties specified to him. In such a case, nullifies the case because out of 248 votes, the Wolesi Jirga may either decide to allow 124 for no confidence was against 124 remain- the Minister to remain in his post, or it may ing votes, and because this does not constitute consider a vote of no confidence against him a majority, the vote is nullified according to pursuant to Article 92. If the Wolesi Jirga de- law. However, according to legal principles, cides that the explanations are not satisfactory both Islamic and international, votes that end and refers the issue for a no-confidence vote, in ties are counted as invalid. National As- the no-confidence vote is the final decision sembly procedures for the past two years had issued by the national court, provided that the practiced holding a second vote if the first one reasons are clear and convincing and directly was a tie, and therefore not valid. The second related to nonperformance of specific duties vote held by the National Assembly on May of a Minister, and not based on actions of an- 12, 2007 indicates that the National Assembly other person or authority that the Minister has considered the first vote void, otherwise the no control over. Under Article 92, a majority of second vote wouldn’t have occurred. members of the Wolesi Jirga must vote for no The second vote, at which more members of confidence in order to unseat a Minister. the Wolesi Jirga were present, has no legal As provided in the questions of Office of the base and is unlawful, as the first vote on May President, if the interpellation of the Minister 10 ended with the interpellation session and of Foreign Affairs is due to the poor conditions a ruling that there would not be a second vote of Afghan refugees in Iran and the expulsion on the same already decided subject. In the of those refugees from Iran, which because of second voting session, there were new mem- actions by the Iranian Government, it should bers who were not present at the first voting be admitted that preventing such an action session and therefore were not informed of is beyond the authority and specific [Article whether the reasoning and opinions on the is- 77] duties of the Minister. He therefore should sue were convincing and justified. How would not have been considered guilty, and this is the decision be legal if some members do not not a proper justification for a no-confidence know what happened in the last session? vote of the Minister. The expulsion of Afghan Furthermore, the last paragraph of Article 65 refugees directly by Iran does not relate to the of the National Assembly Code of Conduct duties of the Minister, and because prevent- clearly states: “After the declaration of the re- ing Iran from such a decision is not within sults of an approved issue, a second discussion the specified responsibility of the Minister. As shall not take place.” Thus, the May 10, 2007 previously mentioned, the Minister of Foreign vote, which resulted in 124 no-confidence Affairs, as part of his duty under Article 77 of votes and 124 remaining votes, nullifies the the Constitution, has continuously maintained issue pursuant to Article 92 of the Constitution diplomatic contacts with Iran on the issue of [which requires a majority for a no-confidence refugee expulsion. To consider him guilty of vote]. The second vote on May 12, 2007 was this is beyond the meaning of the law. therefore invalid. The no-confidence vote took place on May 10, Another legal reason for this decision is that 2007, during which 124 members of the Wolesi the second vote session took place on the Jirga voted for no confidence [50 percent of same issue, which renders it a revision of the the 248 members at that time]. One contested first interpellation decision. Pursuant to legal vote does not represent the majority of the principles and established law, revision of pe- members of the Wolesi Jirga, and this in itself nal judgments may only occur in favor of the Chapter 2 85
offender, not against him. Therefore, the May however, does not have the authority to request DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 12 vote of no confidence is not consistent with legal principles. Thus, the Supreme Court of Af- that the Supreme Court review the consistency 1. Are you persuaded by ghanistan, while paying tremendous respect to of laws with the Constitution. Does this struc- the legal reasoning that the legal jurisdiction of the National Assembly, ture render it difficult for the Supreme Court to the Supreme Court uses in the Spanta case? has an obligation to express its impartial judi- function as an independent body in politically Why or why not? cial opinion on the referred issue under Article sensitive cases such as the Spanta decision? Does 121 of the Constitution of Afghanistan, at the 2. Was the Spanta case it create a situation where the Supreme Court request of Government. Based on this principle, properly before the the High Council of the Supreme Court puts will only hear cases when the government actor Supreme Court? referring the case is sure it can win? forth this explanatory opinion relating to Ar- 3. Do you think that the ticle 92 of the Constitution of Afghanistan and In the Spanta case, for example, one could argue Spanta decision was the no-confidence vote sessions of the Wolesi decided based on legal Jirga held on May 10 and 12.181 that the Government would not have requested or political grounds? that the Supreme Court decide the case if it was After the Supreme Court issued this ruling, the 4. On what legal authority not reasonably certain that the Court would rule did the Supreme Court National Assembly refused to recognize the pow- in its favor. One could also argue that once the base this decision? 182 er of the Supreme Court to decide this case. Government has referred a case to the Supreme 5. What similarities and Court, the Court is then expected to rule in the This decision touches on a wide variety of sep- differences do you see Government’s favor. Do you think that the deci- between the Spanta aration of powers issues and issues of constitu- case and the U.S. case sion in Spanta was based on legal principles or tional interpretation. Several of the issues cov- Marbury v. Madison, ex- on the delicate political interplay between the cerpted above? ered will be analyzed in turn. branches of the government? 6.1. ARTICLE 121: WHO HAS THE POWER On the other hand, some might argue that it is TO INTERPRET THE CONSTITUTION? important for the functioning of the govern- One important fact of the Spanta case is that the ment for the executive and the judiciary to have reason the Supreme Court was deciding the case the option of referring potentially problematic was because the Government had requested that legislation to an independent judiciary to re- they do so. The Constitution of Afghanistan pro- view its validity. One could further argue that it vides the following: would make no sense to give the legislature the 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN authority to request that the Supreme Court re- view laws since the legislature makes the laws.183 ARTICLE 121 In addition, one could argue that once lower At the request of the Government, or courts, the Su- Afghan courts become more established and preme Court shall review the laws, legislative de- crees, international treaties as well as international covenants for their compliance with the Constitu- tion and their interpretation.
According to this article, the Supreme Court can only interpret the Constitution if the Govern- ment or courts ask it to. The legislative branch, 86 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
developed, they will be able to request Supreme the nonperformance of specific duties of a Min- Court review of their decisions and that this will ister, and not based on actions of another per- be an important way to achieve consistency in son or authority that the Minister has no con- judicial rulings throughout the country.184 trol over.” In the opinion, it is unclear what legal At the same time, others might argue that mi- authority the Supreme Court relies on to read nority members of the legislature who opposed the fact that a “convincing reason” necessarily a particular law should be able to refer that law includes that it be directly related to the duties to the Supreme Court to rule on its legality. This of a Minister. What legal authority do you think would help allow minority representation in the the Supreme Court is relying on in making this legislature. conclusion? Do you think it was justified in using this reasoning? Some might argue that this issue is irrelevant because after the Supreme Court issued the One way to assess constitutional interpreta- Spanta opinion, the legislature refused to recog- tion is to examine how a particular interpreta- nize the decision. If a court’s rulings are not rec- tion will apply to future cases. Will the standard ognized and enforced, what effect do they have? “clear and convincing and directly related to the Some might also argue that the Supreme Court nonperformance of specific duties of a Minister, is not the proper body to conduct constitutional and not based on actions of another person or review of legislation because in 2008 the govern- authority that the Minister has no control over” ment of Afghanistan passed a law establishing be a good standard with which to assess future an Independent Commission for Supervision of no-confidence votes? When asking whether the the Implementation of the Constitution, as pro- Wolesi Jirga has acted properly in delivering a vided for in Article 157 of the Constitution. This vote of no confidence against a minister, is it Commission, many argue, has a clearer mandate proper to ask whether the reasons are related to to interpret the Constitution than the Supreme the minister’s duties? Court does. You will learn more about this Com- Another argument that one could make on this mission in Chapter 6: The Judiciary. issue is that what constitutes a convincing rea- son should be the internal business of the legis- 6.2. WHAT CONSTITUTES A “CONVINCING lature and that a court should not be permitted REASON?” to second guess the legislature’s determina- The first issue the Supreme Court addresses is tion in this regard. Many countries have legal what constitutes a “convincing reason” pursu- doctrines protecting certain political decisions ant to Article 92. Determining what a particular made by the government from judicial scrutiny. word means in the context of the constitution Do you think there is support for prohibiting the and how it applies to a particular case is a com- judiciary from evaluating the legislature’s deci- mon type of constitutional interpretation. The sion in this case? Court states that in order for a no-confidence vote to be valid, it must be based on reasons that are “clear and convincing and directly related to Chapter 2 87
6.3. WHAT CONSTITUTES A MAJORITY? to be a reasonable interpretation. Do you agree DISCUSSION QUESTIONS The Supreme Court continues to conclude that with this conclusion? If the Wolesi Jirga no-con- 1. After reading this because a valid majority was never attained in fidence vote ends in a tie rather than a majority, chapter and the Spanta the no-confidence vote, the vote was valid. This are future votes foreclosed? Or are future votes case, do you think that raises the issue of what exactly constitutes a ma- all of the branches of necessary to break the tie? the Government of jority in a complicated case such as Spanta. Arti- Afghanistan have equal cle 92 provides that: “The vote shall be approved 6.4. WAS THE SECOND VOTE VALID? power? The Supreme Court then concludes that the by the majority of all members of the Wolesi Jir- 2. Based on whavt hap- ga.” First, it is important to note that Article 92 second vote was independently invalid because pened in the Spanta requires a majority of all members of the Wolesi some of the Wolesi Jirga members who voted in case, do you think that each of the branches Jirga, as opposed to a majority of members pres- the second vote were not present for the debate of the Government of ent at that particular session. This means that if that occurred before the first vote. The Court ar- Afghanistan are able gues that this makes the second illegal because to exercise the power less than 50 percent of the members are present granted to them in the in a given session, no legislation can be passed. some voting members were not well informed Constitution? Can you of the situation on which they were voting. On think of examples to The formula for determining a majority is in- support your answer? what authority does the Court base this asser- deed 50 percent plus 1. But here the Court faces tion? Article 92 requires only that “[t]he vote… 3. Can you think of other a tie, followed by a second vote that did achieve be approved by the majority of all members of instances in Afghani- a majority. The Constitution does not provide stan in which the the Wolesi Jirga.” It contains no requirement any guidance regarding what to do in the case president has asked the that the voting members be well informed be- Supreme Court to make of a tie. When a constitution doesn’t provide a ruling? What was the fore casting a vote of no confidence. Is the Su- any guidance on a specific situation like this, the result? preme Court’s conclusion that the second vote court interpreting it must turn to other legal au- was invalid because some members of the ma- thorities to fill these gaps. In this case, the Court jority weren’t present at the first vote reason- concluded that, “according to legal principles, able? Is it the right decision? both Islamic and international, votes that end in ties are counted as invalid.” The Court continued 6.5. A POLITICAL DECISION? to explain that the National Assembly had a his- What does this case tell us about the separa- tory of holding a second vote after a tie, but that tion of powers in Afghanistan? What does the the National Assembly Code of Conduct prohib- case tell us about the nature of relationship be- ited a second vote. Turning to international legal tween the three branches of the government norms, procedural rules, and local practice are of Afghanistan? The Spanta case has been criti- common ways of fillings gaps in a constitution. cized for being a tool that President Karzai used The Court then continues by declaring that be- to settle a score with the National Assembly to cause the first vote was a tie, a majority did not achieve his goals. Do you agree or disagree with cast a vote of no confidence for the Foreign Min- this criticism? Why? ister. According to the text of the Constitution— “The vote shall be approved by the majority of all members of the Wolesi Jirga”—this appears 88 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF Third, Afghanistan has a highly centralized sys- THE SEPARATION OF POWERS IN AFGHANISTAN tem of government, with immense power con- centrated in the presidency. In particular, the One of the biggest separation of powers chal- president has extensive unilateral powers over lenges that Afghanistan will face in coming appointments to sub-national administrations years is the difference between de jure separa- such as provincial and district officials and the tion of powers (how it is written in the constitu- police. This power gives the president substan- tion) and de facto separation of powers (how it 185 tial leverage in bargaining with members of the is actually practiced). The Constitution grants National Assembly, thus making it more diffi- many formal powers to the legislature and the cult for the legislature to act as a check on the judiciary to act as checks on the power of the ex- executive.188 ecutive. In reality, however, the legislature and the judiciary may not be able to exercise these How Afghanistan will be able to reconcile these powers. gaps between de jure and de facto separation of powers remains to be seen in the coming years. First, the judiciary may not be able to act inde- pendently to check the power of the executive because the appointment and dismissal of all lower court judges requires unilateral presiden- tial approval, with no parliamentary approval requirement.186 Furthermore, the judiciary de- pends on the executive for devising and imple- menting its budget. The executive has frequent- ly used this to pressure the judiciary.187 Second, the institutional weakness of the Na- tional Assembly has undermined its capacity to check the power of the executive. This institu- tional weakness stems from the National Assem- bly’s fragmentation and absence of political par- ties, which has made the body’s decision-making process cumbersome and inefficient. One exam- ple of this weakness is in the Wolesi Jirga’s fail- ure to establish a special commission to “inquire about and study government actions” as provid- ed for in Article 89 of the Constitution. In this instance, even though the Wolesi Jirga has de jure power to monitor government actions, its institutional weakness prevents it from exercis- ing that power and therefore prevents it from acting as a check on executive power. Chapter 2 89
ENDNOTES 17 For a full discussion of what the term inde- 1 J. Alexander Thier, U.S. Inst. of Peace, Resolving pendent judiciary entails, read Chapter 6: The the Crisis over Constitutional Interpretation in Judiciary. Afghanistan 3 (2009). 18 Special thanks to Professor Gerhard Casper for 2 Id. making this point. 3 Spanta Opinion, The Supreme Court of the Is- 19 Special thanks to Professor Gerhard Casper for lamic Republic of Afghanistan (May 13, 2007). making this point. 4 J. Alexander Thier, U.S. Inst. of Peace, Resolving 20 Gabriel Almond et al., “Government and Policy- the Crisis over Constitutional Interpretation in making,” in Comparative Politics Today: A World Afghanistan 3 (2009). View (2009). 5 Charles de Secondat Montesquieu, 1 The Spirit 21 Id. of Laws, bk. XI, chap. 6 (J.V. Prichard, ed., rev. ed. 22 Id. 1991; Thomas Nugent, trans., 1st ed., 1750). 23 Id. 6 Richard Bellamy, The Political Form of a Con- 24 stitution: The Separation of Powers, Rights and Id. Representative Democracy, reprinted in The Rule 25 Id. of Law and the Separation of Powers 253, 255 26 Bruce Ackerman, The New Separation of Powers, (Richard Bellamy, ed., 2005). 113 Harvard Law Review 633 (2000). 7 Id. 27 Gabriel Almond et al., “Government and Policy- 8 Id. making,” in Comparative Politics Today: A World 9 Id. View (2009). 28 10 Ranier Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Af- Bruce Ackerman, The New Separation of Powers, ghan Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897, 913 (2004). 113 Harvard Law Review 633 (2000). 29 11 Id. Gabriel Almond et al., “Government and Policy- making,” in Comparative Politics Today: A World 12 Many thanks to Professor Gerhard Casper for his View (2009). insights and advice on this section. 30 Steven G. Calabresi, The Virtues of Presidential 13 Vicki C. Jackson & Mark Tushnet, Comparative Government: Why Professor Ackerman is Wrong Constitutional Law 779 (2d ed. 2006). to Prefer the German to the U.S. Constitution, 18 14 Richard Bellamy, The Political Form of a Con- Const. Comment. 51 (2001). stitution: The Separation of Powers, Rights and 31 Id. Representative Democracy, reprinted in The Rule 32 of Law and the Separation of Powers 253, 254 Id. (Richard Bellamy, ed., 2005). 33 Bruce Ackerman, The New Separation of Powers, 15 Vicki C. Jackson & Mark Tushnet, Comparative 113 Harvard Law Review 633 (2000). Constitutional Law 779 (2d ed. 2006). 34 Id. 16 For more information on lawmaking un- 35 Id. der the British parliamentary system, refer to 36 Id. http://www.parliament.uk/about/how/laws/ passage-bill/. 90 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
37 Ranier Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Af- 56 Id. art. 84. ghan Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897, 897 (2004). 57 Id. art. 61. 38 Some say that independent agencies and com- 58 Id. art. 83. missions, such as the Independent Human 59 Rights Commission and the Independent Com- Id. art. 84. mission for the Supervision of the Implementa- 60 Id. art. 117. tion of the Constitution, form a “fourth branch” 61 For further discussion of the importance of of government. You will learn more about these checks and balances, see Donald S. Lutz, Prin- independent agencies in Chapter 4: Govern- ciples of Constitutional Design 127-28 (2006). ment & Administration. 62 Constitution of Afghanistan, Jan. 3, 2004, art. 91. 39 Ranier Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Af- ghan Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897, 904 (2004). 63 Id. art. 92. 40 Id. at 905. 64 Constitution of Afghanistan, art. 69. 41 Constitution of Afghanistan, Jan. 3, 2004, art. 90(1). 65 Information in this text box taken from: Ray Nordland, Afghan Court Invalidates a Quarter 42 Id. art. 75(1). of Parliament, New York Times (June 23, 2011); 43 Id. art. 120. Ray Rivera & Abdul Waheed Wafa, Under Guard 44 Id. art. 121. in Kabul, Officers are Sworn In, New York Times (Sept. 3, 2011); Alissa Rubin & Abdul Waheed 45 Id. art. 121. Wafa, Afghan Court on 2010 Vote Is Shut Down, 46 Id. art. 111. New York Times (Aug. 11, 2011); APAP Legis- lative Newsletter (Aug. 11, 2011, Vol. 6, No. 5), 47 It should be noted that the Loya Jirga’s ability to available at www.sunyaf.org; APAP Legislative act as a check on the power of the other branch- Newsletter (July 1, 2011, Vol. 5, No. 22), available es is limited by the fact that the Loya Jirga is at www.sunyaf.org. comprised largely of members of the National Assembly pursuant to Article 110. 66 Definitions quoted from Lech Garlicki, Constitu- tional Courts versus Supreme Courts, 5 Interna- 48 Information in this text box taken from Ranier tional Journal of Constitutional Law 44, 46 FN 6, Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Afghan 7, 8 (2007). Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897, 911 (2004). 67 Id. 49 Donald S. Lutz, Principles of Constitutional De- sign 121 (2006). 68 Lech Garlicki, Constitutional Court Versus Su- preme Courts, 5 International Journal of Consti- 50 Constitution of Afghanistan, Jan. 3, 2004, art. 61. tutional Law 44, 44 (2007). 51 Id. art. 83. 69 Andrew Harding, Peter Leyland & Tania Groppi, 52 Id. art. 84. Constitutional Courts: Forms, Functions and Prac- 53 Id. art. 117. tice in Comparative Perspective, in Constitutional Courts: A Comparative Study 1, 3 (2009). 54 Id. art. 132. 70 Id. 55 Thank you to Professor Mohammad Isaqzadeh for providing this information. 71 Id. 72 Id. Chapter 2 91
73 Id. at 6-7. 100 Id. at 219. 74 Id. at 3. 101 Id. at 220. 75 Ranier Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Af- 102 Id. at 224. ghan Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897, 911 (2004). 103 Id. at 227. 76 Donald P. Kommers, The Constitutional Jurispru- 104 Id. dence of the Federal Republic of Germany 3 (2d 105 ed. 1997). Id. at 224.
106 77 Id. Id. at 225.
107 78 Id. at 10. Id.
108 79 Id. at 11. Id. at 230.
109 80 Id. Id. at 230.
110 81 Id. Id. at 231.
111 82 Id. Id. at 231.
112 83 Id. at 13. Id. at 232-37.
113 84 Id. Id. at 229.
114 85 Id. Id. at 229.
115 86 Id. Id.
116 87 Id. at 14. Id. at 229-30.
117 88 Id. Id. at 239.
118 89 Id. at 21. Ranier Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Af- ghan Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897, 906-07 (2004). 90 Id. 119 Vicki C. Jackson & Mark Tushnet, Comparative 91 Id. Constitutional Law 465 (2d ed. 2006). 92 Id. at 21. 120 Id. 93 Id. at 22. 121 Id. 94 Id. at 23. 122 The Federalist No. 78 (Alexander Hamilton) 95 Id. at 24. (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961). 96 Id. at 24-26. 123 Kathleen M. Sullivan & Gerald Gunther, Consti- tutional Law 1-2 (16th ed. 2007). 97 Id. 124 Id. at 9. 98 Id. at 26. 125 Id. at 1-2. 99 Clark B. Lombardi, Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court: Managing Constitutional Conflict in an Au- 126 Id. at 9. thoritarian, Aspirationally ‘Islamic’ State, in Consti- 127 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803). tutional Courts: A Comparative Study 217 (An- drew Harding & Peter Leyland, eds. 2009). 92 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
128 Kathleen M. Sullivan & Gerald Gunther, Consti- 147 Id. at 357. tutional Law 9 (16th ed. 2007). 148 Id. at 361. 129 Id. at 1. 149 Id. at 361. 130 Edited text excerpted from Kathleen M. Sullivan 150 Id. at 362-63. & Gerald Gunther, Constitutional Law 6-9 (16th 151 ed. 2007) (emphasis added). Id. at 356.
152 131 Repugnant means “opposed or contrary.” An Id. at 365. “act repugnant to the constitution” is an act 153 Id. at 369. that violates the constitution or is against the 154 Id. at 369. constitution. 155 Id. at 372. 132 Omnipotence means “the quality or state of hav- ing very great or unlimited authority or power.” 156 Id. at 372. 133 Kathleen M. Sullivan & Gerald Gunther, Consti- 157 The Supreme Court of Pakistan, Hon’ble Chief tutional Law 11 (16th ed. 2007). Justice of Pakistan (last visited April 8, 2013), available at http://www.supremecourt.gov.pk/ 134 The Supreme Court of Pakistan, Composition of web/page.asp?id=204. the Court & Appointment of Judges (last visited April 7, 2013), available at http://www.suprem- 158 Nasir Habib & Jethro Mullen, Pakistani Supreme ecourt.gov.pk/web/page.asp?id=115. Court Orders Arrest of Prime Minister in Corrup- tion Case, CNN Online, Jan. 16, 2013, available at 135 Id. http://edition.cnn.com/2013/01/15/world/asia/ 136 Shoaib A. Ghias, Miscarriage of Chief Justice: Ju- pakistan-politics. dicial Power and the Legal Complex in Pakistan 159 Id. under Musharraf 344, in Fates of Political Liberal- ism in the British Post-Colony: The Politics of the 160 Paula Newberg, The Court Rules in Pakistan, Yale Legal Complex 340-377 (Terence C. Halliday et Global Online, June 21, 2012, available at http:// al., eds., 2012). yaleglobal.yale.edu/print/7918. 137 Id. at 340. 161 Id. at 351. 138 Id. at 345-46. 162 Vicki C. Jackson & Mark Tushnet, Comparative Constitutional Law 840 (2d ed. 2006). 139 Id. at 346. 163 Id. at 841. 140 Id. at 346-47. 164 Oren Gross, Chaos and Rules: Should Responses to 141 Id. at 347-48. Violent Crises Always Be Constitutional? 112 Yale 142 Id. at 348-49. Law Journal 1011 (2003). 143 Id. at 346. 165 Id. 144 Id. at 349. 166 Id. 145 Id. at 350. 167 Id. 146 Id. at 349. 168 Id. Chapter 2 93
169 Victor V. Ramraj, The Emergency Powers Paradox, 183 There is, however, inconsistency in this argu- in Emergency Powers in Asia: Exploring the Lim- ment, because Article 121 also grants the Exec- its of Legality 21, 22 (2010). utive the authority to request that the Supreme Court review international treaties and cov- 170 Id. enants. The Executive is generally responsible 171 Oren Gross, Chaos and Rules: Should Responses for writing treaties and covenants. In addition, a to Violent Crises Always Be Constitutional? 112 sizeable minority of the legislature might want Yale Law Journal 1011 (2003), reprinted in Vicki to challenge a law that it opposed on constitu- C. Jackson & Mark Tushnet, Comparative Consti- tional grounds. tutional Law 877 (2d ed. 2006). 184 A counterpoint to this argument is that lower 172 Id. courts will not refer their cases to the Supreme 173 Id. at 879. Court unless they think that the Supreme Court will affirm their decision because courts do not 174 Egypt Renews Emergency Law Powers, BBC On- want to be overturned. line, May 26, 2008, available at http://news.bbc. co.uk/2/hi/7420133.stm. 185 Special thanks to Professor Mohammad Isaqza- deh for providing the idea and information for 175 Id. this section. 176 Text of this example quoted from APAP Legisla- 186 See Ranier Grote, Separation of Powers in the New tive Newsletter (11 August 2011, Vol. 6, No. 3). Afghan Constitution, 64 ZaöRV 897 (2004). See www.sunyaf.org. 187 See Lorenzo Delesgues & Yama Torabi, Integrity 177 Vicki C. Jackson & Mark Tushnet, Comparative Watch Afghanistan, Reconstructing National In- Constitutional Law 826 (2d ed. 2006). tegrity System Survey (2007). 178 U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 11. 188 See Anne Evans, Nick Manning, Yasin Osmani, 179 Spanta Opinion, The Supreme Court of the Is- Anne Tully & Andrew Wilder, Afghanistan Re- lamic Republic of Afghanistan (May 13, 2007). search and Evaluation Unit & The World Bank, A 180 Interpellation means “a procedure in some leg- Guide to Government in Afghanistan (2004). islative bodies of asking a government official to explain an act or policy, sometimes leading, in parliamentary government, to a vote of confi- dence or a change of government.” 181 At the time of this opinion, the members of the Supreme Court of Afghanistan were: Chief Jus- tice Abdul Salam Azimi, Justice Ghulam Nabi Nawayee, Justice Zamen Ali Behsudi, Justice M. Omar Babrakzai, Justice Mawlawi Mohammed Qasem, Justice Abdul Rashid Raashed, Justice Abdul Halim Nasimi, and Justice Bahudin Baha. 182 J. Alexander Thier, U.S. Inst. of Peace, The Status of Constitutional Interpretation in Afghanistan 94 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CHAPTER 3: THE EXECUTIVE
INTRODUCTION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 95 1. FORMAL STRUCTURE· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·· 95 1.1. Overview of the Executive...... 95 1.2. President and Vice Presidents...... 97 1.3. Accession...... 97 1.4. Benefits...... 100 1.5. Presidential Fiduciary Duties...... 100 1.6. Elections...... 103 1.7. Term Limits...... 106 1.8. Eligibility Requirements and Qualifications...... 107 1.9. Oath...... 107 2. THE DUAL ROLES OF THE EXECUTIVE · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 109 2.1. Introduction...... 109 2.2. President’s Role as Chairman of Government...... 110 2.3. President’s Role as Head of State...... 111 2.3.1. Military Affairs...... 111 2.3.2. Authority in the Executive ...... 112 2.3.3. Authority in the Judiciary...... 112 2.3.4. Authority in the Legislature...... 113 CONCLUSION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 114 CHAPTER 3 95
THE EXECUTIVE
INTRODUCTION 1. FORMAL STRUCTURE DISCUSSION QUESTIONS During the deliberations leading up to the Con- 1.1. OVERVIEW OF THE EXECUTIVE 1. Do you agree with stitutional Loya Jirga of 2003, President Karzai President Karzai’s state- made the following statement: “In countries Of the 162 Articles in the 2004 Constitution, only ment above? eleven fall under Chapter 3: The President. In or- where there are no strong institutions, where 2. If such a system is der to understand the duties and powers of the the remnants of conflict are still there, we need enshrined in a country’s a system with one centrality, not many centres president, as well as the president’s relationship constitution, how dif- ficult is it to change? of power.” While the Constitution provides for with the other branches of government and gov- other branches of government and articulates a ernment officials in the ministries, we must look 3. Does President Karzai’s first to the text of the Constitution. approach focus too substantial set of individual rights, it clearly en- much on short term dorses this vision of a powerful central authority What is the position of president? stability, while limiting as a stabilizing force and therefore imbues the the long term potential 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN for representative president with broad authority to govern the government? Or is this state. ARTICLE 60 a necessary sacrifice in a country still strug- In this chapter, we will examine the breadth of The president is the head of state of the Islamic Re- gling to establish stable government? presidential power under the Constitution and public of Afghanistan, executing his authorities in analyze the costs and benefits of centralizing the executive, legislative and judiciary fields in ac- power in the executive. We begin with the for- cordance with the provisions of this Constitution. mal structure established by the Constitution, There is a great deal of substance in this short including presidential elections, benefits, term statement. Very generally, it means that the limits, qualifications, accession, and hierarchy. Constitution grants the president certain pow- We then examine the president’s powers and ers in each of the three branches of government. responsibilities through his dual roles as head In the executive field, the president commands of state and the head of the Government and the armed forces (Art. 64(3-6)), proclaims states its various Ministries. Throughout our analy- of emergency (Art. 64(8)), appoints and oversees sis of the current Constitution, we will refer to ministers and other government officials (Art. elements from the 1964 Afghan constitution to 64(11)), establishes commissions (Art. 64(20), compare them with Afghanistan’s current sys- and represents the country to foreign nations tem. In Chapter 4: Government and Administra- (Art. 64(14, 15, 17). In the legislative field, the tion, we will look beneath the executive to see president determines national policy with the what the Constitution has to say about the presi- National Assembly (Art. 64(2)), endorses and ve- dent’s administrative agencies and government toes legislation (Art. 64(16), Art. 79), convenes ministries. extraordinary sessions of the Assembly during recess (Art. 107), and appoints one-third of the Meshrano Jirga (Art. 84). In the judicial field, the president appoints the justices of the Supreme Court and lower judges (Art. 132), and approves sentences of capital punishment (Art. 129). 96 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS Another important point to note about Article However, Article 72 lists the qualifications of a
1. What “authorities” 60 is that it provides for an explicit limitation minister, which the president must respect. He should the head of on the president’s power. It grants the presi- may not appoint a minister younger than 35 state possess in the ex- dent the power to execute these authorities years of age or a minister who has been con- ecutive, legislative, and judiciary fields? only “in accordance with the provisions of this victed of crimes against humanity, a criminal act, Constitution.” Even if the president acts in fur- or deprivation of civil rights. In this way, even 2. What are the dangers of giving the head of state therance of an explicit constitutional duty, the the president must obey the Constitution. We expansive powers in all action must not contradict or violate any other will analyze these issues further as we proceed, three branches? constitutional provision. For example, under but for now take a moment to consider what 3. If the drafters of the Article 64(10) the president has the power and it means to be the head of state of an Islamic Constitution were wor- duty to appoint the ministers of the government. Republic. ried about concentrat- ing power in the execu- tive, what protections could they build into the Constitution? CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS GRANTED TO THE PRESIDENT IN EACH OF THE THREE BRANCHES OF GOVERNMENT
1 2 3
THE THE THE EXECUTIVE LEGISLATIVE JUDICIAL BRANCH BRANCH BRANCH
++Commands the armed forces ++Determines National Policy ++Appoints the justices of the with the National Assembly Supreme Court ++Proclaims states of emergency ++Endorses and vetoes ++Appoints lower judges legislation ++Appoints and oversees ++Approves sentences of ministers and other ++Convenes extraordinary capital punishment government officials session of the Assembly during recess ++Establishes commissions ++Appoints one-third of the ++Represents the country to Meshrano Jirga foreign nations Chapter 3 97
1.2. PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENTS the United States Constitution, the vice presi- The very first Article in Chapter 3 of the Consti- dent is a member of both the executive and the tution, Article 60, sets the basic structure of the legislative branches. As you learned in Chapter executive branch: one president and two vice 2 on Separation of Powers, some may argue that presidents (one “first vice president” and one this violates the doctrine of separation of pow- “second vice president”). You might ask why ers. Likewise, it has been and remains contro- two vice presidents are required instead of just versial in the United States, although the mod- one. Some commentators suggest that this fea- ern vice president’s legislative role is generally ture was intended to encourage ethnic diversity minimal and almost always ceremonial rather at the highest level of state authority, and thus substantive.3 far the positions have in fact been filled by eth- nic minorities.1 In addition, when violence and 1.3. ACCESSION threats of violence against political leaders are The Constitution provides for explicit mecha- commonplace, it makes sense to take extra pre- nisms for transferring executive authority in sit- cautions to preserve the continuity of govern- uations where the sitting president is incapaci- ment. Article 60 establishes that the first vice tated. These mechanisms are first addressed in president is next in line in case of the absence, Article 60. resignation, or death of the president, followed 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN by the second vice president.2 It also requires a candidate running for the office of president to ARTICLE 60 name his two vice presidential running mates In case of absence, resignation or death of the Presi- so the public is aware of the entire ticket (list of dent, the first Vice President shall act in accordance candidates running as a group) before voting. with the provisions of this Constitution. In the ab- sence of the first Vice President, the second Vice The Afghan vice presidents’ constitutional roles President shall act in accordance with the provi- appear to be exclusively limited to the execu- sions of this Constitution. tive branch. Indeed, apart from providing a clear successor to the president in the stated circum- Taken alone, this provision is incomplete. While stances, the Constitution does not elaborate on it indicates the conditions that could necessitate the role of the vice presidents. Although most the transfer of executive authority (absence, res- nations limit the vice president’s role to the ex- ignation or death of the president), and it gives ecutive branch, not all do. For example, Article the constitutional order of the transfer (first I Section 3 of the United States Constitution vice president, then second vice president), it states that: “The Vice President of the United concludes with a general statement instead of States shall be President of the Senate, but shall explicit instructions. This provision simply lays have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. the foundation, and we must look to other Ar- The Senate shall choose their other Officers, and ticles for the complete structure of this condi- also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of tional transfer of authority. the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.” Under 98 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTION Articles 67 and 68 build on Article 60’s founda- all of them. However, in case of resignation, im-
1. In the American tion. Under Article 60, the imperative is simply peachment, death, or incurable illness impeding presidential system, if that the first vice president “shall act in accor- performance, an automatic transfer of presiden- the vice president is dance with the provisions of this Constitution.” tial authority is required. elevated to the presi- dency, he completes These provisions are given in Articles 67 and In cases where a vice president must assume the the time remaining in 68. Article 67 states unequivocally that in cer- the presidential term authorities and duties of the president, “elec- before another election tain circumstances, “the First Vice President tions for the new President shall be held within is held. Clearly there is shall assume authorities and duties of the Presi- 3 months in accordance with Article 61 of the an element of stability dent.” These circumstances are: “resignation, in this continuity, and Constitution.” The vice presidents can nominate such a system is not impeachment, or death of the President, as well themselves as presidential candidates. During facially unfair since as an incurable illness impeding performance of the vice president was the time when a vice president is acting as in- elected on the same duty.” In order to qualify as a “resignation” un- terim president, Article 67 does not allow him ticket as the president. der Article 67, “[t]he President shall personally to “1. Amend the Constitution; 2. Dismiss min- Can you think of argu- tender resignation to the National Assembly.” ments for the Afghan isters; 3. Call a referendum.” These are two very system? Can you think Also clearly defined in Article 67, an incurable interesting provisions. Why might the Constitu- of arguments for the illness must be “verified by an authoritative American system? tion’s drafters have included such powerful limi- medical team assigned by the Supreme Court.” tations on vice presidential power? One possible If one of these situations occurs, it is clear from motivation might have been to promote socially Article 67 that the vice president’s constitution- constructive incentives. This way, the vice presi- al obligations are to assume the authorities and dent knows that if the president dies, is impaired duties of the president. or forced to resign, and he rises to the position, But what about presidential absence? You may his powers as interim president are substantial- have noticed that while Article 60 lists “absence” ly limited and he must face an election in only as a condition triggering its imperative, the first three months. Another explanation is that if a clause of Article 67 does not. Is there another president is impeached, the legitimacy of his provision governing the First Vice President’s administration may be substantially damaged. actions in case of presidential absence? Indeed, It may make sense to give the voters the oppor- the final clause of Article 67 states: “In the ab- tunity to replace the administration with new sence of the President, the duties of the First elected officials rather than simply elevate- an Vice President shall be determined by the Presi- other politician aligned with the disgraced for- dent.” In other words, the president can decide mer president. which duties to delegate to his first vice presi- Article 68 adds more to this system of accession. dent in his absence. This makes sense because of If a vice president dies or resigns, the president all of these potential scenarios, only presiden- may appoint a replacement with the endorse- tial absence allows the president to specifically ment of the Wolesi Jirga. As you can see, the select the duties that he wants to delegate to the same limitations on the power of an interim vice president, and there may be valid reasons president apply in this case as were discussed why the president may not want to delegate above. Chapter 3 99
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN
ARTICLE 68
In case of simultaneous death of the president and the First Vice President, the Second Vice President, the president of the Meshrano Jirga, the president of the Wolesi Jirga, and the Foreign Minister shall suc- ceed respectively and, in that order, and, according to Article 67 of this Constitution, shall assume the duties of the President.
TRANSFER OF POWER ORDER
PRESIDENT power transferred due to:
INTERIM PRESIDENT RESIGNATION (assumes authorities & duties of President)
DEATH
IMPEACHMENT
INCURABLE ILLNESS IMPEDING PERFORMANCE FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT
ABSENCE SECOND (duties determined VICE-PRESIDENT by President)
MESHRANO JIRGA PRESIDENT
WOLESI JIRGA PRESIDENT
FOREIGN MINISTER 100 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
1.4. BENEFITS 1.5. PRESIDENTIAL FIDUCIARY DUTIES Pay and benefits for public officials is always a 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN controversial issue. One reason to include con- stitutional provisions on this issue is to make ARTICLE 66 it more difficult for public officials to use their (2) The President shall not sell or bestow state authority to enrich themselves at the public’s properties without the provision of the law. expense. After all, it would be much more dif- (3) The President cannot act based on linguistic, ficult for public officials to amend the- Consti sectarian, tribal, and religious as well as party con- tution than it would be to simply write a new siderations during his time in office. law or repeal an old one to allow this type of self-enrichment. The purpose of these clauses seems clear. The Article 70 requires the president’s salary and ex- first clause seeks to prevent abuses by the presi- penses to be regulated by law and provides that dent through his authority over state proper- upon completing his term, the president “shall ties and constrains that authority by limiting it be entitled to financial benefits of the presiden- to that which is authorized by law.7 This limits cy for the rest of his life in accordance with the presidential discretion on the administration of law.” These benefits are denied to a president state properties and enables the legislature to who is “dismissed” from the position. Why do pass laws governing such presidential actions. you think the drafters included these elements This is a classic example of constitutional sepa- of this provision? By requiring presidential sal- ration of powers, designed to protect the people ary and benefits to be regulated by law passed against tyranny and corruption. by the legislature, the Constitution provides a check on a possible source of corruption. What about lifetime financial benefits? After all, a presidential term is only five years, but this provision of Article 70 means each presi- dent will continue to receive presidential salary for the rest of his or her life. One reason may be that providing lifetime pay reduces incentives to abuse the position and steal public funds for pri- vate gain. Additionally, this provision may reflect the uniqueness of the presidential position and the practical realities of life after the presidency. Once you have served as the head of state you are likely overqualified for any other job, and there are likely substantial security reasons for keeping former presidents out of the job market. Chapter 3 101
FIDUCIARY DUTIES & THE LAW OF AGENCY The preceding discussion about benefits ties neatly into our next subject: presidential fiduciary duties. It is important to note that the Constitution does not use the terms “fiduciary duty” or agency“ ,” and we use these terms to describe, by analogy, this particular set of constitutional limitations on presidential power. What are fiduciary duties? The concept of a fiduciary duty typically arises in agency law, where an agent is a fiduciary of the principal. In other words, when you, as the principal, designate someone as your agent for a particular purpose, they owe you certain duties in the performance of that purpose. Those are called fiduciary duties. Very generally speaking, these duties require the agent to use the legal powers granted by the principal for the sole purpose of advancing the aim the relationship was formed to pursue.4 In a democratic republic, the people elect representatives to act as their agents, granting them authority to make decisions (laws) that bind the people as principals. In the legislature, the elected officials represent particular segments of the national population. In theory, each representative pursues the interests of his or her constituents, bargaining and compromising to obtain their desired legislative results. Legislators who don’t achieve the results desired by their constituents are held accountable in the next election. In a similar sense, the president is an agent of the people as well, bestowed with authority to take actions on their behalf. But the president is different from a legislator. The authority of the executive is vested in an individual, in contrast to the plurality of legislators. The president may be considered the agent of the nation, not just a segment of the population. His job is so critical to the functioning of the government and the nation that it is understood that he must do more than simply obtain what the majority of people desire. For example, in ensuring the laws are properly executed, or providing for the national defense, he may find that he must act against the immediate desires of a majority of voters in the interest of the nation.5 According to Article 4(2), “the nation is composed of all individuals who possess the citizenship of Afghanistan.” Article 4(1) in turn provides: “National sovereignty in Afghanistan shall belong to the nation, manifested directly and through its elected representatives.”6 To capture the concepts of agency and fiduciary duties in the language of Article 4, we can say that the president is an agent of the sovereign nation of Afghanistan, bestowed with authority to act on behalf of the citizens of Afghanistan. Keep the agent-principal relationship and the concept of fiduciary duties in mind while examining Article 66 next.
The second clause is a bit subtler. It too seeks consideration the supreme interests of the peo- to prevent presidential abuses, but it does so ple of Afghanistan,” not just those of a particular by enumerating particular prohibited purposes favored group. that may not serve as a justification or motiva- Articles 151, 152, 154, and 155 all appear to serve tion for the use of presidential authority. As the the same general interests in limiting corrup- senior elected official of the executive branch, tion and self-dealing that we have described in the president represents all the people of Af- this section. ghanistan, not just his family, tribe, or province. Under Article 66, the president must “take into 102 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN official duties and private enterprise. Nevertheless,
ARTICLE 151 a key observation is that the salaries for these offi- cials must be sufficient in order for these provisions The President, Vice Presidents, Ministers, Chief Jus- to succeed. tice and members of the Supreme Court, the Attor- ney General, Heads of the Central Bank and National 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN Directorate of Security, Governors and Mayors, dur- ARTICLE 154 ing their term of offices cannot engage in any profit- The wealth of the President, Vice Presidents, Minis- able business with the state. ters, members of the Supreme Court as well as the Article 151 addresses concerns about self-deal- Attorney General, shall be registered, reviewed and ing and self-enrichment by public officials in published prior to and after their term of office by positions of authority with the opportunity to an organ established by law. direct government resources to their own ben- efit. Note that this provision does not prohibit Can you articulate the motivation for this pro- all profitable business activities, only profit- vision? If you opposed it, how would you argue able business with the state. Is this provision that this is overly intrusive and insufficiently currently enforced? If you were in one of these useful in preventing corruption? What must positions, would you find this provision to be happen before this provision can be enforced? an unfair and overly broad restriction on your What if the president refuses to sign the law es- economic activities? Note that commercial law tablishing the “organ” (government entity) re- generally permits directors and other corporate sponsible for reviewing the officials’ finances? officers to engage in self-dealing transactions as Finally, Article 155 pertains to the salaries of cer- long as they satisfy certain standards protecting tain elected officials: the other shareholders. Should this provision 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN be amended to allow self-dealing transactions that meet standards of fairness designed to en- ARTICLE 155 sure the transaction benefits the nation, or is the Suitable salaries shall be fixed for Vice Presidents, blanket prohibition warranted? Ministers, Presidents, as well as members of the Na- tional Assembly and Supreme Court, judges, and At- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN torney General in accordance with the provisions of ARTICLE 152 the law. The President, Vice Presidents, Ministers, Chief Jus- Compare this language with Section 1 of Ar- tice and members of the Supreme Court, Presidents ticle II of the United States Constitution, “The and members of the National Assembly, the Attor- president shall, at stated times, receive for his ney General and judges shall not engage in other services, a compensation, which shall neither jobs during their term of office. be increased nor diminished during the period Again, this provision supports the strong public in- for which he shall have been elected, and he terest in minimizing conflicts of interest between shall not receive within that period any other Chapter 3 103
1.6. ELECTIONS emolument8 from the United States, or any of them.” The purpose of this particular provision Article 61 provides the constitutional require- is to prevent the legislature from using their ments for presidential elections, and the lan- control over the president’s salary to coerce guage is relatively straightforward. his cooperation. By prohibiting the legislature 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN from changing the president’s salary during his ARTICLE 61 term of office, “They can neither weaken his for- titude by operating on his necessities, nor cor- (1) The president shall be elected by receiving more rupt his integrity by appealing to his avarice.”9 than 50 percent of votes cast by voters through free, The Afghan Constitution leaves such details to general, secret and direct voting. legislation. This may present the very problem The provision requires a candidate to win a majority that concerned Alexander Hamilton and the (more than 50 percent of all votes cast) to become other Framers of the United States Constitution president. This requirement, as opposed to a simple enough to include this provision. plurality (more votes than the other candidates but less than 50 percent of all votes cast), increases the possibility of a run-off election between popular candidates who received less than 50 percent of the vote. This is especially true given that there is no limit on the number of candidates who can run for president, so it is likely that many candidates will each receive a small percentage of the votes.10 So what happens if there isn’t a winner in the initial election?
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN
ARTICLE 61
(4) If in the first round none of the candidates gets more than 50 percent of the votes, elections for the second round shall be held within 2 weeks from the date election results are proclaimed, and, in this round, only two candidates who have received the highest number of votes in the first round shall participate.
See the following box for a discussion on how this process worked (or did not work) during the 2009 presidential election. 104 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2009 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION Hamid Karzai was elected in October 2004 to his first term as president. According to Article 61 of the Constitution, this term would end on the first of the Afghan month of Jawza 1388 (corresponding to May 22, 2009), which meant that the next presidential election would have to be held between the sixteenth of Hamal and the fifteenth of Sawr 1388 (March 23 and April 22, 2009). However, the IEC, charged with administering elections by Article 156 of the Constitution, announced that the elections must be delayed three months. The justification for the delay was that cold weather, security, and lack of preparation time would prevent many people from voting, which would render the results illegitimate.13 Two constitutional questions arose from the necessity of delaying the presidential elections. The first was whether the IEC could delay the elections beyond the time allowed by Article 61ofthe Constitution, and the second was whether these circumstances permitted the sitting president, Hamid Karzai, to continue to serve beyond the first of Jawza despite the clear language of Article 61 to the contrary. The answer to the first question was apparently yes, and the election was held three months later. The second question was vigorously debated, with some arguing that Karzai should hand over power to the Meshrano Jirga, and others arguing that the first vice president should assume the office of the president.14 The question went to the Supreme Court, which held that President Karzai could remain in office until the newly scheduled elections to ensure national consensus and stability in the country.15 The election was finally held, and contested preliminary results gave Karzai 54.6% of votes and leading challenger Abdullah Abdullah 27.7%. However, a fraud investigation by the Electoral Complaints Commission disqualified nearly 25% of total votes, resulting in an amended figure of 48.3% for Karzai and 31.5% for Abdullah. Since no candidate received at least 50% of votes cast, the Constitution required a run-off. However, after complaining of the “inappropriate actions of the government and the election commission,” Abdullah announced that he would not participate in the second round run-off. This decision forced yet another constitutional dilemma, as no candidate had won a clear 50% majority as required by Article 61. This constitutional requirement notwithstanding, the IEC declared Karzai the winner of the presidential elections the day after Abdullah’s withdrawal, citing the absence of another candidate, security, and financial concerns. Given the costs and risks of holding another election, was the IEC justified in canceling the run-off? Does this mean that Article 61 can be violated by the IEC when it determines it is necessary for the stability of the country? What government body (if any) has the authority to challenge or adjudicate a challenge to the IEC’s decision in such a situation? This is fundamentally a question of separation of powers, and one you should be able to analyze by the time you finish this book. International observers have expressed concerns about the IEC’s independence, since President Karzai appointed all seven members of the Commission. The International Crisis Group wrote: “In February 2009, the National Assembly passed a law that would have authorized the legislature to review and approve presidential appointees to the IEC and thus lessen perceptions of bias. Karzai vetoed it, citing an absence in the constitution of a specific reference to legislative oversight of presidential appointments.”16 Is the IEC truly independent if its Commissioners are appointed by the sitting president without any oversight or approval from another branch? Is there a conflict of interest for the Commissioners? Is this important enough to warrant a constitutional amendment? Chapter 3 105
According to Article 61, Afghans elect the presi- the first round of voting, without any regard to dent through a direct popular election. However, whether the death has any effect on the -elec direct popular election is not the only method of tion’s outcome? What if the re-election is ex- electing the president of a democratic republic. tremely expensive? In fact, the United States uses a different system According to Article 61, the presidential term is electoral college called the “ ,” whereby “elec- five years, expiring “on the 1st of Jawza of the tors” from each state pledge their votes for the 5th year after elections.” It should be obvious candidate selected by that state’s voters. The why expressly stating the length of a term of of- Presidential election is determined by the out- fice in a constitution is helpful in constraining come of these state elections, not by the nation- the power of the executive and preventing tyr- 11 wide popular vote. Of course, the federal sys- anny. However, it is certainly fair to ask, “why tem of the United States, which facilitates the five years?” electoral college system, is structurally quite dif- ferent from the unitary system of government in The president of the United States serves a term Afghanistan. of four years instead of five. According to the drafters of that Constitution, there is a need for In addition to “direct,” Article 61 uses the terms a balance between the desire for an effective “free, general, and secret” to describe these elec- executive and the need to constrain his ability tions. Anonymity or “secrecy” in voting, safe- to abuse and enlarge his power. “As on the one guarded by the provision, protects voters from hand, a duration of four years will contribute backlash and coercion. “Free” is generally un- to the firmness of the executive in a sufficient derstood to mean that voters shall be free from degree to render it a very valuable ingredient in coercion, and free to vote however they choose. the composition, so, on the other, it is not long General is understood to mean available to all enough to justify any alarm for the public lib- who are constitutionally entitled to vote. erty.”12 While not an exact science, the term’s 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN duration must be long enough to encourage the president to perform his duties energetically ARTICLE 61 and take risks on behalf of the nation, but not (7) In case one of the presidential candidates dies so long that it facilitates tyranny. It must also be during the first or second round of voting or after long enough to allow the public to observe his elections, but prior to the declaration of results, re- performance and judge his merits. election shall be held according to provisions of the law. These same principles apply to the Afghan president, but perhaps with different weights This provision is quite vague and appears to sim- attached to the two sides of the scale. In a de- ply allow for more detailed legislation govern- veloping country in need of infrastructure de- ing these circumstances to be written later. In a velopment and widespread institutional re- system with no limit on the number of potential forms, consistency in the executive branch of presidential candidates, is it necessary to hold a government may be important for long-term re-election because one candidate dies during development and direction. However, there is 106 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
1.7. TERM LIMITS DISCUSSION QUESTION also a greater risk of the executive expanding Article 62 limits an individual to two terms as 1. Consider the following his power and taking advantage of the circum- quotation in light of our stances. How do you weigh the two sides? president and places the same restriction on discussion of Article vice presidents. Such a limitation furthers the 61 of the Constitu- Article 61 also expressly describes when presi- concern of protecting against tyranny, while al- tion. “You cannot have a dential elections must take place. democracy unless there lowing an effective and popular executive to re- are reasonably free and 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN tain office for a full ten years. This is of course, a fair elections in which matter of balancing these concerns. Every coun- the people can choose ARTICLE 61 and replace their lead- try that imposes term limits on elected officials ers in a reasonably well (3) Elections for the new President shall be held has to face the reality that in some cases these and neutrally admin- within 30 to 60 days prior to the end of the presi- istered environment, restrictions will force a good president out ear- and in which there is dential term. lier than the majority of the population would relative freedom from intimidation and rela- Since the president’s term ends on the first of prefer, in order to protect against the possibil- tive freedom for people the Afghan month of Jawza, and the election ity of such a leader destroying the very system to speak their minds. that put him in power. Although each term is You cannot lower the must be held between thirty and sixty days be- bar and say this is fore the end of the president’s term in office, the four years instead of five in the United States, just a ‘different form the U.S. Constitution also allows for two terms of democracy’ where Constitution clearly delineates the period dur- candidates are being ing which elections must be held. In addition, as president. The drafters of that Constitution murdered and opposi- Article 156 authorizes an Independent Elections argued that presidential reeligibility is neces- tion is being silenced or sary “to enable the people, when they see rea- bought off.”17 Commission (IEC) to “administer and supervise every kind of elections.” However, in Afghani- son to approve of his conduct, to continue him stan’s second presidential election, elections in the station in order to prolong the utility of were delayed several months, creating a consti- his talents and virtues, and to secure to the gov- tutional crisis. ernment the advantage of permanency in a wise system of administration.”18 It was thought that the possibility of reelection would motivate the first-term president to perform his duties ener- getically and fairly, and that in addition, limiting the president to one term would deny the peo- ple the opportunity to keep an effective execu- tive in office without too great a risk. Chapter 3 107
1.8. ELIGIBILITY REQUIREMENTS AND 1.9. OATH QUALIFICATIONS 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN Article 62 states the required qualifications for ARTICLE 63 any presidential candidate. The first provision of this Article states that to be eligible, a candi- . . . . date “1. Shall be a citizen of Afghanistan, Mus- In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful: I lim, born of Afghan parents, and shall not be a swear by the name of God Almighty that I shall obey citizen of another country.” As you should see, and protect the Holy religion of Islam, respect and su- this provision goes to substantial lengths to re- pervise the implementation of the Constitution as well strict candidacy to those with “pure” Afghan as other laws, safeguard the independence, national credentials. Not only must the candidate be an sovereignty and territorial integrity of Afghanistan, and, Afghan citizen without dual citizenship, but the in seeking God Almighty’s help and support of the na- candidate must be “born of Afghan parents” as tion, shall exert my efforts towards the prosperity and well. Some have noted that during the consti- progress of the people of Afghanistan. tutional debates prior to adoption, “a powerful nativism surfaced, with people from all over the This is the oath that Article 63 requires the presi- country calling for a ban on ministers holding dent to take before assuming office. 19 dual citizenship.” While a moderating compro- Clearly, Islam figures prominently in the oath, mise was reached regarding ministers with dual as it does in the rest of the Constitution.20 The citizenship, it appears the “purists” won out for president swears to “obey and protect the Holy the presidency. During the initial transition pe- religion of Islam,” but the Constitution goes no riod, this restriction may disqualify some oth- further in explaining what this means. This is erwise promising candidates who lived outside consistent with Article 62’s requirement that a of Afghanistan for many years as a result of the candidate must be Muslim to be eligible for the unrest. presidency. Clearly a non-Muslim would not be Under Article 62 a candidate, “2. Shall not be less able to take this oath in good faith. The Consti- than 40 years old the day of candidacy; and 3. tution does not require ministers, members of Shall not have been convicted of crimes against the Supreme Court, or members of the Nation- 21 humanity, a criminal act, or deprivation of civil al Assembly to be Muslim. However, ministers rights by court.” What reasons support these eli- swear to “protect the Holy religion of Islam,” not gibility requirements? to obey it, and members of the Supreme Court swear “to attain justice and righteousness in accordance with tenets of the Holy religion of Islam,” and therefore there is no inconsistency with this difference in eligibility requirements.22 In reference to his powers as the commander in chief of Afghanistan’s military, the president also swears to “safeguard the independence, na- tional sovereignty and territorial integrity of 108 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
Afghanistan.” This oath demonstrates that the president understands that he has both the au- thority and the duty to provide for the national security of Afghanistan, as provided for in Arti- cle 64 and which will be discussed further below. Finally, the oath affirms the president’s role as the chief executive, responsible for executing the laws of Afghanistan and responsible to the people. As discussed above, the president has a responsibility to act on behalf of the people of Afghanistan and a duty to not use his position to benefit himself at their expense. The oath requires the president to publicly acknowledge and accept these terms of office and gives the public a concise description of the president’s responsibilities. Chapter 3 109
2. THE DUAL ROLES OF THE of public consultations on provisions of the pro- EXECUTIVE posed constitution, the Constitutional Review 2.1. INTRODUCTION Commission submitted its draft constitution to Does Afghanistan have a presidential or par- President Karzai in September 2003.26 Under this liamentary system? This question is addressed draft constitution, executive power would be di- more fully in the Chapter 2 on the Separation of vided between a directly elected president and Powers, but it is a helpful place to start in our a prime minister.27 The president would hold discussion of the roles of the Afghan president. authority to appoint Supreme Court Justices “[I]n most parliamentary systems, those who will and one-third of the Meshrano Jirga, while the administer government are chosen from among prime minister would be responsible for enforc- incumbent legislators, and the office of nation- ing laws, protecting Afghanistan’s sovereignty, al chief executive is a formal one that does not pursuing national interests, managing financial normally involve actual administrative decision issues, and reporting to the National Assembly.28 making. There is said to be a separation of ‘head Initially, the draft called for the Wolesi Jirga to 23 of state’ from ‘head of government.’” It should select the prime minister, but that was changed be clear that this is not the system created by to provide for presidential selection of the prime the 2004 Afghan Constitution, which combines minister with confirmation by the Wolesi Jirga. these functions into one strong executive. How- The argument that “this would breed instability ever, it is useful to use the dual roles of ‘head in a highly factionalised and armed society by of state’ and ‘head of government’ to study the creating two executives with competing bases president’s constitutionally described powers of power–the popular vote versus the support of and responsibilities. For clarity, the ‘state’ refers parliament–led in September 2003 to the adop- to the sovereign nation, and the ‘government’ is tion of a more workable system in which the the executive authority of the state. president’s appointed prime minister would not The Constitution gives the president expansive need a vote of confidence to serve, but could be powers to direct and oversee the functioning of removed by a no-confidence vote.”29 The Nation- the state. In one role, the president is the head al Security Council and the drafting commis- of state described in Article 60, with authority sion changed this provision during their review, in all branches of government and responsibil- which eliminated the office of prime minister -al ity for national security.24 In his second role, the together, “and the president received full power president is the senior official of the govern- to appoint a cabinet (whose members could not ment, with powers of appointment over minis- be serving legislators) subject to parliamentary ters, control over government policy and regula- approval.”30 tions, and responsibility for the effectiveness of the government.25 This way of understanding the president’s roles has a foundation in the history of the creation of the 2004 Constitution. Following the conclusion 110 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2.2. PRESIDENT’S ROLE AS CHAIRMAN 1964 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN OF GOVERNMENT ARTICLE 89 While the majority of the presidential authori- The government shall be formed by the person des- ties and duties listed in Article 64 relate to the ignated as Prime Minister by the King. The members president’s role as head of state and derive from and policy of the government are presented by the the king’s authorities and duties under the 1964 Prime Minister to the Wolesi Jirga, which, after de- Constitution, the power to “determine the fun- bate, resolves on a vote of confidence in the - gov damental lines of the policy of the country with ernment. When the vote of confidence is given, the the approval of the National Assembly” epito- King issues a royal decree appointing the head and mizes the role of a prime minister or chairman members of the government. Afterwards the Prime of government.31 Under the 1964 Constitution, Minister acquaints the Meshrano Jirga with the pol- the prime minister was responsible for present- icy of the government. ing the government’s policy to the Wolesi Jirga 32 for approval. Under the 2004 Constitution, the Article 76, while not in Chapter 3 of the Constitu- president sets the government’s policy, and tion, relates directly to the creation and imple- the exercise of his policy does not depend on mentation of government policy in a way that 33 the approval of Cabinet officials. The govern- further expands the president’s power in an area ment’s “main task is to assist the president in traditionally reserved for the prime minister. the implementation of his policies. Unlike the “To implement the fundamental lines of the pol- Constitution of 1964, the Constitution of 2004 icy of the country and regulate its duties, the leaves no room for a politically autonomous role government shall devise as well as approve of the Government . . . The Ministers are not regulations, which shall not be contrary to the only appointed by the President, they are also body or spirit of any law.” Without this power responsible to him (Article 77), which practically to issue regulations necessary for implement- ing policies and executing laws, the govern- means that they can be [removed] by unilateral ment would likely have to rely on the National 34 Presidential decision.” To further reinforce this Assembly in order to implement its policies. principle, Article 71 also states that, “The Gov- Note that this Article places an important con- ernment shall be comprised of Ministers who straint on the president’s regulatory authority work under the chairmanship of the President.” by subordinating it to both the body and the spirit of existing law. This gives the legislature The president holds appointment power for an important check on the president’s regula- Government ministers and ambassadors subject tory authority. This will be discussed further in to the endorsement of the Wolesi Jirga.35 Under Chapter 4 on Administration. the 1964 Constitution, the king and the prime minister each had a role to play in this process. Chapter 3 111
2.3. PRESIDENT’S ROLE AS HEAD OF 2.3.1. MILITARY AFFAIRS STATE There are several sections of Article 64 touch- “The monarchical origin of the functions of the ing on the president’s dominant role in military president are still visible in the constitutional affairs. definition of his role in Article 60, which states that the president is the head of state of the 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and conducts ARTICLE 64 his authorities in the executive, legislative and judiciary branches in accordance with the The president shall have the following authorities provisions of the Constitution. Unlike the U.S. and duties: Constitution which unequivocally ties the pow- ers of the president to his position as head of . . . . the executive branch of government, the new (3) Being the Commander in Chief of the armed Afghan Constitution deliberately transcends the classical division of powers in order to as- forces of Afghanistan; sign to the president a comprehensive respon- (4) Declare war and peace with the endorsement of sibility for the smooth functioning of the state the National Assembly; as a whole.”36 Supporting this assertion is the fact that many (5) Take necessary decisions to defend territorial in- of the presidential “authorities and duties” list- tegrity and preserve independence; ed in Article 64 originate from Article 9 of the (6) Dispatch armed forces units outside of Afghani- 1964 Constitution, which deals with the “rights stan with the endorsement of the National Assembly. and duties” of the king. These include the duty or authority to: be the commander in chief of The president’s authority to unilaterally act is the armed forces, declare war and peace, con- not unlimited across types of military action. vene the Loya Jirga, declare and terminate the While the president is always the commander in state of emergency, inaugurate sessions of the chief, he may only act without the endorsement National Assembly, appoint Supreme Court Jus- of the National Assembly when acting to “de- tices, appoint the unelected members of the Me- fend territorial integrity and preserve indepen- shrano Jirga, appoint judges and senior civil and dence.” This provision may envision situations military officials, endorse laws, reduce and par- such as invasion, revolution, or terrorist attacks, don penalties, and bestow medals. We will touch where the country cannot afford to wait for the on a few of these authorities and duties below. National Assembly to deliberate. Contrast this with the acts of declaring war and peace or dispatching military units outside of Afghanistan. In these circumstances, Article 64 displays a bias toward deliberation and public debate. Requiring the endorsement of the Na- tional Assembly is a way to ensure public sup- port for these actions. One argument in support of such a distinction is that war (or the end of 112 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
a war through a peace treaty) or the dispatch government ministers, who are in part consti- of troops outside the country’s borders may re- tutionally responsible to the Wolesi Jirga and quire long-term sacrifice and commitment by whose appointments must be approved by the a large portion of the country’s population, for Wolesi Jirga. Chapter 4 will delve deeper into which popular support is essential. The mem- presidential authority with respect to govern- bers of the National Assembly may be better ment officials. It will also explore the structure equipped to listen to the people in their districts of the administrative state, including provin- and provinces and therefore better positioned cial and district administrations and presiden- to measure public support for the proposed tial control over such institutions, such as the actions. appointment of municipal officials, provincial
2.3.2. AUTHORITY IN THE EXECUTIVE governors, and other officials. Presidential - au thority cannot be properly understood without 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN a thorough understanding of the administrative ARTICLE 64 state and its complex network of relationships.
The president shall have the following authorities 2.3.3. AUTHORITY IN THE JUDICIARY and duties: As an interesting separation of powers issue, . . . . note that Article 64 grants the president the au- thority to appoint judges without the consent or (13) Appoint, retire, and accept the resignation and endorsement of any other branch. “Whereas the dismissal of judges, officers of the armed forces, po- members of the Supreme Court are appointed lice, national security as well as high-ranking offi- by the president with the approval of the Wolesi cials according to the provisions of law. Jirga and can only be dismissed on a motion of 1964 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN more than a third of its members which is ad- opted by a two-thirds majority (Article 127), the ARTICLE 9 appointment and dismissal of the judges on the The king has the following rights and duties: lower courts do not require the approval of Par- 37 . . . . liament.” While this system of presidential con- trol without parliamentary endorsement may (14) Appoints judges and high-ranking civil and be faster and more efficient, it may also pose a military officials and grants them retirement in ac- greater risk of executive corruption and create cordance with the provisions of the law. the perception of a biased justice system. As the chief executive and commander in chief As noted above, the president also has the au- entrusted with the nation’s security, it may thority under Article 64 to “[a]ppoint the Chief seem logical that the president should be grant- Justice of the Supreme Court as well as justices ed this type of control over the executive offi- of the Supreme Court with the endorsement of cers he commands in the nation’s interest. How- the Wolesi Jirga.”38 This corresponds to Article ever, the Constitution limits the president’s 13 of the 1964 Constitution, except that the 2004 authority to manage executive officials such as Article requires the endorsement of the Wolesi Chapter 3 113
Jirga. As you will see in the box below, this par- An additional power the president has in the liamentary check on presidential power has al- legislature is the duty to appoint one-third of ready proven significant. the members of the Meshrano Jirga.42 These members serve for a period of five years and NOMINATING THE CHIEF JUSTICE must include “two members from amongst the In 1385 (2006) President Karzai nominated impaired and handicapped, as well as two from 43 Fazel Hadi Shinwari to the position of Chief nomads.” Furthermore, “[t]he President shall Justice of the Supreme Court of Afghanistan, appoint 50 percent of these individuals from a position he had held for the previous five amongst women.”44 Presidential appointees to years. The Wolesi Jirga rejected Shinwari in the Meshrano Jirga serve longer than the rest a vote of 117 to 77, amid concerns about his of the body, which is elected by the district and educational background and the influence of his conservative religious views on his legal provincial councils. Presidential appointees decisions.39 In addition, Parliament rejected thus have a form of seniority. This appointment three more of President Karzai’s Supreme power of the president partially corresponds to Court nominations, sending a strong message Article 9 of the 1964 Constitution, which grants of dissatisfaction with the state of the Afghan the king the authority to appoint “the nonelect- judiciary. They finally approved Abdul Salam ed members of the Meshrano Jirga and appoint Azimi as the new chief justice. its president from amongst its members.”45 The provisions requiring the president to include representatives of the handicapped and women do not stem from the 1964 Constitution but are 2.3.4. AUTHORITY IN THE LEGISLATURE new innovations, as is the current form of se- One of the president’s most important functions lecting the Meshrano Jirga’s president. is to endorse legislation passed by Parliament.40 The king played this role under Article 9 of the 1964 Constitution, which authorized him to “sign laws and proclaim their enforcement.” This role is further articulated in the 2004 Constitution’s Article 94: “[l]aw shall be what both houses of the National Assembly approve and the president endorses, unless this Constitution states other- wise.” What happens if the president refuses to endorse legislation passed by both houses of the National Assembly? Under Article 94, the presi- dent can veto the legislation and send it back to the National Assembly, initially preventing it from becoming law.41 However, the presidential veto can be overruled by a two-thirds majority vote in the Wolesi Jirga. 114 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTION: CONCLUSION “Afghanistan’s origin as an empire can be seen country and the continuing struggle between 1. One interesting concept in its de jure unitary state: the administration to consider is whether the central government and local power-holders, was meant to enable the centre to control the the current system devolution of power to local levels could serve to should be changed periphery, not to help local communities exer- once the country is cise self-government.”46 strengthen the same criminal warlords against stabilized and interna- whom the government is fighting. In such a situ- tional entities play a Regardless of Afghanistan’s imperial origins, ation, centralization may be necessary to help smaller role in Afghani- however, any current democratic system of gov- stan’s governance and overcome the obstacle of extra-legal local power development. “The type ernment requires justification in terms of how it holders. As one former member of the Election of institutional or politi- functions to serve the Afghan people. cal structure needed for Complaints Commission stated, “[u]ntil there is state-building may not After reading this chapter, it should be clear to a complete disarmament by all protagonists, the be the same political you that the Constitution envisions a strong likelihood of a successful democratic transition structure that will later provide the best gover- presidential system with a chief executive pos- will be greatly diminished, because armed mili- nance.”48 sessing broad powers and extensive responsibil- tias will continue to rely on force rather than on “One powerful minister, considered a stalwart ity for the functioning of government. There are the political and legal systems to resolve prob- supporter of presiden- valid reasons for supporting such a centralized lems, exercise influence, and maintain control tialism and centraliza- system. Given the current unrest in much of the over their resource and revenue bases.”47 tion, confided in private that he thought a more decentralized parlia- mentary system would THE ROLE OF THE EXECUTIVE IN THE AFGHAN AND UNITED STATES CONSTITUTIONS ultimately be better for Hopefully you have seen that much of this analysis is a matter of weighing and balancing various a stable and inclusive Afghanistan, but that priorities and concerns. On the one hand there is the concern of abuse of executive power and tyranny, adopting such options and on the other is the concern of effective government. There are many ways to organize government in the short term would to attempt to balance these concerns, depending on a wide variety of factors, including the preferences delay or even prevent of those to be governed. In the United States, as in Afghanistan, the drafters of the Constitution decided the building of urgently that an effective chief executive was critical to the well-being of the country. Read the following needed institutions.” Do you agree? argument, used in the debates surrounding the creation of the United States Constitution, and consider its application to your study of the role of the executive in the Afghan Constitution. “Energy in the executive is a leading character in the definition of good government. It is essential to the protection of the community against foreign attacks; it is not less essential to the steady administration of the laws; to the protection of property against those irregular and high-handed combinations which sometimes interrupt the ordinary course of justice; to the security of liberty against the enterprises and assaults of ambition, of faction, and of anarchy. . . . A feeble executive implies a feeble execution of government. A feeble execution is but another phrase for a bad execution; and a government ill executed, whatever it may be in theory, must be, in practice, a bad government.”49 Chapter 3 115
ENDNOTES 1 Rainer Grote, Separation of Powers in the New Af- 14 Id. at 5–6. ghan Constitution, 64 Heidelberg Journal of In- 15 Alex Thier, Afghanistan’s Constitutional Opera ternational Law 897, 915 (2004). Continues . . ., Comparative Constitutions (26 2 It has been argued that the creation of the sec- May 2009), http://www.comparativeconstitu- ond vice president post was an expedient politi- tions.org/2009/05/afghanistans-constitutional- cal decision made by President Karzai to obtain opera.html. support for the presidential system by critical 16 International Crisis Group, Afghanistan: Elec- powerbrokers before the Constitutional Loya Jir- tions and the Crisis of Governance, 6 (25 Novem- ga. International Crisis Group, Afghanistan: The ber 2009), http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/ Constitutional Loya Jirga, 3 (12 December 2003), Files/asia/south-asia/afghanistan/b96_afghani- http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/ stan___elections_and_the_crisis_of_governance. asia/south-asia/afghanistan/B029%20Afghani- ashx. stan%20The%20Constitutional%20Loya%20 17 Jirga.pdf. Larry Diamond, Ashraf Ghani & Rend al Rahim, Democracy’s Development: Second Elections in 3 United States Senate, Vice President of the Unit- Iraq and Afghanistan, 33 Fletcher Foreign World ed States (President of the Senate), available at Affairs 47, 60–61 (2009). http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/ 18 common/briefing/Vice_President.htm. The Federalist No. 72, supra note 5, at 416 (Alex- ander Hamilton). 4 See generally, Frank Easterbrook & Daniel 19 Fischel, Contract and Fiduciary Duty, 36 Journal Barnett Rubin, Crafting a Constitution for Afghani- of Law & Economics 425 (1993). stan, in Constitutional Politics in the Middle East 147, 156 (Said Amir Arjomand ed., 2008). 5 “When occasions present themselves in which 20 the interests of the people are at variance with “[M]aking the safe-keeping of Islam the Presi- their inclinations, it is the duty of the persons dent’s utmost obligation before anything else, whom they have appointed to be the guardians even before compliance with the Constitution, of those interests to withstand the temporary shows the place of religion in the country and in delusion in order to give them time and oppor- the Constitution. It also indicates that the presi- tunity for more cool and sedate reflection.” The dent will have a decisive role in implementing Federalist No. 71, at 412 (Alexander Hamilton) these words according to his/her understanding (Kathleen Sullivan ed., 2009). of the primacy of Islamic principles. Article 64, however, which contains a detailed list of the 6 Some scholars argue that the true source of powers and duties of the President, is silent on sovereignty depends on who possesses the Islam and its safekeeping.” Said Mahmoudi, The ability to elect and remove those in power. “Ac- Sharia in the New Afghan Constitution: Contradic- cording to [Jean] Bodin’s method, if the people tion or Compliment?, 64 Heidelberg Journal of In- have the ability to elect and remove those who ternational Law, 867, 872 (2004). are at the top of the chain of power, they are in 21 fact sovereign regardless of the legal or consti- See Arts. 72, 85, and 118. tutional doctrine used to explain and justify the 22 See Arts. 74 and 119. operation of the political system. . . . The fact remains that constitutional republics worthy of 116 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
the name, regardless of who or what is called 23 Laurence P. Claus, Separation of Powers and Parlia- sovereign, markedly tend toward de facto pop- mentary Government, in Global Perspectives on ular sovereignty.” Donald S. Lutz, Principles of Constitutional Law, 48, 48 (Vikram Amar & Mark Constitutional Design 140–41 (2006). Tushnet, eds., 2009). Generally speaking, the role of the ‘head of state’ is to represent the sov- 7 Art. 9 states: “Mines and other subterranean re- ereignty of the nation, particularly with respect sources as well as historical relics shall be the to other countries and international bodies, and property of the state. Protection, management often to appoint government officials. The gen- and proper utilization of public properties as eral role of the ‘head of government’ is to man- well as natural resources shall be regulated by age the government and to be responsible for law.” Considering Afghanistan’s rich mineral re- its effectiveness. You should gain a greater un- sources, can you see why Art. 66’s constraint on derstanding of these concepts as you read this presidential power is an important tool to pre- chapter, and pay attention as the different re- vent corruption and abuse? sponsibilities are outlined under the two roles. 8 “The returns arising from office or employment 24 Grote, supra note 1, at 904-05 (“According to usually in the form of compensation or perqui- the new Constitution, the president of the Is- sites.” Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. lamic State of Afghanistan combines the pow- 9 The Federalist No. 73, supra note 5, at 421 (Alex- ers which had been exercised by the King and ander Hamilton). by the Prime Minister under the Constitution of 10 For example, in the 2009 presidential election, 1964.”). approximately 40 challengers officially ran 25 Id. against Hamid Karzai, 29 of whom remained in 26 International Crisis Group, Afghanistan: The the race through election day. International Cri- Constitutional Loya Jirga, 3 (December 12, 2003), sis Group, Afghanistan: Elections and the Crisis of http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/ Governance, 6 (25 November 2009), http://www. asia/south-asia/afghanistan/B029%20Afghani- crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/ stan%20The%20Constitutional%20Loya%20 afghanistan/b96_afghanistan___elections_and_ Jirga.pdf. the_crisis_of_governance.ashx. 27 Id. 11 For more information on the electoral college in the United States, see the website of the 28 Id. United States National Archives at http://www. 29 Rubin, supra note 19, at 154. archives.gov/federal-register/electoral-college/ 30 about.html. Id.
31 12 The Federalist No. 71, supra note 5, at 414 (Alex- Article 64, No. 2. ander Hamilton). 32 Article 89 of the 1964 Constitution of 13 Ahmad Majidyar, Afghanistan’s Presidential Afghanistan. Election, American Enterprise Institute Middle 33 Grote, supra note 1, at 907. Eastern Outlook Series, 1, 5 (January 2009), 34 Id. http://www.aei.org/docLib/20090129-No1M- EO23850g.pdf. 35 Article 64, Nos. 11, 14. 36 Grote, supra note 1, at 904-05. Chapter 3 117
37 Grote, supra note 1, at 906. 38 Article 64, No. 12. 39 Carlotta Gall, Afghan Parliament Rejects Chief Justice Nominee, N.Y. Times, May 28, 2006, http://www.nytimes.com/2006/05/28/world/ asia/28kabul.html?ref=carlottagall. 40 Article 64, No. 16 (“Endorse laws as well as judi- cial decrees”). 41 “In the case the president rejects what the Na- tional Assembly has approved, the president shall send it back, within 15 days from the date it was presented, to the Wolesi Jirga mentioning the reasons for rejection, and, with expiration of the period or if the Wolesi Jirga re-approves it with two-thirds of all the votes, the draft shall be considered endorsed and enforceable.” Arti- cle 94. 42 Article 84, No. 3. 43 Id. 44 Id. 45 Article 9, No. 12 of the 1964 Constitution of Afghanistan. 46 Rubin, supra note 19, at 158. 47 Grant Kippen, The Long Democratic Transition, in Future of Afghanistan, 35, 37 (J Alexander Thier ed., 2009). 48 Rubin, supra note 19, at 161.
49 The Federalist No. 70, supra note 5 at 403 (Alex- ander Hamilton). 118 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CHAPTER 4: GOVERNMENT & ADMINISTRATION
INTRODUCTION · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 119 1. LOCAL AND PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 120 1.1. Basic Structure ...... 120 1.2. Provincial Councils...... 123 1.3. Local Councils...... 124 1.4. Municipalities...... 125 2. GOVERNMENT· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·· 127 2.1. Basic Structure...... 127 2.2. Qualifications...... 128 2.3. Oath ...... 129 2.4. Duties...... 129 2.5. Government’s Regulatory Power...... 132 2.6. Government’s Legislative Power...... 134 2.7. Wolesi Jirga Oversight of the Government...... 136 CONCLUSION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 138 CHAPTER 4 119
GOVERNMENT & ADMINISTRATION
INTRODUCTION This chapter first explores the constitutional As you read in Chapter 1, constitutions are criti- provisions regarding local and provincial ad- cally important as aspirational documents that ministration, including their basic structure and capture the core animating ideals of a state. They principles, provincial councils, district councils, play a unifying and inspirational role domesti- and municipalities. The chapter then focuses cally, while also functioning internationally to on the Government as established by the Con- represent the collective vision of the nation’s stitution and related statutes. The topics cov- citizens. Fundamentally, constitutions also have ered include the Government’s basic structure an important function in setting out the struc- and underlying principles, the qualifications of ture of the state. But this role is generally lim- ministers and their required oath of office, Gov- ited to governmental super-structures and the ernmental duties, regulatory and legislative basic blueprints of complex mechanisms such as power, and finally the Wolesi Jirga’s role in elections, legislative actions, and the separation providing oversight. of powers. “In general, written constitutions tend to say relatively little about the administrative state, though the establishment of a govern- ment structure is a core function of constitu- tions. While the rules governing selection and activities of executives and parliaments are described in great detail, the sub-political institutions of government are not consistently or thoroughly regulated. Written constitutions tend to focus on providing chains of account- ability and democratic legitimacy for the deci- sions of administrators, rather than detailed rules regulating the administration.”1 The thorough study of the dozens of Afghan government institutions and the rules govern- ing their operations is beyond the scope of this chapter and indeed this book. The subject of ad- ministrative law is critically important and of- ten very complex, and it truly requires its own book and its own course even to adequately sur- vey. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a basic understanding of the administrative insti- tutions established by the 2004 Afghan Constitu- tion, including their roles, responsibilities, and authority, as well as some of the issues that can arise in the administrative context. 120 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
1. LOCAL AND PROVINCIAL (3) The local administrative unit is a province. ADMINISTRATION (4) The number, area, parts, and structures of the 1.1. BASIC STRUCTURE provinces and the related administrations are regu- Chapter 8 of the Afghan Constitution, entitled lated by law on the basis of population, social and “Administration,” illustrates the tendency of economic conditions, and geographic location. written constitutions to say very little about the Structurally, Chapter 8 of the Afghan Constitu- administrative state. Consisting of only seven ar- tion provides for the establishment of adminis- ticles, Chapter 8 sets out a framework of institu- trative units at the national level headed by min- tions with vague responsibilities and limited au- isters, as well as provincial, district, and village thority. As discussed throughout this book, the councils and municipal institutions at the sub- Afghan Constitution embraces a strong central national level. Article 136 provides for a “central government that delegates power sparingly. It administration” that “shall be divided into sev- is therefore unsurprising that the Constitution eral administrative units, each headed by a Min- does not create robust provincial and local insti- ister.” The Article also establishes that “[t]he lo- tutions to aid in the administration of the state. cal administrative unit shall be a province.” Not Instead, it defines weak institutions that possess all provinces are equal in all ways, however, and little independent authority and retains for the “the number, area, divisions and related provin- national government expansive power to regu- cial organizations as well as number of offices late and control these entities. In a sense, the shall be regulated on the basis of population, provincial and district administrations of Af- social and economic conditions, as well as geo- ghanistan are simply the extension of ministries graphical location.” This means that the provin- in Kabul. cial institutions will vary in these ways (number, 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN area, divisions, number of offices, and related ARTICLE 136 provincial organizations) depending on these (1) The Administration of Islamic Republic of Af- factors (population, social and economic condi- ghanistan shall be based on central and local ad- tions, and geographical location), but there is no ministrative units in accordance with the law. constitutional guidance as to how these factors should be weighed. As discussed below, it is left (2) The central administration is divided into a num- for the legislature to adjust this general struc- ber of administrative units, each of which shall be ture through statutes. headed by a minister.
CONSTITUTIONAL TRANSLATIONS You may notice that the language used in Article 136 in the box is slightly different than the language used in the text. That is because they are from two different English translations of the Constitution. Throughout this chapter and this book, pay close attention to small linguistic differences that are the result of translation. Think about whether those linguistic differences could affect the meaning of the text. Legal translation can have a significant effect on how a text is interpreted.
NATION > PROVINCE > DISTRICT > VILLAGE > Chapter 4 121
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN DISCUSSION QUESTIONS provinces and districts are legally recognized ARTICLE 137 units of subnational administration, they are 1. Every article of Chapter not intended to be autonomous in their policy 8 contains a clause ex- The government, in preserving the principles plicitly authorizing the of centralism, shall transfer necessary powers, decisions other than through some flexibility in legislature to regulate implementing centrally determined programs.”2 the article’s subject in accordance with the law, to local administra- matter through its law- tions in order to accelerate and improve eco- Article 137’s emphasis on specific criteria for the making power, just like nomic, social as well as cultural matters, and fos- delegation of power demonstrates the Afghan Article 136. Throughout Constitution’s commitment to a strong central this chapter, we encour- ter peoples’ participation in developing national age you to consider just life. government and its reluctance to allow that cen- how you might expect tral power to be distributed to local institutions. the legislature to regu- Article 137 establishes the guiding principles late each administrative This commitment to preserving power within institution described. and permissible goals of the central govern- Consider the follow- ment’s delegation of authority to local adminis- the national government is also evident in the ing questions in each trations. This Article makes very clear that the way the Constitution explicitly provides for a circumstance: central legislative role in regulating the sys- establishment of local administrations is not 2. Where might there be meant to foster independence from the central tem of administration it establishes in Chapter conflict between the 8. Article 136 states that “[t]he administration of legislative and execu- government. Instead, “the principles of central- tive branches, and how ism” provide the foundation for the administra- the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan . . . shall be might each conflict be tive system. Note that only “necessary powers” regulated according to the law.” Chapters 2 and resolved? 3 of this book, on the separation of powers and shall be transferred from the central govern- 3. How does the situation ment to local administrations, and only for cer- the executive, describe the president as “the reveal some benefits executive” and the “head of government,” and and disadvantages of tain purposes, including encouraging participa- the centralized system tion in “national life,” as opposed to provincial they examine the president’s responsibility for of administration? or local life. managing the state. However, as these chapters also discuss, the president does not have com- 4. How do the differ- In addition, the central government makes most ent institutions share plete freedom to manage in whatever fashion power and where are of the appointments at the provincial and even he chooses. Instead, Article 136 states, the leg- the friction points? district level. The president or relevant minis- islature may regulate the administration of the ter appoints all civil servants in provincial and state through its lawmaking power as permit- district administration. And, the central govern- ted by the Constitution, thereby limiting the ment makes almost all administrative and fiscal executive branch’s authority. This creates over- decisions at the provincial and district levels. One lapping responsibilities shared by the executive excellent guide to Afghanistan’s government and legislative branches, requiring inter-branch describes it this way: “The powers and respon- cooperation and creating inevitable friction sibilities of the provincial and district adminis- in the management of these elements of the trations are determined (and therefore may be bureaucracy. withdrawn) by central government. Though
NATION > PROVINCE > DISTRICT > VILLAGE > 122 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
AFGHAN SUBNATIONAL GOVERNMENT AS MANDATED BY THE 2004 CONSTITUTION3
34 PROVINCES
each with a provincial COUNCIL
13 19 1 4 32 each province contains several 8 30 3 DISTRICTS 28 31 24 each with a district 2 16 29 28 COUNCIL 5 20 14 12 33 22 10 21 each district 6 contains 26 9 17 VILLAGES
each with a village 7 25 27 COUNCIL 34
distinct administrative 11 units centered around 23 urban areas are 15
MUNICIPALITIES
each with a municipal COUNCIL
level council electoral procedure term lengths PROVINCE PROVINCIAL elected by residents of the province 4 years council
DISTRICT DISTRICT elected by local residents 3 years council
VILLAGE VILLAGE elected by local residents 3 years council
MUNICIPALITY MUNICIPAL elected by “free, general, secret & direct elections” regulated by law council Chapter 4 123
1.2. PROVINCIAL COUNCILS its affairs in a way stated in the law, and gives ad- As you might expect, the Constitution provides vice on important issues falling within the domain that “[t]here shall be a provincial council in ev- of the province. ery province.” Provinces are the largest subna- (2) Provincial councils perform their duties in coop- tional governance unit in the country. Afghani- eration with the provincial administration. stan is divided into 34 administrative provinces. While omitting reference to any set number of Article 139 describes the general role of provin- council members, Article 138 does require “free, cial councils, namely to “participate in the at- general, secret, as well as direct elections” “by tainment of the development objectives of the the residents of the province, proportionate to state and improvement of the affairs of the prov- the population.” Each member of a provincial ince in the manner prescribe[d] by laws, and council “shall be elected for four years,” but un- shall advise the provincial administrations on like the presidential elections discussed in Chap- related issues.” Furthermore, the council “shall ter 3 of this book, there are no specific electoral perform its duties with the cooperation of the procedures or dates required by the Constitu- provincial administration.” In other words, pro- tion. Instead, the details are once again left to vincial councils are meant to advise and work the legislative and executive branches to deter- with provincial administrations on provincial mine through legislation and implementation. development as prescribed by law. As we dis- Each council “shall elect one of its members as cussed in Chapter 3, the president appoints Af- President,” but the Constitution says nothing ghanistan’s provincial governors, who are pri- more about the role of the council president, the marily responsible for law enforcement, dispute term of office, or procedures for selection and resolution, and revenue collection. Thus, in removal. keeping with the commitment to a strong cen- tral government, the president appoints the pro- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN vincial governors who wield the actual executive ARTICLE 138 authority, while the people elect the councils (1) In every province a provincial council is to be who act only in an advisory capacity. See the formed. box below for a short critique of this method of organization. (2) Members of the provincial council are elected in proportion to the population by free, direct, se- The National Assembly has in fact passed leg- cret ballot, and general elections by the residents of islation addressing the provincial councils, in- the province for a period of four years in accordance cluding the 2005 Law on Provincial Councils. with the law. According to this legislation, the authority of provincial councils falls into three broad catego- (3) The provincial council elects one of its members ries: (1) participation in provincial development as Chairman. planning, (2) monitoring and appraisal of pro- ARTICLE 139 vincial institutions, and (3) participation in con- 4 (1) The provincial council takes part in securing the flict resolution. Even with this legislation, the developmental targets of the state and improving major problems which still persist are ambiguity of the roles of provincial councils, overlapping
NATION > PROVINCE > DISTRICT > VILLAGE > 124 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
between their functions and the functions of less fully described than those for provincial other provincial institutions, and the inability to councils: “Local residents shall elect members pass binding decisions.5 of these councils for 3 years through free, gen- eral, secret, as well as direct elections.” While 1.3. LOCAL COUNCILS the three-year terms and polling style may be 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN relatively clear, the clause does not define “lo- ARTICLE 140 cal residents,” which is left to the legislature and
(1) In order to organize activities involving people the executive branch to clarify through legisla- and provide them with the opportunity to actively tion and implementation. Indicative of the Af- participate in the local administration, councils are ghan Constitution’s concern with ethnic inclu- set up in districts and villages in accordance with sion and national unification, Article 140 also the provisions of the law. requires that the “[p]articipation of nomads in these local councils shall be regulated in accor- (2) Members of these councils are elected by the lo- dance with the provisions of the law.” Ostensibly cal people through, free, general, secret and direct the drafters felt that this was a significant issue elections for a period of three years. that would be more appropriately addressed by (3) The participation of nomads in these councils is the national legislature rather than local coun- regulated by law. cils. It is important to note that at the time this chapter is being written, the reality on the Article 140 specifies two purposes for local (i.e. ground falls far short of even the basic structure district and village) councils: organizing activi- outlined in these constitutional articles. As is ties, and attaining “the active participation of true of municipal institutions, few district coun- the people in provincial administrations.” Dis- cils exist in a recognizable form, few elections tricts are smaller administrative units than are held to fill them, and this absence of repre- provinces. Each province in Afghanistan is di- sentative bodies further undermines the ideals vided into multiple districts. Article 140 also of the Afghan democracy and the Constitution provides electoral procedures, but they are even created to protect them.7
PROVINCIAL COUNCILS AND DEMOCRATIC REPRESENTATION “Provincial councils—ostensibly elected to ensure their constituencies’ representation—serve the governor in an advisory capacity alone. They have no veto authority otherwise over the governor’s administration, as he reports directly to the president. Given Afghanistan’s geography, localized society, and democratic constitution, its citizens’ incapacity to influence local government more directly feels to them like an injustice. The policy and conduct of a governor arguably has greater impact than the national government on their daily lives. The two greatest hindrances to gubernatorial elections are security and the absence of significant electoral reform. Afghans’ sense of citizenship and appreciation for democratic political processes would be greatly enhanced were these to be overcome. Their ability to vote for their governor or, at least, for provincial councils empowered to wield real oversight authority would be effective steps towards this end.”6
NATION > PROVINCE > DISTRICT > VILLAGE > Chapter 4 125
1.4. MUNICIPALITIES this point nicely: “[t]o implement the provisions As limited as the constitutional text may be for as well as attain values enshrined in this Con- provincial and local councils, its guidance on stitution, the state shall establish necessary of- municipalities is even more meager. Municipali- fices.” This broad grant of discretionary author- ties are administrative units smaller than both ity is an acknowledgement that in the realm provinces and districts, and they usually cen- of administration, it is nearly impossible for a ter around an urban area. According to Article constitution to prescribe a detailed blueprint 141, the purpose of establishing municipalities is that works well in every situation. A case-by- “to administer city affairs.” Unlike the councils case determination is often required, and con- discussed above, municipalities do have some stitutions are inherently ill suited to distinguish inherent administrative authority. “Municipali- among slightly different cases. The alternative ties are, in principle, a separate level of govern- is to grant authority to government institutions ment in that they have some limited autonomy and provide guidance as to how that authority in budget execution and in budget preparation. should be exercised. In the case of municipali- However, the Ministry of Interior (MoI) controls ties, it is clear that the bulk of the law governing their staffing establishment and approves their municipal institutions will come from legislative 8 budgets.” and executive determinations rather than con- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN stitutional requirements.
ARTICLE 141
(1) Municipalities shall be set up in order to admin- ister city affairs.
(2) The mayor and members of the municipal coun- cils are elected by free, general, secret, and direct elections.
(3) The affairs related to municipalities are regu- lated by law.
The electoral procedures for mayors and mu- nicipal councils are simply “free, general, secret and direct elections.” The third and final clause states only that, “[m]atters related to munici- palities shall be regulated by law.” As you should now clearly see, the more vague and limited the constitutional text, the more substantial the government’s role should be in providing en- forceable rules and procedures to implement the constitutional guidance. Article 142 captures 126 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
READING EXCERPT
Between Discipline and Discretion: Policies Surrounding Senior Subnational Appointments By Martine van Bijlert9
Read the following excerpt from Martine van Bijlert’s study on presidential appointment of subnational governance positions. What do you think of the excerpt? Do you agree or disagree? How could the sub- national appointments system be improved? “The President remains a central figure in the appointments process. Presiding over a wide patronage network, he is constantly advised and petitioned by delegations and influential personalities seeking the appointment or removal of certain officials. It is a staggered system, in which the President’s entou- rage and advisers are equally approached and petitioned, resulting in a complex web of multi-layered negotiations, promises and pay-offs. Provincial governor posts feature most prominently in the nation- al highlevel negotiations, while district administrator posts tend to be subject to the twin dynamics of localised power play and political-economic network interests (often with a lobby at the central level). The process, as a result, is often quite messy with the various players questioning the other’s author- ity to introduce candidates. One of the main features of the senior subnational appointments process has been the reshuffling of provincial governors and district administrators, usually regardless of their performance. For instance, in three (out of four) districts in Nimruz the district administrator positions have since 2002 changed hands several times between four individuals only. Reshuffles were generally initiated after sustained local complaints and demonstrations had necessitated the removal of the lo- cal woleswal [district administrator] from the district. Provincial governors who are unhappy with the centrally appointed district administrators, or who are facing pressure not to accept the appointment, have a range of strategies they can employ. These include delaying the de facto deployment of the district administrator, withholding financial and prac- tical support and locally appointing a caretaker administrator, or sarparast. Provinces with a high num- ber of officially registered caretakers at the time of the research included Badghis (four out of six), Uruzgan (three out of five) and Paktika (seven out of 18), while there were several other districts with informal unregistered caretakers. Although a sarparast is meant to be a temporary feature, there are several provinces that have had a long succession of caretakers and a history of unclear appointment arrangements. Caretaker administrators are often a sign of a contested appointment process—the con- test usually being between the governor and either the centre or the local strongmen (or both)—or of the difficulty of finding candidates who are acceptable to all parties and are willing to serve under difficult and dangerous circumstances. A further illustration of the high level of informality at district level is the fact that there have been at least two cases in the last two years of a relative replacing a district administrator who had been killed. These dynamics not only illustrate the difficulties involved in selecting, appointing and supporting the government’s main representatives in some of the most embattled areas of the country, but are also an expression of the widespread tendency to create ambi- guity and to apply discretion wherever possible.” Chapter 4 127
2. GOVERNMENT Jirga under Article 64(11).11 Through these few Chapter 4 of the Afghan Constitution, entitled constitutional provisions we can already begin “Government,” focuses on the president’s minis- to see the complex network of authority that ters and the administrative units they are des- defines how these institutions interact with one ignated to lead. In this section, we will focus on another. The president, elected by the people, the constitutional text for both its structural appoints ministers with the endorsement of the provisions and delegations of power and high- elected Wolesi Jirga, which also regulates the light any issues those appear to create. We re- ministers through legislation. mind you to pay particular attention to the net- work of authority distributed among the various Article 77 contributes further to the fundamen- branches of government and the institutions tal bureaucratic structure of the Government, created by the Constitution.10 You should also providing that “[t]he Ministers shall perform consider whether there are any conflicts -be their duties as heads of administrative units tween how this system might ideally work and within the framework of this Constitution as how it works in practice. well as other laws.”16 This first clause of Article 77 is very similar to the second clause of Article 2.1. BASIC STRUCTURE 136, discussed above: “The central administra- Article 71 establishes the relationships among tion shall be divided into several administrative the president, the Government and its minis- units, each headed by a Minister.”17 While Ar- ters, and the legislature: “The Government shall ticle 136(2) speaks only to the structure of the be comprised of Ministers who work under the administrative institutions, Article 77(1) pro- chairmanship of the President. The number of vides guidance for the exercise of ministers’ of- Ministers as well as their duties shall be regulat- ficial authority. Under Article 77(1), ministers’ ed by law.” The president is the chairman of the authority is explicitly limited by the Constitu- Government, which is made up of ministers. The tion and by any other relevant laws passed by legislature regulates the number of these min- the legislature. isters as well as their duties, and as discussed in The second clause of Article 77 gives a rath- Chapter 3 of this book, the president appoints er vague answer to the obvious and critical ministers with the endorsement of the Wolesi
AN EXAMPLE OF CABINET NOMINATIONS It is important to note that the Wolesi Jirga does not always endorse the president’s cabinet nominations. In 2010 (1388-1389) the Wolesi Jirga forced President Karzai through several rounds of cabinet nominations. In the first round, the Wolesi Jirga rejected 17 out of 24 nominations, including 7 who were nominated for second terms.12 President Karzai then submitted 17 nominations in a second round, of which the Wolesi Jirga rejected 10.13 Several months later the Wolesi Jirga endorsed 5 of 7 nominees, leaving 6 vacancies.14 As of June 2011, there remained vacancies for the following Ministries: Water and Energy, Women’s Affairs, Urban Development, Transport and Aviation, Telecommunications and Information Technology, and Higher Education.15 128 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS question of who is responsible for supervising permits the Wolesi Jirga to exercise its discre-
1. Why might dual citizen- the ministers since both the president and the tion to reject or accept a nominee who also has ship be a problem for a Wolesi Jirga play roles in appointing them. “The the citizenship of another country. minister? Ministers shall be responsible to the President The other three qualifications under Article 72 and House of Representatives for their specified 2. Why do you think the are the following: “2) Shall have higher educa- drafters of the Constitu- duties.”18 According to this clause, both the pres- tion decided not to tion, work experience, as well as a good reputa- ident and the Wolesi Jirga are responsible for the simply forbid dual citi- tion; 3) Shall not be less than 35 years of age; 4) zenship for ministers? ministers, but no guidance is given as to how Shall not have been convicted of crimes against these two institutions should share responsibili- humanity, a criminal act or deprivation of civil ties. Keep this question in mind as we proceed, rights by a court.”19 These qualifications, as - re and you will see how this disjointed supervisory quired minimum standards, should be consid- hierarchy functions. ered limitations on the president’s power to ap- 2.2. QUALIFICATIONS point the ministers serving under him. 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN Article 73 provides one other limitation on the
ARTICLE 72 appointment of ministers, although not in the form of qualifications. Article 73 essentially The person who is appointed as the Minister, states that while the president may select a should have the following qualifications: member of the National Assembly for a ministe- (1) Must have only the citizenship of Afghanistan. rial position, the individual may not hold both Should a nominee for a ministerial post also hold positions simultaneously and therefore must re- the citizenship of another country, the Wolesi Jirga sign his or her position in the National Assem- shall have the right to confirm or reject his or her bly.20 The vacant position will then be filled by nomination. another individual, “appointed in accordance (2) Should have higher education, work experience with the provisions of the law.” and, good reputation.
(3) His age should not be less than thirty-five.
(4) Should not have been convicted of crimes against humanity, criminal act, or deprivation of civil rights by a court.
Can the president appoint anyone to a ministe- rial position? What are the constitutional quali- fications required to become a minister? Article 72 establishes four criteria, the first of which is Afghan citizenship. While the provision requires a candidate to have only Afghan citizenship, it Chapter 4 129
2.3. OATH In particular, it is interesting to note the inclu- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS Article 74 requires all ministers to swear an oath sion of the protection of the rights of citizens 1. Do you see any reasons in the presence of the president before taking in the minister’s oath but not in the president’s why it would be prob- office. “In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most oath. Keep these differences in mind as we dis- lematic to have one Merciful, I swear in the name of God Almighty individual serving as cuss the duties of ministers next. both a member of the that I shall protect the Holy religion of Islam, re- Wolesi Jirga and a min- spect the Constitution and other laws of Afghan- 2.4. DUTIES ister in the president’s government? istan, safeguard the rights of citizens as well as 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN 2. What conflicts of inter- independence, territorial integrity and the na- ARTICLE 75 tional unity of the people of Afghanistan, and, in est can you identify? The Government shall have the following duties: all my deeds consider the Almighty’s presence, One clear issue arises performing the entrusted duties honestly.”21 (1) Execute the provisions of this Constitution, other under Article 77(2), providing that ministers laws, as well as the final decisions of the courts; As noted in Chapter 3, the minister’s oath is dif- are responsible to the president and the ferent from the oath taken by the president, par- (2) Preserve the independence, defend the territorial Wolesi Jirga. It might be ticularly with regard to the role of Islam. Under integrity and safeguard the interests and prestige of problematic for an indi- Article 63 the president swears to “obey and pro- Afghanistan in the international community; vidual minister to also be a member of the tect the Holy religion of Islam,” while under Arti- (3) Maintain public law and order and eliminate ev- institution responsible cle 74 a minister swears to “protect the Holy reli- for supervising his or ery kind of administrative corruption; gion of Islam,” not to obey it. The president must her ministerial duties. “respect and supervise the implementation of (4) Prepare the budget, regulate financial conditions 3. How else might this the Constitution as well as other laws,” while of the state as well as protect public wealth; conflict of interests be addressed? the minister must “respect the Constitution and (5) Devise and implement social, cultural, economic other laws of Afghanistan.” The minister swears and technological development programs; to “safeguard the rights of citizens,” which is not included in the president’s oath. Similarly, each (6) Report to the National Assembly, at the end of minister must swear to safeguard “the nation- the fiscal year, about the tasks achieved as well as al unity of the people of Afghanistan,” which is important programs for the new fiscal year; not an element of the president’s oath. Final- (7) Perform other duties that, in accordance with ly, each minister swears that he or she will “in this Constitution and other laws, fall within the Gov- all my deeds consider the Almighty’s presence, ernment responsibilities. performing the entrusted duties honestly.” The president’s oath states that he or she “in seek- As mentioned above, Article 71, Clause 2 states ing God Almighty’s help and support of the na- that “[t]he number of Ministers as well as their tion, shall exert my efforts towards the prosper- duties shall be regulated by law.” The Constitu- ity and progress of the people of Afghanistan.” tion sets no other constraints on the number of These differences illustrate some of the ways the ministers, but it does have more to say about the drafters of the Constitution envisioned the di- duties of ministers as heads of the administra- vergent roles of the two institutions, despite the tive units making up the Government. Article president’s role as the Government’s chairman. 75 describes the duties of “the Government,” 130 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
which as we know from Article 71 is “comprised The second duty of the Government under Ar- of Ministers who work under the chairmanship ticle 75 is to “[p]reserve the independence, de- of the President.” Under Article 75, the govern- fend the territorial integrity and safeguard the ment has seven broad duties, covering a wide interests and prestige of Afghanistan in the in- variety of areas. As you study the duties of the ternational community.”23 Look at the list of government and consider the various ministries presidential duties in Article 64 discussed in required to execute them, always remember Chapter 3 of this book. The third, fourth, fifth, that in addition to leading the government, the and sixth clauses all pertain to the president’s president appoints the ministers and other key role in the defense of the nation and leadership government officials with the endorsement of of the armed forces. He is the commander in the Wolesi Jirga under Article 64, Clause 11. chief, with the power to declare war and peace, The Government’s first duty is to “[e]xecute the make decisions about the defense of the country, provisions of this Constitution, other laws, as and dispatch the military outside of Afghanistan. well as the final decisions of the courts.”22 This Article 75 establishes that the ministers share re- clause uses the word “execute” to define a pri- sponsibility for these duties with the president, mary duty of the ministers who form the Gov- thereby laying the foundation for the creation ernment under the president. The Government of certain essential government institutions. is meant to execute the laws of the land, to en- Responsibility for the defense of a nation’s in- sure the Constitution is followed, and to guaran- dependence and territorial integrity is usually tee that the powers of the State give force and delegated to its military, which in Afghanistan effect to the final decisions of the courts. When falls primarily under the president, the Minis- the National Assembly passes a law and the try of Defense and the National Security Direc- president signs it, the Government is responsi- tor. In concert with the Ministry of Defense and ble for making sure the law is enforced and ex- the president, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ecuted. When a court adjudicates a dispute and is typically responsible for “safeguard[ing] the reaches a final decision, the Government is- re interests and prestige” of the nation in the in- sponsible for executing the judgment and mak- ternational community. Article 64, Clause 14 ing sure the parties carry out their court-or- authorizes the president to appoint the “heads dered obligations. In this way, Article 75 helps to of political representatives of Afghanistan to firmly define the Government’s role relative to foreign states as well as international organiza- the other branches of government. As you will tions,” and Article 64, Clause 15 provides his or see, most of the other Article 75 duties describe her authority to “accept credentials of foreign specific areas of responsibility now assigned to political representatives in Afghanistan.” particular Government departments by statutes, According to Article 75, Clause 3, the Govern- not by the Constitution. It should become clear ment must “[m]aintain public law and order that the duties in Article 75 set the foundation and eliminate every kind of administrative cor- for those Government institutions, which are es- 24 ruption.” Maintaining public law and order tablished by statutes assigning responsibility for is commonly regarded as a core government executing each duty. Chapter 4 131
responsibility, one of the reasons for the forma- eventually approves the draft prepared by the tion of government. Law enforcement authority Ministry of Finance and sends it to parliament in Afghanistan is delegated to the police, under and finally the president for approval.29 the Ministry of Interior Affairs. The Ministry of The National Assembly’s role in the budget pro- Justice is also involved in maintaining public law cess is defined by several articles in Chapter 5 of and order through a variety of functions, includ- the Constitution. Since the National Assembly is ing management of the juvenile justice system covered in detail in Chapter 5 of this book, here and the prison system, and adjudication of cases we will only discuss those aspects of its author- brought against the government by the public. ity that touch on the duties and powers of the Additionally, the Ministry of Counternarcotics Government. Article 90, Clause 3 lists as one of plays a focused role in enforcing laws against the National Assembly’s duties: “Approval of the the drug trade, and the Attorney General’s of- state budget as well as permission to obtain or fice plays a prominent role in investigating and grant loans.”30 Article 91, Clause 2 provides that prosecuting crimes. the Wolesi Jirga shall have special authority to The fourth Government duty listed in Article 75 “decide on the development programs as well is to “[p]repare the budget, regulate financial as the state budget.”31 Consistent with Article conditions of the state as well as protect public 75, Clause 4 described above, Article 95 clarifies wealth.”25 The central bank is designed to play a the origin of budget proposals by providing that major role in protecting public wealth and regu- “proposals for drafting the budget and financial lating the financial conditions of the state.- Ar affairs laws shall be made only by the - Govern ticle 12 establishes that “Da Afghanistan Bank ment.”32 In other words, for state budget and fi- shall be independent and the central bank of the nancial affairs laws, the Government is the only state.”26 According to Article 12, the central bank body that can initiate a law to put before the Na- is responsible for currency issuance and formu- tional Assembly for approval. lating and implementing the country’s monetary Article 98 has much to say about the budget pro- 27 policy in accordance with the law. Its organi- cess. The first clause states that “The state bud- zation and operation are also regulated by law, get and development program of the govern- and it must “consult the economic committee of ment shall be submitted, through the Meshrano 28 the Wolesi Jirga about printing of money.” Not- Jirga to the Wolesi Jirga along with its advisory withstanding its independence, the president views.”33 Note that the Meshrano Jirga does not appoints the head of the central bank with the have discretion in this process; it must send the endorsement of the Wolesi Jirga under Article Government’s proposed budget on to the Wolesi 64, Clause 11. Other ministries bearing some re- Jirga. The fourth clause of Article 98 requires the sponsibility for these duties include the Minis- Government to present the following year’s bud- try of Finance and the Ministry of Economy. The get to the National Assembly during the fourth Ministry of Finance is responsible for preparing quarter of the financial year, along with a brief the budget, which it does in consultation with report of the current year’s budget which must the Budget Committee. The cabinet reviews and be supplemented within six months by a precise 132 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
account of the previous year’s budget according requirements owed to the Wolesi Jirga by the to the next clause of Article 98.34 cabinet. This is one important way the Consti- The fifth Government duty under Article 75 re- tution gives substance to Article 77’s general re- quires the Government to “devise and imple- quirement that ministers are responsible to the ment social, cultural, economic and techno- Wolesi Jirga as well as the president. logical development programs.”35 As you might Article 75, Clause 7 operates as a kind of catch- expect with such a broad duty, there are many all provision to “perform other duties that, in government departments that share responsi- accordance with this Constitution and other bility for its execution. In reality, every depart- laws, fall within the Government responsibili- ment has some responsibility touching at least ties.” You should see that this clause gives the one of these areas, but a few obvious examples legislature broad authority to control the duties include the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, the of the ministers and their administrative units Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Develop- through legislation. So long as the laws are con- ment, the Ministry of Urban Development, the stitutional and lawful, they are binding on the Ministry of Martyred, Disabled, Labor and Social ministers under Article 75, Clause 7. Affairs, the Ministry of Commerce and Industry, 2.5. GOVERNMENT’S REGULATORY and the Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation. POWER Article 75, Clause 6 requires the Government to 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN “report to the National Assembly, at the end of ARTICLE 76 the fiscal year, about the tasks achieved as well as important programs for the new fiscal year.”36 (1) In order to implement the main policies of the As you hopefully recognize, this provision is an country, and regulation of its duties, the government important piece of the network of relationships shall devise and approve regulations. connecting the various branches of the govern- (2) These regulations should not be contradictory to ment. While the president is the chairman of the text and spirit of any law. the Government, Article 75, Clause 6 is a strong statement on the important connection be- Now that we have covered the fundamental du- tween the ministries and the legislature. This re- ties of the Government under Article 75, we need porting requirement ensures that the legislature to understand how the Constitution empowers has the opportunity to review the Government’s the ministers to fulfill them. Article 76 empow- performance over the last fiscal year and gain an ers ministers, as the heads of administrative understanding of the major programs planned units charged with executing particular Govern- for the upcoming year. Similarly, in the budget mental duties, to implement regulations. Regu- context, Article 98, Clause 5 requires that: “The lations are rules issued by the executive branch precise account of the previous year financial of the government. While they are not laws, reg- budget shall be presented to the National As- ulations have the force of law. They are adopted sembly during the next 6 months according under authority granted by a statute, often to to the provisions of the law.”37 These oversight assist in the implementation of the statute. In provisions establish tangible regular reporting Afghanistan, the permitted purposes of these Chapter 4 133
regulations are to implement the fundamental his ministers to determine the fundamental lines of the policy of the country and to regulate lines of national policy, and if they refuse to the Government’s duties.38 implement his policy he may remove them You may recall from Chapter 3 that Article 64, from office under Article 64, Clause 11. Clause 2 authorizes the president to “determine • The Government is empowered to create en- the fundamental lines of the policy of the coun- forceable regulations to implement the presi- try with the approval of the National Assembly.”39 dent’s policies, but those regulations may not As we discussed in detail there, the president es- contravene the “body or spirit” of any law, in- tablishes the fundamental lines of national pol- cluding the Constitution and any legislation icy with the approval of the National Assembly, passed by the National Assembly.41 and the Constitution does not require the cabi- This network of authority and responsibility bal- net’s approval. The Government’s “main task is ances such concerns as government efficiency, to assist the president in the implementation executive authority, democracy, and legislative of his policies. Unlike the Constitution of 1964, oversight. the Constitution of 2004 leaves no room for a po- litically autonomous role of the Government.”40 The second permissible purpose of Government When the president makes a policy decision in regulations under Article 76 is to “regulate its any particular area of his responsibility, it is up duties.” Clearly the Government may not use this to the Government, under the executive author- grant of authority to eliminate duties assigned ity of the State, to implement that policy. The by the Constitution, and instead any such reg- relevant ministry or ministries must determine ulations must help to execute them. As we dis- whether additional regulations are required in cussed above, Article 75 lists the general duties order to accomplish the implementation of the of the Government. Article 75, Clause 3 is a rela- president’s policy, and whether any law pre- tively clear example: “maintain public law and vents or limits the creation of such regulations. order and eliminate every kind of administra- tive corruption.” Under Article 76 the Ministry You should recognize that this is a fascinating of Interior could (and does) create and enforce area of convergence among government institu- a regulation pertaining to the maintenance of tions with different authorities and responsibili- public law and order as long as it did not contra- ties. It is worth taking a moment to parse out the vene the body or spirit of any existing law. individual and connecting parts in this network: • The president determines the fundamental lines of national policy for which he must re- ceive the approval of the National Assembly. • Upon such approval, the Government, made up of ministers and their subordinate units, implements that policy. • The president does not need the approval of 134 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
EXAMPLE: THE POLICE LAW OF 2005 Regulations related to Government duties often serve to clarify or give content to abstract statutes that touch on those duties. Continuing with our example from Article 75, Clause 3, there are already many laws passed by the National Assembly pertaining to the maintenance of public law and order. The National Assembly enacted the Police Law in 2005 (1384) to create a legal framework for police operations. It was relatively specific and dealt with such issues as police duties and obligations, detention of persons, financial sanctions, use of force, and others. Article 32 of the Police Law states: “The Ministry of Interior can draft and adopt a regulation to better enforce the provisions of this law.”42 Any subsequent regulation adopted by the Ministry of Interior, under its Article 75, Clause 3 duty to “maintain public law and order,” may clarify or interpret language from the Police Law and must not contravene its body or spirit. The Government’s regulatory power is therefore a critical tool that enables the ministries to translate broad constitutional duties and abstract statutes into enforceable rules and manageable procedures, while preserving the National Assembly’s legislative power.
2.6. GOVERNMENT’S LEGISLATIVE Under Article 95, the Government may introduce POWER non-budgetary legislative proposals through a As you saw above in the discussion on state bud- particular procedure established by the Nation- get and financial affairs laws, the Government al Assembly’s Rules of Procedures requiring the does have some legislative powers in addition to signature of the minister under whose area of ju- its regulatory powers. We examined above the risdiction the intended law falls.43 The following Government’s duty under Article 75, Clause 4 to walks through the process step-by-step. prepare the budget and the provision under Ar-
ticle 95, Clause 2 specifying that the Government GOVERNMENT’S PROCEDURE FOR is the only body that may initiate a budget law. PROPOSING LEGISLATION44 However, this is not the Government’s only leg- Under this procedure: islative power. While it has exclusive authority 1. The government’s proposal is initiated to initiate state budget and financial affairs laws, according to the legislative plan of action it may also propose other types of legislation drafted by the Ministry of Justice and approved under Article 95, Clause 1. Furthermore, Article by the Minister of Justice.45 79 authorizes the Government to make legisla- 2. The final legislative plan of action is approved tive decrees under certain circumstances, which by the Council of Ministers in the Office of may have the force of law after endorsement by Administrative Affairs.46 the president. 3. The bills in the final legislative plan of action are then prepared by ministerial committees 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN appointed by the ministers to whom each bill ARTICLE 95 refers. If a bill relates to multiple ministries (1) The proposal for drafting laws shall be made by then they establish a joint committee. the Government or members of the National As- sembly or, in the domain of regulating the judiciary, by the Supreme Court, through the Government. Chapter 4 135
PROCEDURAL PATHS FOR PROPOSED LEGISLATION UNDER ARTICLE 9548
2 1 PROPOSED BY PROPOSED BY NATIONAL GOVERNMENT ASSEMBLY COUNCIL LEGISLATION OF MINISTERS LEGISLATION
submits a Ten members legislative plan of one of the of action two Houses (Wolesi Jirga or MINISTRY Meshrano Jirga) OF JUSTICE initiate a bill approves the plan of action
Legislative proposal COUNCIL OF is approved by MINISTERS TAQNIN one fifth of the members of the confirms draft reviews proposed House where the bill legislation legislation was initiated
Legislation will first be sent to the WOLESI JIRGA for consideration in Committee and then plenary session If either House rejects 4. Once the draft of the legislative document is the bill then a Joint completed, it is sent to the Ministry of Justice Committee is formed in order to reach an for final scrutiny, and then to the Council of agreement Ministers in the Office of Administrative Affairs Legislation then passes to the MESHRANO to be reported upon and confirmed. JIRGA for consideration 5. Before the legislative document is submitted in Committee and then plenary session to the National Assembly, it is reviewed by the General Department for Law Making and Academic Legal Research Affairs (Taqnin). The Taqnin ensures the proposed legislation does not conflict with the Constitution, international Amendments must treaties, sharia, or existing legislation. be sent back to the 6. Article 97 requires that such proposals for National Assembly for re-approval drafting legislation must be submitted first to PRESIDENT the Wolesi Jirga, which sends the bill to the approves, amends or Vetoes can be 47 Meshrano Jirga after approval. vetoes legislation overridden by a 2/3 majority vote of the Wolesi Jirga” 136 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN supremacy. If the Government were to issue a ARTICLE 79 legislative decree during the Wolesi Jirga’s re- (1) In cases of recess of the Wolesi Jirga, the govern- cess that the elected representatives of the par- ment can adopt legislation in an emergency situa- liament found objectionable, they would have tion on matters other than those related to budget the opportunity to nullify it upon their return. and financial affairs. 2.7. WOLESI JIRGA OVERSIGHT OF THE (2) The legislative decrees become laws after they GOVERNMENT are signed by the President. We have discussed the Government’s constitu- tional duties, the powers assigned to execute (3) The legislative decrees should be submitted to them, the checks on those powers, and the the National Assembly in the course of thirty days network of authority connecting the various beginning from the first session of the National branches of government. While we have dis- Assembly. cussed a number of ways the National Assem- (4) In case of rejection by the National Assembly, the bly supervises the activities of the Government, legislations become void. there is one final element of this relationship that we must address. The National Assembly The Constitution also gives the Government the has the authority to question and investigate authority to issue legislative decrees in certain ministers in a few different ways, and even the circumstances and with particular limitations. power to issue a no-confidence vote. This pow- As the text of Article 79 makes clear, the Govern- er has enormous value in terms of intimidation, ment’s power to issue legislative decrees is only and a minister called in to answer questions by operational while the Wolesi Jirga is on recess. the Wolesi Jirga has some reason to watch what Additionally, during the Wolesi Jirga’s recess, the he or she says. Government may only issue legislative decrees in case of an immediate need or an emergency. First, Article 93 provides that “any commission Finally, the Government may not issue legisla- of both houses of the parliament can question tive decrees for matters related to budget and fi- any Minister about special issues.”51 This means, nancial affairs, which must follow the prescribed for example, that the Wolesi Jirga’s Commission procedures of the Constitution.49 on Internal Affairs can question the Minister of Interior about special issues regarding the Legislative decrees issued under the Govern- Afghan National Police and security issues. In ment’s Article 79 power “acquire the force of law” fact, according to the Wolesi Jirga’s Rules of Pro- only after the endorsement of the president.50 cedures, the commissions may question any of Furthermore, Article 79, Clause 3 provides that the government officials included in Article 64, “legislative decrees shall be presented to the Na- Clause 11 regarding “specific issues within their tional Assembly within 30 days of convening jurisdiction.”52 That clause includes not only its first session, and if rejected by the National ministers, but also “the Attorney General, the Assembly, they become void.” This final provi- Head of the Central Bank, the National Security sion is a check on the Government’s power and Director as well as the Head of the Red Cross.”53 preserves the National Assembly’s legislative Chapter 4 137
Article 93 and Rule 27 of the Rules of Procedures Minister shall be explicit, direct, as well as based both stipulate that “the individual questioned on convincing reasons.58 The vote shall be ap- shall provide an oral or written response.” proved by the majority of all members of the 59 In addition to standing commissions’ right to Wolesi Jirga.” Again, the Wolesi Jirga’s Rules of question ministers and other Government of- Procedures supplement the constitutional pro- ficials, Article 89 provides the Wolesi Jirga with visions with additional details and procedures in 60 “the authority to establish a special commission, Rules 99 and 100. For example, Rule 100 states on the proposal of one third of its members, to that each questioner may speak for no longer review as well as investigate the actions of the than ten minutes and that the minister may Government.”54 This special commission’s sole speak for no longer than one and a half hours. purpose would be to investigate the actions of You read a detailed account of this no-confi- the Government, and so would likely only be dence vote procedure in Chapter 2: The Separa- approved for cases where those actions were tion of Powers. suspected of being unlawful or possibly grossly incompetent. The Wolesi Jirga’s Rules of Proce- dures provide further details regarding the spe- cial commission in Chapter 7, consisting of Rules 34-36.55 For example, the special commission must consist of at least 21 members represent- ing the Wolesi Jirga, who must be approved dur- ing a plenary session of the Wolesi Jirga. Finally, Article 92 provides that the Wolesi Jirga “on the proposal of 20 percent of all its members, shall make inquiries from each Minister.”56 With a much lower threshold and no explicit inves- tigatory basis, this authority allows the Wolesi Jirga to call in ministers to discuss issues and answer questions to facilitate good governance. Unfortunately, as in so many places, it is often used as a way to score political points instead of as a tool to help acquire information and un- derstanding. Article 92 does provide a means to punish a minister who fails to adequately ad- dress the Wolesi Jirga’s concerns. The second clause states: “if the explanations given are not satisfactory, the Wolesi Jirga shall consider the issue of a no-confidence vote.”57 The third clause goes on to state, “the no-confidence vote on a 138 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CONCLUSION As previously discussed, this chapter is not meant to delve deeply into administrative law, or the rights of citizens with regard to Government institutions. Its purpose is to provide you with an understanding of the Constitution’s struc- tural mandates and its delegations of authority with regard to state administration. While the Constitution contains many high ideals and no- ble principles, it touches the Afghan people most directly through the Government institutions it creates, empowers, and restrains. In order to protect the people from the danger of tyranny, the Constitution distributes authority among a variety of institutions and compels them to work together in exercising it. This chapter explored the resulting complex network of relationships, the institutions charged with executing the na- tion’s laws, and the principles supporting the structure. While this is an essential foundation, it is truly only the beginning. Chapter 4 139
ENDNOTES Afghanistan, 8, 2004, available at http://www. 1 Tom Ginsburg, Written Constitutions and the Ad- areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/407E-A%20 ministrative State: On the Constitutional Char- Guide%20to%20Government%20in%20Afghan- acter of Administrative Law, in Comparative istan-Book-web.pdf. Administrative Law, 117, 123 (Susan Rose-Ack- 9 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit Brief- erman & Peter Lindseth eds., 2010). ing Paper Series (May 2009). 2 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit & 10 To avoid confusion, we will capitalize “Govern- The World Bank, A Guide to Government in Af- ment” when referring to ministers and their ad- ghanistan, 7-8, 2004, available at http://www. ministrative units as defined in the Constitution, areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/407E-A%20 and we will not capitalize “government” when Guide%20to%20Government%20in%20Afghan- referring to the national government consisting istan-Book-web.pdf. of the various branches. 3 AREU & The World Bank, A Guide to Government 11 Article 90(4) states that the “creation, modifica- in Afghanistan, 10, 2004, available at http:// tion and or abrogation of administrative units” www.areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/407E- is a duty of the National Assembly. While the A%20Guide%20to%20Government%20in%20 president nominates individuals to ministerial Afghanistan-Book-web.pdf. positions, the National Assembly creates, modi- 4 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, Pro- fies, and eliminates the positions. vincial Governance Structures in Afghanistan: 12 Alissa Rubin, Many Karzai Afghan Cabinet From Confusion to Vision?, 6, 2006, available at Choices Are Rejected, N.Y. Times, Jan. 2, 2010, http://areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/611E- http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/03/world/ From%20Confusion%20to%20Vision-BP-print. asia/03afghan.html. pdf. 13 Hamid Shalizi & Jonathon Burch, Over Half of 5 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, Pro- Karzai’s New Afghan Cabinet Picks Vetoed, Re- vincial Governance Structures in Afghanistan: uters, Jan. 16, 2010, available at http://www.re- From Confusion to Vision?, 6-9, 2006, available uters.com/article/2010/01/16/us-afghanistan- at http://areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/611E- cabinet-idUSTRE60E5LJ20100116 From%20Confusion%20to%20Vision-BP-print. 14 pdf. Abdul Waheed Wafa, 5 Confirmed for Cabi- net in Afghanistan, N.Y. Times, June 28, 2010, 6 Richard Kraemer, Towards State Legitimacy in http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/29/world/ Afghanistan, 65 International Journal 638, 644 asia/29kabul.html. (2010). 15 Solomon Moore, Afghan Lawmakers Boycott to 7 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, Dis- Get Cabinet Nominees, Real Clear Politics, Jun. trict Councils: The Missing Middle of Local Gov- 14, 2011, http://www.realclearpolitics.com/ ernance, 1, (27 June 2011), available at http:// news/ap/politics_topics/2011/Jun/14/afghan_ www.areu.org.af/Uploads/EditionPdfs/1118E- lawmakers_boycott_to_get_cabinet_nominees. District%20Councils%20Roundtable.pdf. html. 8 Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit 16 Article 77(1). & The World Bank, A Guide to Government in 140 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
17 Article 136(2). 37 Article 98, Clause 5. 18 Article 77(2). 38 Article 76. 19 Article 72. 39 Article 64, Clause 2. 20 “The Ministers shall be appointed from amongst 40 Rainer Grote, Separation of Powers in the New members of the National Assembly or outside. Afghan Constitution, 64 Heidelberg Journal of If a member of the National Assembly is ap- International Law 897, 907 (2004). pointed as Minister, that individual loses mem- 41 Note that “body and spirit” are not defined any- bership in the National Assembly and instead, where, but a reasonable interpretation may be another individual shall be appointed in accor- that a regulation may not conflict with the text dance with the provisions of the law.” Article 73. itself or the purpose of any law. 21 Article 74. 42 Police Law, Official Gazette No. 862 (September 22, 22 Article 75, Clause 1. 2005), available at http://www.asianlii.org/af/le- gis/laws/plogn862p2005092213840631a346. 23 Article 75, Clause 2. txt/cgi-bin/download.cgi/download/af/legis/ 24 Article 75, Clause 3. laws/plogn862p2005092213840631a346.pdf.
25 Article 75, Clause 4. 43 National Assembly, Rules of Procedures of the 26 Article 12, Clause 1. Wolesi Jirga, Rule 77, available at http://www. sunyaf.org/images/pdf/leg-pub/Wolesi%20 27 Article 12, Clause 2. Jirga%20Rules%20of%20Procedure.pdf. 28 Article 12, Clauses 3-4; see Da Afghanistan 44 Toolkit 3: Legislative Process, USAID Afghani- Bank Law, Official Gazette (12/17/2003 or stan Parliamentary Assistance Program, avail- 30/10/1382) available at http://www.central- able at http://www.sunyaf.org/images/pdf/leg- bank.gov.af/pdf/UpdatedOfDaAfghanistan- pub/Afghanistan%20Legislative%20Process.pdf. BankLaw_1_.pdf. 45 The Legislative Plan of Action governs which 29 For information on the Afghan budget process, Government legislative proposal is drafted, and visit http://www.budgetmof.gov.af/, and see the while the Ministry of Justice drafts it and the Public Finance and Expenditure Management Minister of Justice approves it, the Council of Law, available at http://www.budgetmof.gov.af/ Ministers all have input. NationalBudget/Regulation/Regulation.html. 46 The Council of Ministers consists of the minis- 30 Article 90, Clause 3. ters appointed by the president to oversee the 31 Article 91, Clause 2. ministries. 32 Article 95, Clause 2. 47 This is a confusing process, and we include a 33 Article 98, Clause 1. helpful diagram at the end of this chapter as a visual aid. You should turn to it now. This dia- 34 Article 98, Clause 4. gram was based on the USAID Afghanistan Par- 35 Article 75, Clause 5. liamentary Assistance Program Toolkit 3 cited in footnote 48. 36 Article 75, Clause 6. 48 Based on Toolkit 3: Legislative Process, USAID Chapter 4 141
Afghanistan Parliamentary Assistance Program, available at http://www.sunyaf.org/images/pdf/ leg-pub/Afghanistan%20Legislative%20Pro- cess.pdf. 49 See Articles 90, Clause 3, 91 Clause 2, 95, 97, 98, 99. 50 Article 79, Clause 2. 51 Article 93, Clause 1. 52 National Assembly, Rules of Procedures of the Wolesi Jirga, Rule 27, available at http://www. sunyaf.org/images/pdf/leg-pub/Wolesi%20 Jirga%20Rules%20of%20Procedure.pdf. 53 Article 64, Clause 11. 54 Article 89, Clause 1. 55 National Assembly, Rules of Procedures of the Wolesi Jirga, Rules 34-36. 56 Article 92, Clause 1. 57 Article 92, Clause 2. 58 Article 92, Clause 3. 59 Article 92, Clause 3. 60 National Assembly, Rules of Procedures of the Wolesi Jirga, Rules 99-100 142 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CHAPTER 5: THE LEGISLATURE
INTRODUCTION · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 143 1. STRUCTURE OF THE LEGISLATURE · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 143 1.1. Wolesi Jirga ...... 143 1.2. Meshrano Jirga ...... 145 2. FUNCTION, PRACTICE, AND POWERS OF THE LEGISLATURE · · · · · · · · · · · · 147 2.1. Functions ...... 147 2.2. Process and Procedure ...... 147 2.3. Powers of the National Assembly ...... 149 3. THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 151 4. THE NATIONAL BUDGET · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 153 4.1. How the Budget is Passed ...... 153 5. LOYA JIRGA · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 153 5.1. Structure and Purpose ...... 153 5.2. Recent Activities of the Loya Jirga ...... 154 CONCLUSION· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 155 CHAPTER 5 143
THE LEGISLATURE
INTRODUCTION National Assembly, we will compare and con- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN trast some of these different structures. As you 1. Do you think that the ARTICLE 4 read this chapter, think about the advantages election law has suc- and disadvantages to different legislative struc- ceeded in creating a National sovereignty in Afghanistan shall belong system that fairly and tures. Part 1 will discuss the structure of the adequately represents to the nation, manifested directly and through its Afghan Legislature, Part 2 its powers and Part all of the people of elected representatives. Afghanistan? 3 will examine the Legislative Process. Lastly, The National Assembly of Afghanistan has re- there will be a discussion of the budget and the 2. Are any groups un- role of the Loya Jirga in the Afghan Government. derrepresented in sponsibility for drafting and passing legislation, Parliament? among other crucial tasks. The structure and powers of the National Assembly are detailed in 3. What do you think of 1. STRUCTURE OF THE LEGISLATURE a quota for female Articles 81 to 109 of the Constitution. The Con- members of the Wolesi stitution states that the National Assembly was 1.1. WOLESI JIRGA Jirga? Do you think The Wolesi Jirga is the lower house of the Af- that women would be created to represent the “voice of the people” in adequately represented government.1 The voice of the people forms the ghan Parliament and is responsible for drafting without a quota or is basic foundation of any democracy. The Nation- and approving all legislation, which is then sent the quota essential to enable them to play a al Assembly is made up of two houses, an upper to the upper house for approval. According to role in parliament? house and a lower house. Each has a separate the Constitution, the people of Afghanistan di- rectly elect members of the lower house to five- 4. Do you think that the process for electing members and different re- Constitution sets ad- sponsibilities. They are both discussed in detail year terms. The election must be free and secret, equate criteria for par- below. and election law must be used to determine the liamentary candidates? Would you suggest any constituencies.2 The constituencies represent This system is not unique to Afghanistan. Leg- changes? the districts of Afghanistan, and the Constitu- islatures have played important roles in govern- tion states in Article 83 that the election law ments across the world. In a democratic society, must ensure that all people of Afghanistan are the role of the legislature is to represent the will fairly represented. 3 of the people in government and to serve as a check on the power of the executive. In reality, Each district of Afghanistan elects a number of however, not every legislature fulfills this man- representatives proportionate to the popula- date. Some are overshadowed by powerful ex- tion. Each constituency is also mandated to have ecutives and others struggle with corruption. As a certain number of women proportionate to you read this chapter, think about ways in which its population, but there must be a minimum of these problems manifest themselves within Af- two. In total, the Wolesi Jirga can be comprised ghanistan and potential steps Afghan society of no more than 250 members.4 can take to minimize their negative effects on Before each term and after each election, the governance. Wolesi Jirga elects an Administrative Team from There are different ways of structuring a- leg among its members. The team consists of a Pres- islature to enable it to fulfill its mandate and ident (the Speaker), First and Second Deputies, role in the government. In the discussion of the a Secretary, and an Assistant Secretary. These 144 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
elections can be quite contentious, with the 2011 The Constitution also sets specific requirements election of Speaker Abdul Raouf Ebrahimi taking for all candidates. Each candidate must be a citi- place only after a full month of election stale- zen of Afghanistan, either by birth or have been mate.5 Duties of this Administrative Team are a naturalized citizen for at least ten years.7 Can- set by the Regulations on Internal Duties of the didates cannot have been convicted of a crime Wolesi Jirga.6 and must be at least twenty-five years of age.8 Before the election, the Independent Elections Commission reviews candidates for the specified qualifications and the candidates’ credentials.9
STRUCTURE OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
1/3 of members elected by District Councils (3-year terms) MESHRANO 1/3 of members elected by Provincial JIRGA 102 MEMBERS Councils (4-year terms) UPPER HOUSE Draft legislation 1/3 of members elected by President then sent up to (5-year terms) Meshrano Jirga for its approval
Wolesi Jirga drafts and approves legislation no more than WOLESI JIRGA Elected by people of
250 Afghanistan to 5-year terms LOWER HOUSE MEMBERS Chapter 5 145
1.2. MESHRANO JIRGA Despite the theoretical composition of the Me- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS The upper house of the National Assembly is the shrano Jirga, elections and representation have 1. What do you think Meshrano Jirga Meshrano Jirga. Although the worked quite differently in practice. To date, of the way in which plays an important role in the legislative pro- there have not been district elections because the members of the cess, its powers are not as significant as those Meshrano Jirga are of expenses and the complex nature of deter- appointed? of the Wolesi Jirga as its role is limited to sim- mining what comprises a district – including is- ply approving legislation coming from the lower 2. Do you think that ap- sues like border disputes. This has meant that 34 pointing them provides house, as opposed to drafting the legislation. seats that should have been filled for three-year any benefits that direct periods by District Representatives have in fact elections would not? Unlike the Wolesi Jirga, members of the Meshra- Does the conflict be- no Jirga are not directly elected by the people been filled by an additional provincially-elected tween elected and ap- of Afghanistan. One-third of the members are representative for four years. Thus, 68 members pointed representatives pose a political power elected by the Provincial Councils. Each Council of the Meshrano Jirga are Provincial Represen- problem? chooses one of its members to be a member of tatives while the remaining 34 are the presiden- 10 tially appointed representatives.17 As of 2013, 3. Do you think there the Meshrano Jirga for a four-year term. The are benefits to having Constitution also requires the District Councils there are still no district elections set for the different length terms to elect one-third of the upper house. District near future. for members of the Me- shrano Jirga? What are Council representatives are set to serve three- The differing terms of service – three, four, and the drawbacks? year terms.11 When these council members are five years – may also have a practical difference 4. Are Provincial Repre- chosen to be members of the Meshrano Jirga on the power and influence of the representa- sentatives an adequate they give up their seats on their respective tives, as well as their effectiveness. According to substitute for District 12 Representatives? councils. the Internal Rules for the Administrative Team, The President appoints the remaining one-third the Speaker is to serve a five-year term. In 2011, of Meshrano Jirga members. They serve five-year the Speaker of the Meshrano Jirga was elected by terms.13 Article 84 states that the Presidential the Provincial Representatives before President appointees must be selected from among “ex- Karzai had appointed his 34 representatives. This perts and experienced personalities.” Two seats raised controversy because technically, some ar- are reserved for representatives with disabilities gued, if the Speaker is to serve a five-year term, and two for members of nomadic groups.14 Fifty then the Speaker should only be selected from percent of these appointed members of the Me- the Presidential appointees. Despite that argu- shrano Jirga must be women.15 ment, the Meshrano Jirga went forth with its se- lection prior to the Presidential appointments, An Administrative Team is elected by the Me- electing a Provincial Representative.18 shrano Jirga to fill the same positions as those in the Wolesi Jirga, including a Speaker. The What follows are examples of how other na- qualifications for candidacy are also the same tions have chosen to structure their legislative as those for the lower house with the exception branches. Of course, many factors contribute to of the minimum age, which is thirty-five for the the success or failure of these systems, but try to Meshrano Jirga.16 imagine how each of these systems compare to the system in Afghanistan. Might it be better or worse than the current system? 146 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS EXAMPLE 1: GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF TURKEY In contrast to the National Assembly of Afghanistan, the Turkish legislature, known as the Grand 1. Do you think that there are National Assembly, is unicameral. This means that there is only one house, not an upper and lower any advantages to having a house as in Afghanistan. Another difference between the Turkish Parliament and the National single house of parliament rather than a bicameral legis- Assembly is the way in which representatives are elected. In the National Assembly, the people vote lature like Afghanistan’s? directly for specific candidates in their district. In Turkey, they have a proportional representation system. This means that the people vote for a political party and each party is assigned a percentage 2. Compare the proportional of seats that is proportional to the number of votes they received. The winning party then gets to representation electoral sys- form the government and select the prime minister and cabinet ministers. A party must receive at tem in Turkey with the direct elections in Afghanistan. What least ten percent of the vote to qualify for any seats in parliament. This has the effect of keeping advantages and disadvantages many smaller parties from being represented at all. Since 2002, the ruling party has had an absolute do you see with each method? majority in the legislature.19
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS EXAMPLE 2: PARLIAMENT OF EGYPT
1. What do you think of the Egyp- The Egyptian Parliament is a bicameral legislative body, like the National Assembly of tian system that only allows Afghanistan. The lower house is known as the House of Representatives while the upper house one-tenth of the upper house is the Shura Council. The House of Representatives is made up of at least 350 members. These to be appointed? What impact members represent constituencies, but the division of these constituencies is done pursuant to could this have on the execu- tive control of the legislature? additional law beyond the Constitution. All elected members are to serve five-year terms and election for all seats happens at the same time – 60 days prior to the new five-year term. The 2. Do you think its wise to Shura Council is made up of at least 150 members. The President may also appoint additional leave the division of con- members, but that number cannot exceed one-tenth of the total number of elected members. stituencies to additional law, Members of the Shura Council serve six-year terms and half of the seats are up for election without specifying how many 20 members must represent each every three years. constituency?
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS EXAMPLE 3: INDONESIAN PARLIAMENT The People’s Consultative Assembly of Indonesia is a bicameral legislature like those in Afghanistan 1. What difficulties do you think and Egypt. The lower house is the People’s Representative Council, made up of 560 members. arise from the proportional representation in Indonesia? The upper house is the Regional Representative Council, which has 132 members. Elections in Indonesia follow the proportional representation system so the people do not vote for specific 2. What advantages and disad- candidates, but rather vote for the party they support. Unlike in Turkey, no party in Indonesia has vantages do you see to a gov- been able to gain an absolute majority. Consequently, the government is formed through coalitions ernment formed by a coalition of parties that join together and form a government. rather than single party rule?
In practice, the Indonesian parliament is widely considered to be an extremely corrupt institution. 3. Corruption is a serious Consequently, the people of Indonesia are skeptical that the legislature will actually represent their problem in the Indonesian interests, regardless of the system of representation in place.21 government. What impact do you think this has on the legitimacy of the legislature and its ability to pass effective legislation? Chapter 5 147
2. FUNCTION, PRACTICE, AND 2.2. PROCESS AND PROCEDURE DISCUSSION QUESTIONS POWERS OF THE LEGISLATURE While the Assembly is in session, each house sets up committees to study areas and issues under 1. What do you think of 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN the functions of the 26 discussion. In most cases, decisions are made National Assembly? ARTICLE 81 by a majority of the representatives present in In your own experi- The National Assembly of the Islamic Republic of ence, has it represented each house. Situations that require more than a constituents in the way Afghanistan, as the highest legislative organ, shall simple majority vote are stipulated by law. Quo- that the Constitution manifest the will of its people as well as represent rum, the minimum number of members of par- intended? the entire nation. Every member of the Assembly, liament who must be present to allow the Na- 2. Do you think that the when voting, shall judge according to the general tional Assembly to pass legislation, is achieved National Assembly is interests as well as the supreme benefits of the peo- actually able to exer- if a majority of the members of each house are cise its power to control ple of Afghanistan. present.27 the executive? Or, is the President able to ignore 2.1. FUNCTIONS Both houses of the National Assembly hold ses- any attempts to curb his actions? The National Assembly has three main func- sions simultaneously but separately. However, tions. The first is the Assembly’s legislative they can meet in joint sessions when the Presi- function that gives it the power to pass legisla- dent thinks its necessary and convenes a joint 28 tion and control over the national budget.22 The session. Article 105 mandates that these ses- second function given to the National Assembly sions be open to the public to allow people to is the power to control the executive. It can do attend and see what their representatives are this through passing laws and by exercising its doing. However, if ten members of parliament power of review over the actions of government (MPs) or the Chairman requests a closed session, ministers and government policies.23 However, the public can be barred if the rest of the Assem- 29 this function does not operate in reality in the bly approves the request. Neither house can be way that was intended. Events surrounding the dissolved by the government prior to the expira- September 2010 parliamentary elections dem- tion of the house members’ terms in office. This onstrated the ongoing power struggle between is an important way of preventing the executive Karzai’s government, the National Assembly from influencing or controlling actions of the and the Supreme Court. This will be discussed in Assembly by threatening it with dissolution. greater detail below. Another safeguard is the prohibition on crimi- The third function of the National Assembly is nal prosecution of a member of the National to represent the people of Afghanistan. The As- Assembly for voting a certain way or express- 30 sembly is directly elected by the people and its ing certain opinions. For example, if members purpose is to serve as their voice in government disagree with the President on an issue, the ex- in a more direct way than the President does. ecutive cannot criminally prosecute them for The National Assembly is supposed to protect doing so. This is supposed to ensure that the the rights and wellbeing of its constituents and representatives are free to vote in a way that act on behalf of their best interests.24 This func- they think best represents the interests of their tion is clearly manifested in Article 81 of the constituents. Constitution.25 148 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS However, if a member of either house is accused
1. Are the safeguards in of a crime not related to their opinions or votes place for the National in session, their house is informed and the mem- Assembly sufficient? ber can be criminally prosecuted.31 The relevant If not, how would you amend them? house of Parliament can give its permission for the prosecution and imprisonment of one of its 2. Is it necessary to have a provision protecting members if it chooses. MPs cannot, however, be representatives from detained or imprisoned without the permission prosecution for the way of their house. The only exception to this is in they vote? the case of an “evident crime.” When an MP is 3. Do you think the excep- accused of an evident crime, the authorities can tion to immunity from criminal prosecution investigate and imprison the individual without can be exploited by the permission of the National Assembly. The the government to purposes of this restriction is to prevent the gov- undermine the pur- pose of parliamentary ernment from arresting MPs in advance of an immunity? important vote or using threat of arrest to pres- sure MPs to vote a certain way.
EXAMPLE 4: TURKISH CONSTITUTIONAL SAFEGUARDS FOR LEGISLATORS The Constitution of the Republic of Turkey gives immunity from liability to MPs for any statements or votes they make or views they hold. However, it does allow the Assembly to decide that MPs should not repeat or reveal their opinions or votes to the public. MPs cannot be arrested, interrogated, detained or tried unless the Assembly gives its permission or the MP is caught committing an act that carries a heavy penalty. Additionally, any criminal sentences are suspended until the MP no longer holds office. To avoid problems caused by delayed investigations, the Constitution states that the statute of limitations does not apply to crimes as long as the suspect holds office.32 Chapter 5 149
2.3. POWERS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY The National Assembly carries out its functions Article 92 gives the Wolesi Jirga the power to in- through varied and wide ranging powers and quire into the actions of each Minister in govern- responsibilities that often also involve the ex- ment. Twenty percent of the members must sup- ecutive branch. The Constitution grants the Na- port the proposal for an inquiry.38 If the Wolesi tional Assembly the authority to ratify, modify Jirga is not satisfied with the result of the inquiry or abrogate laws or legislative decrees.33 This and thinks that the Minister is not fit to hold his power is fairly straightforward. Both houses position, they can hold a vote of no confidence. must approve these changes in order for them Article 92 states that the vote must be based on to go into effect. It is also the responsibility of convincing reasons that have been presented ex- the Parliament to approve social, cultural, eco- plicitly. A simple majority is required for a vote of nomic and technological development pro- no confidence.39 The Wolesi Jirga exercised this grams.34 The National Assembly can also set up, power in 2007, when it held a vote of no confi- change or eliminate administrative units.35 Ad- dence in Foreign Minister Spanta in an effort to ditionally, the National Assembly must approve remove him from his position. President Karzai the ratification or abrogation of treaties under claimed that the Wolesi Jirga did not have the international law.36 This means that the Presi- authority to remove ministers from office and dent cannot simply choose which treaties to took the issue to the Supreme Court.40 The Court be party to on his own. The National Assembly ruled that the Wolesi Jirga had not followed the must give its approval. proper procedures laid out in Article 92, and con- 41 The Wolesi Jirga has the authority to create a sequently the no confidence vote was invalid. special commission to investigate the actions The Wolesi Jirga responded by announcing that of the government. One third of the members the Supreme Court did not have the authority 42 of the lower house must approve the creation to interpret the Constitution. This episode il- of the commission before it is authorized.37 For lustrates the difficulty of determining who will example, if members of the Wolesi Jirga think interpret the Constitution in the absence of an that an administrative agency under the power explicit granting of power in the text. of the executive or even the President has acted in a way that is illegal or unethical, they can au- thorize an investigation into government behav- ior as long as they have the support of one third of the members. However, in practical terms, it is unclear whether or not the Wolesi Jirga has the institutional strength to exercise these pow- ers. Divisions within the body and the influence of the executive have prevented the Wolesi Jir- ga from actually acting as a check on the presi- dent’s power. 150 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS EXAMPLE 5: ELECTIONS, THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND THE PRESIDENT 1. What do you think that this As you learned in Chapter 2: The Separation of Powers, one of the functions of the National struggle over the election re- Assembly is to act as a check on the power of the President. In some situations, the President sults says about the relation- may want to mitigate any limits that the Assembly tries to place on his power. An example ship between the National Assembly and the Executive? of this is the struggle between the National Assembly and President Karzai over the results of the parliamentary elections in September 2010. Following the elections, there were 2. Should the National Assembly widespread allegations of fraud, including stuffing ballot boxes and intimidating voters. have the authority to convene Many losing candidates appealed the results and Karzai appointed a Special Court to deal itself if the President refuses with claims of misconduct. The Independent Elections Commission, the body that has the to do so? final say on election results, threw out 1.3 million votes that they found to be fraudulent, but 3. Has the National Assembly certified the results of the election as final and legal.43 that was inaugurated on 26 Many of the losing candidates brought claims of fraud to the Special Court that Karzai had January 2011 been able to carry out its functions? If not, created, and a large percentage of these candidates were his Pashtun supporters. Critics did the struggle surrounding questioned the legitimacy of the Special Court and claimed that it was unconstitutional. its election create difficulties Karzai delayed the inauguration of the new National Assembly repeatedly over the next between the legislative and several months to enable the Special Court to deal with all of the allegations of fraud. In early executive branches of the January 2011, Karzai announced that he would delay the inauguration for another month government? but the elected members of the National Assembly refused to accept another delay. They announced that they would convene themselves if Karzai would not do so. This would have raised a number of constitutional issues because according to the text, only the President has the legal authority to convene a session of the National Assembly. After negotiations, however, these issues were avoided when Karzai agreed to inaugurate the National Assembly on 26 January 2011.44 This situation exemplifies a struggle for power between the National Assembly andthe President. Karzai’s supporters lost seats in the September 2010 election leading some to suggest that he was apprehensive that the new Assembly would be less friendly and act contrary to his interests. Once the Assembly has been convened, there is much less that the President can do to ensure that legislation he supports gets passed. Thus, critics argue that Karzai tried to prevent an unfriendly parliament from being inaugurated in the first place.
The Spanta Case also illustrates some institu- The Wolesi Jirga is also responsible for determin- tional weaknesses in the Wolesi Jirga. Following ing development programs and has the author- the Spanta Case, the Wolesi Jirga moved to es- ity to approve the state budget after it has been tablish a commission to oversee and limit the ac- proposed by the government.45 Both the Wolesi tions of the government. However, internal divi- Jirga and the Meshrano Jirga can question Min- sions and in-fighting prevented the Wolesi Jirga isters about special issues and require either a from appointing more than two of the twenty- written or oral response under Article 93.46 three members of the commission. Eventually, in the face of insurmountable internal divisions, the Wolesi Jirga gave up on the commission and it was never created. This is an example of legal powers granted by the Constitution but not real- ized in practice. Chapter 5 151
3. THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS for its approval.54 In fact, the majority of legisla- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN tive proposals are generated by the Government. 1. Do you think that this Most of these proposals come from a depart- is an efficient and ef- ARTICLE 94 ment of the Ministry of Justice.55 fective way to pass leg- Law shall be what both houses of the National As- islation in the National Assembly? sembly approve and the President endorses, unless The Wolesi Jirga has one month to decide on 56 this Constitution states otherwise. the legislation. Next the legislation is sent to 2. Do you think that the the Meshrano Jirga, which must act within fif- time limits on action ARTICLE 95 teen days. If both houses approve the legislation, by each house are a good idea? What are The proposal for drafting laws shall be made by the it is sent to the President for his endorsement there the downsides to Government or members of the National Assembly and enacted into law.57 These time limits are in- forcing a vote within a month or fifteen days? or, in the domain of regulating the judiciary, by the tended to afford representatives who oppose the Supreme Court, through the Government. legislation the opportunity to effectively kill it 3. What do you think of by never letting it reach a vote. Such a strategy the method for dealing The legislative process is laid out in Articles 94 to with legislation that frequently happens in other legislative bodies, has been rejected by 100 of the Constitution. Article 94 defines a law including the American Congress. one house? as anything approved by both houses and rati- fied by the President.47 There are a number of If one house rejects a law proposed and approved 4. Should the Wolesi Jirga have the power to ways by which draft legislation can be made into by the other house, a joint commission of mem- override the veto of the law. Legislation can originate in either house of bers of both houses is created to address the dis- President and rejection 48 agreement.58 If the commission reaches a com- by the Meshrano Jirga the National Assembly. If ten members of one with a two-thirds ma- of the houses of the National Assembly propose promise agreement, the law is submitted to the jority vote? a law, it must be approved by one-fifth of that President for his approval. If they fail to agree house to be placed on the Agenda for consider- on a solution, the legislation is considered to be 59 ation.49 Once a law is passed by one house, it goes rejected. However, it can still be passed with a DISCUSSION QUESTIONS to the other for its approval.50 When both houses two-thirds majority vote of the Wolesi Jirga.60 1. Does the Wolesi of the National Assembly have approved the law, The paragraphs above describe how the National Jirga have the capac- it is sent to the President for his endorsement.51 ity to successfully Assembly is intended to function under the Con- carry out its powers and The President has the power to veto legislation. If stitution. In reality, this process is much more responsibilities? he exercises his veto power, the law must be sent difficult than the drafters of the Constitution -in to the Wolesi Jirga within fifteen days along with 2. Do you think that these tended. The National Assembly’s work is made powers are appropriate the reasons for the President’s veto. The Wolesi more complicated by internal divisions that can or would you grant the Wolesi Jirga more or Jirga can override the veto with a two-thirds ma- lead to delays and deadlocks in the legislative 52 different authority? jority vote. This system of checks and balances process. Additionally, corruption is a problem between the executive and the legislature is in- within the National Assembly. The divisions and 3. What do you think of tended to prevent either body from having too the issues surrounding lack of cohesion within political groups leads to the no confidence vote much power over the legislative process. a lot of back door deals reached outside the for- in Minister Spanta? Do you think that the Draft legislation can also be proposed by the mal legislative process. All of these problems Wolesi Jirga was acting Government. When laws affect the judiciary, the make the legislative process cumbersome and within its Article 92 slow and adds to the difficulty that the National powers? Do you think it Supreme Court can propose them through the should have the ability Government.53 Laws that originate with the gov- Assembly has in checking the power of the ex- to remove ministers ernment are submitted first to the Wolesi Jirga ecutive and even passing effective legislation. from power? 152 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS EXAMPLE 6: THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS IN TURKEY 1. Consider the Turkish National The Turkish legislative process is different from that in Afghanistan in that the Council Assembly’s lack of power to of Ministers and their deputies have the exclusive power to introduce laws. The Turkish introduce legislation. How do National Assembly does not introduce draft legislation. It only debates and adopts the you think that this impacts the draft bills and laws that are submitted to the legislators for their approval. Once the Legislature’s overall authority? National Assembly approves laws, they go to the President for his approval. If the President 2. Discuss the role of the Turkish thinks that a law is unsuitable, he can resubmit it to the National Assembly for further President in passing legisla- consideration with a list of his reasons for disagreeing with the legislation. In that case, tion? Do you think that the the National Assembly can make changes based on the President’s proposals. Therefore, system of not giving him an in Turkey the President does not have an outright veto of legislation but he can force the outright veto is a good one or do you think that the execu- National Assembly to reconsider laws he dislikes.61 tive should have a veto as it does in Afghanistan? Chapter 5 153
4. THE NATIONAL BUDGET 5. LOYA JIRGA DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN 5.1. STRUCTURE AND PURPOSE 1. What do you think of the role that the ARTICLE 95 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN Loya Jirga plays in Proposals for drafting the budget and financial af- ARTICLE 110 critical issues facing Afghanistan? fairs laws shall be made only by the Government. The Loya Jirga is the highest manifestation of the 2. Do you think that the will of the people of Afghanistan. 4.1. HOW THE BUDGET IS PASSED Loya Jirga is capable of fulfilling its mandate as Only the Government has the power to pro- The Loya Jirga convenes when Afghanistan is the highest manifesta- pose the national budget or other financial dealing with difficult and important questions. tion of the will of the programs.62 The proposed budget is sent to the Its purpose is to decide on issues involving Af- people? Meshrano Jirga first. The upper house gives its ghanistan’s independence, national sovereignty, opinion on the budget and makes recommenda- and territorial integrity. The Loya Jirga also dis- tions before sending the proposal to the Wolesi cusses any other issues involving Afghanistan’s Jirga.63 The Wolesi Jirga then decides on the bud- most important national interests. In addition, get, which is implemented without being resub- the Loya Jirga has the power to amend the Con- mitted to the Meshrano Jirga.64 The Meshrano stitution and impeach the President.66 Jirga does not need to approve the final budget The Loya Jirga is composed of members of the and it can be implemented with just the approv- National Assembly and the presidents of the al of the lower house. provinces as well as the presidents of the district The Wolesi Jirga has one month to act on the assemblies. The Chief Justice and members of budget. If it fails to vote on it within that time, the Supreme Court, ministers, and the Attorney the budget is considered to be approved and is General also participate in sessions of the Loya implemented.65 This could limit the ability of the Jirga, but they do not have voting rights.67 Wolesi Jirga to debate the budget as thoroughly Similar to the houses of the National Assembly, as members wish. Additionally, if a new budget the Loya Jirga elects a Chairperson, a Deputy- is not approved by the start of the fiscal year, the Chair, a Secretary and an Assistant Secretary old budget continues to apply until a new one is from among its members.68 Like the houses of passed and goes into effect. the National Assembly, a majority of its mem- bers constitute a quorum, and decisions only require a simple majority unless the text of the Constitution specifies otherwise.69 154 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
5.2. RECENT ACTIVITIES OF DISCUSSION QUESTIONS THE LOYA JIRGA 1. What do you think of Sessions of the Loya Jirga are open to the pub- The Bonn Agreement of 2001 laid out the steps the fact that only the Government can pro- lic who may attend and view the proceedings for the creation of the transitional administra- pose the budget? unless one quarter of the members request a tion that preceded the current government of
2. Do you think that the closed session. In this case, the entire body must Afghanistan. The agreement called for the con- budget should be approve a secret session.70 vening of an Emergency Loya Jirga which was resubmitted to the to “decide on a Transitional Authority, includ- Meshrano Jirga after its Articles 101 and 102 of the Constitution apply to approval by the Wolesi the Loya Jirga as well as to the Wolesi Jirga and ing a broad based transitional administration to Jirga or is a vote by lead Afghanistan until such time as a fully rep- only the lower house the Meshrano Jirga. As you learned above, these resentative government can be elected through sufficient? articles prohibit criminal prosecution of any 72 members for their political opinions or because free and fair elections….” The Emergency Loya 3. Do you think that Jirga was also responsible for adopting a new failure to vote on the they voted a specific way. They also detail the 73 budget (see Art. 96) requirements for criminal prosecution or im- constitution. should have the same 71 effect as passing the prisonment of any members. The Emergency Loya Jirga indirectly elected the budget? What are some transitional government headed by Karzai in possible problems with 2002. This government then drafted the current this provision? Constitution of Afghanistan. In 2003 the Consti- tutional Loya Jirga convened. It was composed of members representing various groups within so- ciety, including “Special Category Groups” such as women, refugees abroad, internally displaced peoples, Kuchis, Hindus, and Sikhs.74 The Con- stitutional Loya Jirga convened on 14 December 2003 and began debating the draft constitution. In spite of numerous deadlocks and disagree- ments over the text, the Constitutional Loya Jir- ga passed the Constitution on 3 January 2004.75 Chapter 5 155
CONCLUSION DISCUSSION QUESTIONS As you have learned, the National Assembly 1. What do you think of of Afghanistan plays a critical role in govern- the representation of ing Afghanistan. It is the representative of the so many groups in the Constitutional Loya people in government and its purpose is to look Jirga? Was it effective? out for their interests and needs. The drafters of the Constitution structured the National As- 2. Do you think that the delegates managed sembly to accomplish these goals. As you have to adopt a Constitu- also read, there are similarities and differenc- tion that was in the interests of all of the es between the legislature of Afghanistan and parties? other legislatures around the world. The draft- ers of the Constitution wanted to create a body that would work within the unique culture and political situation in Afghanistan. They created a bicameral legislature that is structured to en- sure representation of all of the groups within Afghanistan. However, whether or not the Na- tional Assembly is able to fulfill its mandate will continue to be debated and dealt with for years to come. Regardless, the National Assembly will continue to play an important and high profile part in Afghan politics and governance. 156 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
ENDNOTES 22 Ramin Moschtaghi, Max Planck Manual on Af- 1 Article 81. ghan Constitutional Law, Volume One: Structure and Principles of the State (3rd ed., March 2009). 2 Article 83. 23 Id. 3 Id. 24 Id. 4 Id. 25 Article 81. 5 Khushnood Nabizada, “Afghan Parlia- ment Elects House Speaker,” (Feb. 18, 2011), 26 Article 88. available at http://www.khaama.com/ 27 Article 106. afghan-parliament-elects-house-speaker. 28 Article 104. 6 Article 87. 29 Article 105. 7 Article 85(1). 30 Article 101. 8 Article 85(2), 85(3). 31 Article 102. 9 Article 86. 32 Constitution of Turkey, Articles 75-100. 10 Article 84(1). 33 Article 90(1). 11 Article 84(2). 34 Article 90(2). 12 Article 84(3). 35 Article 90(4). 13 Id. 36 Article 90(5). 14 Id. 37 Article 89. 15 Article 84. 38 Article 92. 16 Article 87. 39 Id. 17 See International Federation for Electoral 40 Systems, Election Guide: Afghanistan Coun- J. Alexander Thier, U.S. Inst. Of Peace, Resolving The try Profile (last visited March 31, 2013), avail- Crisis Over Constitutional Interpretation In Afghani- able at http://www.electionguide.org/country. stan 3 (2009). php?ID=2; see also Inter-Parliamentary Union, 41 Id. Afghanistan: Meshrano Jirga (last visited March 42 Id. 31, 2013), available at http://www.ipu.org/par- line/reports/2382_E.htm. 43 Ray Rivera, “Afghan Political Crisis Grows as Legislators Vow to Defy Karzai and Open Parlia- 18 Obaid Ali, “Even the Upper House does not ment,” NY Times, Jan. 20, 2011. listen to the President,” (Feb. 22, 2011), avail- able at http://www.aan-afghanistan.org/index. 44 Ray Rivera, “After Months of Turmoil Karzai asp?id=1516. Opens Parliament,” NY Times, Jan. 26, 2011. 19 Constitution of Turkey, Articles 75-100. 45 Article 91. 20 2012 Constitution of Egypt, Articles 114-131. 46 Article 93. 21 Constitution of Indonesia, Articles 19-23. 47 Article 94. Chapter 5 157
48 Article 97. 49 Id. 50 Article 94. 51 Id. 52 Id. 53 Article 95. 54 Article 97. 55 Ramin Moschtaghi, Max Planck Manual on Af- ghan Constitutional Law, Volume One: Structure and Principles of the State (3rd ed., March 2009). 56 Id. 57 Id. 58 Article 100. 59 Id. 60 Id. 61 Constitution of Turkey, Articles 75-100. 62 Article 98. 63 Id. 64 Id. 65 Id. 66 Article 111. 67 Article 110. 68 Article 112.
69 Article 113.
70 Article 114. 71 Article 115. 72 Michael Schoiswohl, “Linking the International Legal Framework to Building the Formal Foun- dations of a ‘State at Risk’: Constitution-Making and International Law in Post-Conflict Afghani- stan,” 39 Vand. J. Transnat’l L. 819 (May 2006). 73 Id. 74 Id. 75 Id. 158 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
CHAPTER 6: THE JUDICIARY
INTRODUCTION · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 159 1. ORGANIZATION OF THE JUDICIARY· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 159 1.1. Primary Courts (Mohakem e Ebtedaya) ...... 160 1.2. Courts of Appeals (Mohakem e Estinaf)...... 162 1.3. The Supreme Court (Stera Mahkama) ...... 163 2. JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 166 2.1. Decisional Independence...... 166 2.2. Judicial Competence and Full Jurisdiction...... 167 2.3. Judicial Appointments ...... 169 2.4. Impeachment...... 170 2.5. Independent Budget...... 171 2.6. Judicial Responsibility ...... 171 3. THE DUTIES OF THE SUPREME COURT· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·· 173 3.1. Administrative Duties of the Supreme Court ...... 173 3.2. Judicial Duties of the Supreme Court...... 175 4. INFORMAL AND FORMAL JUDICIAL SYSTEMS· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 179 5. CHALLENGES FACING THE JUDICIARY TODAY· · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 181 5.1. Resource Constraints...... 181 5.2. Corruption ...... 182 5.3. Alternatives to State Courts...... 184 CONCLUSION · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · 184 CHAPTER 6 159
THE JUDICIARY
INTRODUCTION 1. ORGANIZATION OF THE JUDICIARY DISCUSSION QUESTION Students of law often take particular interest While the Constitution gives a brief overview of 1. Given what you know in the judicial branch of government because the organization of the judiciary, it leaves much about constitutions it houses the courts, judges, and lawyers of the to be determined through legislation. Article from Chapter 1, what happens if a provision nation. On one level, the judiciary is the most 123 declares that additional “statutes related to of the LOJJ conflicts important branch, as judicial decisions affect the formation, authority, as well as proceedings with the Constitution? people’s lives in a very real and tangible way— Does the Constitution of courts and matters related to judges, shall be always prevail? criminal cases result in punishment and civil regulated by law.” Accordingly, in 2005, the Na- cases determine people’s rights and mandate ac- tional Assembly passed the Law on the Organiza- tion. However, on another level, the judiciary is tion and Jurisdiction of the Courts (LOJC). This the weakest and potentially least important of law provides the details that fill in the outline the three branches of government. The judiciary of the judiciary provided by the Constitution. In must rely on the executive branch to enforce its 2013, this law was replaced with the Law on Or- judicial decrees and can only apply laws passed ganization and Jurisdiction of Judiciary Branch by the National Assembly. of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (LOJJ).1 Later This chapter focuses on the structure of the Af- in 2013 and 2014, some provisions of the 2013 ghan court system, the constitutional articles LOJJ were amended. The citations provided in addressing the judiciary, and the relationship be- later sections of this Chapter are from the LOJJ tween the judiciary and other branches of gov- and its subsequent amendments. ernment. Part 1 details the constitutional and Why not spell out the entire structure of the statutory organization of the judiciary so that judiciary in the Constitution itself? First, the you will have a firm understanding of what cases Constitution would be too long. A constitution may be brought in what courts, the appeals pro- should be short enough that it can be read and cess, and the finality of judgments. Part 2 focus- understood by everyone—not only lawyers and es on judicial independence, which encompasses experts. Second, while statutes can be easily re- the constitutional structures that separate the pealed or changed by the National Assembly, it powers of the judiciary from the other branches is much harder to change the Constitution. Ac- of government. Part 3 expands upon the duties cording to Article 150, any Amendment to the of the Supreme Court, both administrative and Constitution must be approved by two-thirds judicial. This section explores the controversy (66%) of the Loya Jirga to become effective. In over constitutional review and interpretation of contrast, a simple majority (51%) of the National the Constitution. Part 4 briefly touches on the Assembly can change a law. The drafters of the difference between informal and formal systems Constitution intended the provisions on the ju- of justice. Finally, Part 5 addresses major chal- diciary to be foundational principles for the ju- lenges facing the judiciary today, including the dicial system of Afghanistan and to be perma- lack of resources, corruption, and alternative nent. In contrast, the LOJC and LOJJ represent court structures. the modern National Assembly’s first attempt to create a national judicial system, and it can be amended comparatively easily to fix problems as they arise. 160 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN 1.1. PRIMARY COURTS (MOHAKEM E EBTEDAYA) ARTICLE 116 Starting at the local level, Article 5(2) of the LOJJ (1) The judiciary shall be an independent organ of establishes that lower courts will exist within the state of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. each province in urban and district levels. How- (2) The judiciary shall be comprised of one Supreme ever, the location of these courts can be changed Court, Courts of Appeal as well as Primary Courts by the Supreme Court. Article 62(3) of LOJJ fur- whose organization and authority shall be regulat- ther allows the Supreme Court to create more ed by law. urban primary courts if necessary, subject to the approval of the President. Although some (3) The Supreme Court shall be the highest judicial courts remain to be staffed or built, by law each organ, heading the judicial power of the Islamic Re- province or urban area will eventually have one public of Afghanistan. or more of the following specialized Primary Article 116 gives a rough outline of the judicial Courts (Mohakem e Ebtedaye Khas) and at least branch, codifying several important concepts one general court in each district: (1) Central using the word “shall,” an imperative command. Provincial [or Urban] Primary Court; (2) Juve- Therefore, we know that (1) the judiciary will be nile Court; (3) Commercial Primary Court; (4) “an independent organ,” (2) it will have one Su- District Primary Court; (5) Family Issues [or Per- preme Court, Courts of Appeals, and several low- sonal Status] Primary Court. The Central Pro- er courts, and (3) the Supreme Court will be the vincial Primary Court is then broken down fur- head of the judiciary. Many of the details, such as ther into the following dewans, or specialized how many Courts of Appeals and what types of divisions within the Court that handle specific lower courts, are left to the LOJJ. cases: (1) General Criminal; (2) Civil; (3) Public Rights2; (4) Public Security3; and (5) Criminal, in- cluding traffic violations. Currently, 409 Prima- ry Courts exist throughout Afghanistan. In the Central Provincial Primary Court of Kabul an ad- ditional dewan serves as the Chamber of Crimes related to Narcotic Substances. This dewan was established by the Counter Narcotics Law after the National Assembly and President saw a need for such a court. Chapter 6 161
PRIMARY COURTS
FAMILY CENTRAL JUVENILE COMMERCIAL (OR PERSONAL DISTRICT PROVINCIAL SPECIALIZED SPECIALIZED STATUS) OR URBAN PRIMARY COURT PRIMARY COURT PRIMARY COURT SPECIALIZED PRIMARY COURT PRIMARY COURT
DEWANS: General Civil, General Criminal Criminal and Personal Status (Family Affairs) Civil Jurisdiction Public Rights Public Security Traffic Crimes [Kabul only] Chamber of Crimes related to Narcotic Substances
Not only does each geographic region have Article 122 gives the judiciary the power to hear several courts, but the lower courts are broken “all” cases. How is this true if the Primary Courts down along lines of specialization. If you have a are so specialized? Article 122 is a bit more com- business dispute, you would never take it to the plicated than it seems—the National Assembly Juvenile Court. Likewise, if you were getting a di- cannot exclude any case from the judiciary, but vorce, you would not bring the case to the Com- it can further divide and define the responsibili- mercial Court. Why might the court system be ties of the various courts. The LOJJ regulates the broken into specialized areas? First, specializa- jurisdiction of the Primary Courts. First, since tion allows judges to become experts in one area there are Primary Courts in each province, those of the law by seeing the same type of cases over courts may only hear the cases that arise within and over again. Specialized judges bring more their territorial jurisdiction, that is, within the expertise and therefore consistency and knowl- province. Accordingly, if a crime happens in Hel- edge to the courtroom. Second, specialization al- mand Province, the General Criminal Dewan of lows courts to have slightly different procedural the Central Provincial Primary Courts of Hel- rules tailored to the situation. For example, Ju- mand (or the relevant District Primary Court) venile courts employ special regulations that are have jurisdiction over the case. The prosecutor sensitive to the needs of minors. Judges in the cannot decide to take the case to the Primary Juvenile court must have special training and Court in Kandahar simply because it is closer to are chosen for their experience and willingness his office. to work on juvenile trials. 162 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
1.2. COURTS OF APPEALS Furthermore, the specialized courts may only (MOHAKEM E ESTINAF) hear cases within their specialty, also known as Article 52 of the LOJJ states that Courts of Ap- subject matter jurisdiction. Juvenile Courts only peals (Mohakem e Estinaf) shall be established hear juvenile cases and Commercial Courts only in each and every province. The Courts of Ap- hear commercial cases. The District Primary peals are divided into five dewans, although the Courts, on the other hand, are courts of general Supreme Court, with approval of the President, jurisdiction and may hear any “ordinary crimi- can create other dewans within the structure as nal, civil and family cases which are legally pre- needed. The dewans are: (1) General Criminal sented to them.” (LOJJ Art. 68). In short, while (which also resolves traffic cases); (2) Public -Se not every court has jurisdiction over every case, curity; (3) Civil and Family; (4) Public Rights; and at least one court will have jurisdiction over (5) Commercial. each case. A good lawyer must find the right one.4 A three-judge panel of the relevant dewan of the Court of Appeals hears all appealed cases within At the Primary Court stage, three-judge panels its territorial and specialized jurisdiction, re- hear cases. The losing party may appeal the de- viewing both the law and facts as decided by the cision to the Court of Appeals for that province lower court. While the Supreme Court can only as long as they meet the deadline and the value review the case for mistakes in law or procedure, of the case is greater than 100,000 Afghani for the Court of Appeals can review the Primary civil cases, or involves a penalty or fine greater Court’s decision as to law and fact, as if it were than 50,000 Afghanis for criminal cases. viewing the case for the first time itself and can change the decision to correct, overrule, amend, approve or nullify the decision of the lower court (LOJJ Art. 54).
COURT OF APPEALS DEWANS
GENERAL PUBLIC CIVIL & PUBLIC COMMERCIAL CRIMINAL SECURITY FAMILY RIGHTS COURT Chapter 6 163
1.3. THE SUPREME COURT (STERA MAHKAMA)
Article 117 of the Constitution states that the Su- the Constitution. A judicial order is final after DISCUSSION QUESTION preme Court shall have nine members appoint- the period to appeal has expired or after the 1. What happens if the ed for ten-year terms (after an initial staggered Supreme Court has ruled. The Executive Branch President or the rel- appointment) by the President and with the en- then has the constitutional responsibility to evant Executive official dorsement of the Wolesi Jirga. Article 42 of the enforce final judicial orders, under Articles 75 refuses to enforce the final judicial order? LOJJ divides the Supreme Court (Stera Mahka- and 129 of the Constitution. One exception ex- Might the chance of ma) into five dewans: (1) General Criminal; (2) ists to this responsibility—the President has the this happening affect the judiciary’s decision- Public Security; (3) Civil and Public Rights; (4) power to pardon and must review and confirm making process? Commercial, and (5) Military, National Security all capital sentences. President Karzai has used and Crimes against Internal and External. Each his pardon power liberally (See Example 3 at of these dewans shall be headed by one of the the end of this Chapter). In theory, however, Supreme Court members (LOJJ Art. 42). These pardons are only rarely granted and judicial dewans have the power to review decisions from orders are final. the lower courts that are appealed to the Su- preme Court. The Supreme Court does not hold a new trial. Rather, it reviews the case “only in terms of accurate application of the law” (LOCJ Art. 9(2)). In other words, the Supreme Court re- views the case for a mistake by the lower court, not to judge the facts anew or take new testimo- ny from witnesses. Ultimately, the Supreme Court ensures that the final order in any case complies with the law and the principles of justice enshrined in
SUPREME COURT DEWANS
MILITARY, GENERAL PUBLIC CIVIL & COMMERCIAL NATIONAL SECURITY AND CRIMES CRIMINAL SECURITY PUBLIC RIGHTS AGAINST INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL SECURITY 164 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
SUPREME DISCUSSION QUESTIONS COURT CHIEF JUSTICE 1. Do you think juveniles OF THE DEWANS: should have their own SUPREME COURT General Criminal court? Should they be tried alongside adults if the Public Security crime is serious enough? Civil & Public Right 2. Should there be a special Commercial Court of Appeals for fam- ily law? Are civil law and family law so similar that SUPREME SUPREME SUPREME the same Courts of Appeals COURT COURT COURT judges can handle both? GENERAL PUBLIC How many people do you CRIMINAL SECURITY COMMERCIAL think appeal their divorces? DEWAN DEWAN DEWAN
3. Is this the most efficient system? Should the Courts of Appeals hear the facts of the case again? Or, should they take the COURT COURT COURT COURT facts of the Primary Court of APPEALS of APPEALS of APPEALS of APPEALS as final and just decide if GENERAL JUVENILE PUBLIC COMMERCIAL the Primary Court applied CRIMINAL SECURITY COURT DEWAN the law incorrectly?
Central District Central Provincial or Urban Primary Provincial or Urban Primary Court Juvenile Commercial Court Primary Court Primary Court Primary Court GENERAL GENERAL PUBLIC SECURITY CRIMINAL & CRIMINAL DEWAN TRAFFIC CRIMES CASE DEWAN
PRACTICE PROBLEMS 1. The Prosecutor in Badakhshan Province receives a case involving almost 65 kilograms of heroin. What Primary Court can he take the case to? 2. The government shuts off all water, electricity, telephone, and internet running to an apartment building in central Kabul. The owner of the apartment building wants to bring a case to have the utilities reinstated and to recover the lost rent after several tenants move out. Which Primary Court should he go to? If he loses, where can he appeal? Under what circumstances could he appeal to the Supreme Court? 3. The National Assembly decides that cases involving rights to natural resources and mining have grown in importance and complexity over the past few years. It wants to pass a law creating a new specialized court in Kabul that deals only with these cases. Can the National Assembly pass this law? Chapter 6 165
SUPREME SUPREME COURT COURT CIVIL & MILITARY, PUBLIC RIGHTS NATIONAL SECURITY & DEWAN CRIMES AGAINST INTERNAL & EXTERNAL SECURITY
COURT COURT COURT of APPEALS of APPEALS of APPEALS MILITARY, CIVIL PUBLIC NATIONAL SECURITY & CRIMES AGAINST INTERNAL & FAMILY RIGHTS & EXTERNAL SECURITY
Central District Central Central Provincial or Urban Primary Family / Provincial or Urban Provincial or Urban Crimes Against Primary Court Court Personal Status Primary Court Primary Court Internal & CIVIL GENERAL Primary Court PUBLIC RIGHTS MILITARY External Security DEWAN CIVIL CASE DEWAN DEWAN
4. The prosecutor brings the following case of theft to a District Primary Court Judge: A 12-year-old boy stole some sweets from the local store. Can the District Primary Court Judge hear the case? 5. You have a dispute with your neighbor. He has been dumping trash onto your property and refused to stop when you asked him to. What Primary Court could hear your case? 6. A criminal kidnaps a man in Kabul and then takes the hostage to Ghowr where the criminal murders him. Does Kabul or Ghowr Primary Court have jurisdiction over the case? (Hint: see LOJJ Art. 70) 166 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2. JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE competence and full jurisdiction; (3) judicial ap- Judicial independence is often considered to be pointments; (4) impeachment; (5) an indepen- a hallmark of democratic governance and one dent budget; and (6) judicial qualifications and of the key methods of protecting human rights. responsibility. As you read, keep in mind how One major component of judicial indepen- effective these constitutional guarantees have dence is impartiality—the administration of jus- been so far, where they may have fallen short, tice without bias or a predetermined outcome. and what their potential is for a more stable This encompasses both the ability of judges to future. make individual decisions without outside in- 2.1. DECISIONAL INDEPENDENCE terference, also called decisional independence, as well as the ability of the judicial branch as a Judicial independence includes decisional inde- whole to function as a check on legislative and pendence—the impartiality a judge brings to a executive power, also called structural or branch case when he or she makes a decision based only independence. This section focuses on the Con- on the facts of the case and applicable law, not 6 stitutional structures that aim to guarantee im- corruption or pressure from the higher courts. partiality in the administration of justice while Its importance in a constitutional government recognizing the limiting factors of corruption cannot be overstated. Decisional independence and lack of resources. is both the goal of all the other provisions relat- ing to judicial independence as well as a compo- The constitutional drafters clearly had judicial nent part. The two Articles below specifically re- independence in mind—the very first sentence late to how a court must operate to ensure that of the Constitution’s Chapter on the Judiciary, the public may serve as a check on decisional Article 116, proclaims: “The judiciary shall be interference. an independent organ of the state of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.” When the Constitu- tion uses “shall be,” it gives an imperative com- mand of how the judiciary must be structured. This section focuses on how the Constitution attempts to safeguard and attain the goal of judicial independence. The next sections dis- cuss: (1) decisional independence; (2) judicial
DEFINITION – JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE Judicial independence means that individual judges and the judicial branch as a whole should work free from external influence. This can be understood in two parts: (1) Decisional Independence: a judge’s ability to render decisions based only on the facts and law of that case, free from political, monetary, or other influence; and (2) Branch or Structural Independence: the separation of the judicial branch from the executive and legislative branches of government.5 Chapter 6 167
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN 2.2. JUDICIAL COMPETENCE AND FULL JURISDICTION ARTICLE 128 As important as decisional independence is, per- (1) In the courts in Afghanistan, trials shall be held haps more important is that all cases may be openly and every individual shall have the right to heard in a court. Competence or jurisdiction re- attend in accordance with the law. fers to whether the court has the authority to (2) In situations clarified by law, the court shall hear a case. Articles 120 and 122 below outline hold secret trials when it considers necessary, but the breadth of the judiciary’s jurisdiction: pronouncement of its decision shall be open in all 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN cases. ARTICLE 120 ARTICLE 129 The authority of the judicial organ shall include (1) In issuing decision, the court is obligated to state consideration of all cases filed by real or incorpo- the reason for its verdict. real persons, including the state, as plaintiffs or de- (2) All final decisions of the courts shall be enforced, fendants, before the court in accordance with the except for capital punishment, which shall require provisions of the law.
Presidential approval. ARTICLE 122 Article 128 commands that trials shall be open No law shall, under any circumstances, exclude any to the public. Although certain trials may be case or area from the jurisdiction of the judicial or- held in secret, and indeed many have been, the gan as defined in this chapter and submit it to an- default of open trials guarantees that the pub- other authority. This provision shall not prevent for- lic, including journalists, may monitor the judi- mation of special courts stipulated in Articles 69, 78, ciary. This assumes that judges are less likely to and 127 of this Constitution, as well as cases related be corrupt if they know someone from the pub- to military courts. The organization and authority of lic is watching. Article 129 commands that the these courts shall be regulated by law. court “state the reason for its verdict.” Impor- First and foremost, Article 120 specifies that the tantly, this forces the court to think through why courts can hear “all cases” that come before it, the case should be resolved in favor of one party filed by “real or incorporeal persons,” which in- or the other and gives the losing party a better cludes individuals as well as organizations and idea of whether or not it may appeal the deci- companies. This even includes “the state as sion. The better the reasoning in the verdict, the plaintiffs or defendants,” which means that pri- more legitimacy and faith the public will have in vate individuals can sue the state. Importantly, the judicial system. Finally, Article 129 ensures the ability to sue the government in court for re- that the President or executive officials cannot dress of grievances or rights constitutes a funda- revise a court’s ruling after-the-fact. Except in mental part of democracy. Does this mean that capital punishment cases, where the approval of the courts can hear any case? the President serves as a check on the judiciary, this provision gives courts decisional indepen- Not quite. The courts of Afghanistan have broad dence to use their education and good judgment. power to hear cases, but that does not imply that 168 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS they can or should decide every dispute that is Why is this important? Prior to the 1964 Con- 1. Can you think of any brought before them. For example, it would be stitution, the judiciary did not have complete types of cases the Na- absurd if the losing Kabaddi team could ask the authority to hear cases, and many cases were tional Assembly would want to take away from judge to decide who won the game. Why? Be- simply decided by governors or other officials the Afghan courts? cause Afghanistan does not have a law, secular or without ever coming before a judge.7 The judi- What about corrup- tion trials of National religious, that can resolve that dispute. Similarly, ciary also has problems with corruption but, un- Assembly members or a citizen cannot go to a court and ask the judge like judges, government officials sit outside of other well-connected to make a law when the legislature has declined the constitutional protections for impartial de- people? to pass a similar one. The citizen must petition cision-making that apply to the judiciary. Article 2. Reflect on the implica- National Assembly to see the change in the law. 122 serves to ensure that every case receives the tions of Article 122 for cooperation between Article 120 concludes “in accordance with the same basic judicial independence protections. formal and informal provisions of the law,” which tells us what sorts You might be wondering why the National As- justice systems. Does of claims may be brought—the parties must have “No law shall . . . exclude sembly would ever want to take a case away any case or area from a right under law, not merely a dispute. In short, from the courts. Refer to the box below for a the jurisdiction of the the judiciary has complete jurisdiction to hear judicial organ . . . and controversial example currently facing the Unit- submit it to another any case that arises under the law of Afghani- ed States. authority” refer to local stan. Article 122 goes on to protect this jurisdic- shuras and jirgas? If tion from interference by another branch of gov- the National Assembly passed a law that gave ernment. The National Assembly cannot pass a shuras and jigas full law that takes power to hear a case away from control over family law claims, this would vio- the judiciary. It goes on to list a few exceptions late Article 122. Perhaps, to this general rule. however, the two bod- ies could have concur- rent jurisdiction. Would JURISDICTION STRIPPING AND THE WAR ON TERROR it be unconstitutional for the National Assem- The United States engaged in a controversial (and as many argue – illegal) practice of detaining bly to give people the unlawful enemy combatants at a military base in Guantanamo, Cuba. A key piece of the controversy option to resolve family was whether or not U.S. courts could review the detainees’ cases. law disputes in either the formal system or In contrast to Article 122 of the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan, Article III, Section 2 of the United the informal system? States Constitution permits Congress to make “Exceptions and Regulations” to the judiciary’s jurisdiction. Throughout history Congress has threatened to take away some of the judiciary’s jurisdiction, but it has only very rarely done so. However, Congress did utilize this power in 2005 when it passed the Detainee Treatment Act and “stripped” the courts of jurisdiction over the Guantanamo detainee cases. Why? Congress worried that the Supreme Court would force the U.S. Military to close Guantanamo or give the detainees full trials in U.S. courts. The Supreme Court could have decided these cases in a way contrary to the wishes of Congress and the President, but by stripping courts of jurisdiction, Congress attempted to guarantee that they would remain silent. The American Supreme Court, however, decided in Boumediene v. Bush (2008) that Congress could not take jurisdiction away from the judiciary in this particular instance because it violated another provision of the U.S. Constitution (the Writ of Habeas Corpus, Article I, Section 9). Chapter 6 169
2.3. JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS from direct political accountability and signals As you learned in Chapter 5 on the Legislative that the judicial officer owes allegiance first and Branch, elections hold representatives account- foremost to the law. able to the people. In contrast, many judges are appointed by government officials. Why might 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN we not want judges to obtain their positions ARTICLE 117 through elections? Elected judges might be be- (1) The Supreme Court shall be comprised of nine holden to voters in their district and biased in fa- members, appointed by the President and with the vor of those voters. If a case presented a conflict endorsement of the House of People, and in obser- between a party who also resides in the judge’s vance of the provisions of clause 3 of Article 50 as election district and someone living outside the well as Article 118 of this Constitution, shall be ini- district, the fact that only one can vote should tially appointed in the following manner: not determine the outcome. It would not be fair if judges decided cases based on who could re- (2) Three members for a period of 4 years, three elect them. Similarly, elections cost money and members for 7 years, and three members for 10 judges who must seek reelection might favor a years. Later appointments shall be for period of ten party who could contribute to their campaigns. years. Appointment of members for a second term Another reason to appoint rather than elect shall not be permitted. judges is that elected judges might be tempt- (3) The President shall appoint one of its members ed to decide in a manner that matches public as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. opinion.8 (4) Members of the Supreme Court, except under For example, imagine a court had to decide circumstances stated in Article 127 of this Constitu- a case between a lithium mining company in tion, shall not be dismissed till the end of their term. Ghazni Province that employed almost fifty- ARTICLE 132 percent of the people in a rural area and a land- owner who lived far away, but held the mineral (1) Judges are appointed at the proposal of the Su- rights to land the company already mined. The preme Court and approval of the President. law says that if the landowner owned the min- (2) Appointment, transfer, promotion, punishment eral rights, the company must pay him for the and proposals for retirement of judges, carried out extracted lithium. But, if the company threat- according to provisions of the laws, shall be within ened to discharge several of its employees to pay the authority of the Supreme Court. . . . the fees from the lawsuit, these employees may put pressure on the judge to find in favor of the Structurally, Article 117 provides that mem- company, regardless of the law and facts. If the bers of the Supreme Court (“Justices”) will be judge finds for the landowner, the community appointed for a term of ten years and that “[a] may be very angry at the judge. The appoint- ppointment of members for a second term shall ment mechanism, as opposed to elections, does not be permitted.” Why not? What if the Justice not solve the problems of corruption, bribery, is particularly good and the people would ben- and public influence, but it removes the judges efit from another ten years of service? 170 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2.4. IMPEACHMENT DISCUSSION QUESTIONS The constitutional ten-year limit on Supreme In any system that appoints judges, there must Not every system protects Court office is intended to make justices- be judicial independence holden to no one, since no one has the power also be a corresponding procedure for removal in the same manner: to extend their terms or remove them from of- of judges who fail to meet their judicial respon- sibilities. Strict limitations on impeachment of- 1. The Supreme Court of fice. Article 117 states that, “[m]embers of the the United States ap- Supreme Court, except under circumstances ten serve as an addition protection for judicial points Supreme Court independence. The Constitution of Afghanistan Justices for life tenure. stated in Article 127 of this Constitution, shall What are the advantag- not be dismissed till the end of their term.” Ex- establishes a specific procedure to remove mem- es and disadvantages cept for the impeachment procedures, which bers of the Supreme Court and judges who com- of that system when mit crimes related to their judicial role: compared to ten year are discussed in the next section, the President appointments? can neither fire nor reappoint a Justice. Despite 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN these protections, the President has in fact per- 2. The people of 39 states ARTICLE 126 in the United States mitted the current Supreme Court Justices to elect their judges to Supreme Court judges shall receive lifetime pen- 9 stay in their positions well past the time that state courts. What are sion at the end of their term of service provided the advantages and they should expire. This is another example of disadvantages of that the difference between theory and practice. they do not hold state and political office. system? ARTICLE 127
(1) If more than one-third of the members of the House of People demand the trial of the Chief Jus- tice of the Supreme Court or any of its members ac- cused of a crime related to job performance or com- mitting a crime, and, the House of People approves this demand by two-thirds majority of all members, the accused shall be dismissed and the issue re- ferred to a special court.
(2) The formation of the court and procedure of the trial shall be regulated by law.
ARTICLE 133
(1) When a judge is accused of a crime, the Supreme Court shall, in accordance with the provisions of the law, consider the case.
(2) After hearing the defense, if the Supreme Court considers the accusation valid, it shall present a proposal to the President for dismissal of the judge.
(3) After Presidential approval, the accused judge shall be dismissed and punished according to the provisions of the law. Chapter 6 171
2.5. INDEPENDENT BUDGET Thus, at least one-third of the Wolesi Jirga must DISCUSSION QUESTIONS Control over the budget is an essential element come together to impeach a member of the Su- 1. A Justice of the Su- preme Court for either a misdemeanor com- of judicial independence. Courts must ensure preme Court is about to mitted in connection with his judicial role or a that they have adequate resources to effective- complete her ninth year ly carry out their functions. Budgetary control and the President calls felony. Then, two-thirds of the Wolesi Jirga must to ask if she would like agree to remove the individual from office and also ensures that the legislature or executive to work at the Ministry cannot use financial incentives or limitations to of Justice when she has refer the case to a special court. completed her term. pressure for certain outcomes from the courts. Such strict impeachment procedures make it Can she take the job? Adequate resources and salaries may also en- Can she still receive her harder for the President to simply remove a courage more qualified people to become judges pension? member of the Supreme Court from office - be and lower the likelihood of financial corruption. 2. Now imagine that cause he does not approve of his rulings. There The experience of courts in Latin America sug- instead of a job at the must be an actual criminal charge, and a two- Ministry of Justice, the gests, however, that merely increasing budgets President says that thirds majority of the Wolesi Jirga must agree. 10 will not lead to better judicial performance. he has secured her a The impeachment Articles guarantee that Jus- Sufficient resources must be combined with an position as Chief Legal tices and judges will not be threatened or intim- Compliance Officer at effective court structure and political environ- a thriving mining com- idated into ruling a certain way. This safeguard ment to support real judicial independence. pany. Is the result the for judicial independence protects decisional in- same? dependence. At the same time, some procedure The Supreme Court, under Article 125, has pow- must exist for removing judges who actually er to prepare a budget with the National Assem- commit crimes. This procedure can be used to bly and then has control over implementation of remove corrupt judges from office. the budget. Thus, the judiciary technically has financial independence. The National Assembly Finally, Article 126 states, “Supreme Court judg- or President cannot threaten to cut its budget es shall receive lifetime pensions at the end of to influence rulings. In practice, however, the their term of service provided they do not hold President exerts tremendous control over the state and political offices.” If the member of the Court’s budget. Supreme Court is impeached and removed from office, he will not be eligible for a lifetime pen- 2.6. JUDICIAL RESPONSIBILITY sion. Otherwise the member will be eligible as Not only does the Constitution aim to insulate long as he does not go on to hold other office. the judiciary from outside influence, it also This provision also guarantees independence places an immense responsibility on each and as neither the President nor National Assembly every member of the judiciary to use his power can withhold or threaten to withhold the Jus- in accordance with the laws and Constitution of tice’s pension to influence his decisions during Afghanistan and principles of Islam. Each Jus- the 10 years he is in office. tice and judge takes and must follow his judicial oath of office as declared in Article 119. 172 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN (5) Shall not have been convicted, by a court, for
ARTICLE 119 crimes against humanity, crimes, or deprivation of civil rights. Members of the Supreme Court shall take the following oath of office in the presence of the (6) Shall not be a member of any political party dur- President: ing his term of duty.
“In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful, I Do any of these qualifications seem trivial? swear in the name of God Almighty to attain jus- While the difference between a 39-year-old and a tice and righteousness in accordance with tenets of 40-year-old applicant may be minor, these quali- the Holy religion of Islam, provisions of this Consti- fications must be taken as a whole to achieve tution as well as other laws of Afghanistan, and to their purpose. Each qualification stands for a execute the judicial duty with utmost honesty, righ- value or a trait that should be reflected in the ap- teousness and impartiality.” plicant. Together, the qualifications ensure that all Supreme Court appointees are (1) mature; (2) Additionally, the Constitution safeguards the ap- tied to the community of Afghanistan; (3) edu- pointment process and judicial independence cated and has judicial experience; (4) respected through constitutionally mandated qualifica- in the community; (5) moral; and (6) unbiased. tions. Think about why the following qualifica- tions might be necessary to become a member The final qualification, that a Justice “shall not of the Supreme Court: be a member of any political party during his term of duty” is also in the Turkish Constitu- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN tion, although not in most others. Scholars sug- ARTICLE 118 gest that this qualification actually promotes Supreme Court members shall have the following the appearance of impartiality, not necessarily qualifications: actual impartiality. Nonetheless, the legitimacy of the Supreme Court stems from both its actual (1) At time of appointment the age of the Chief Jus- and perceived independence from the political tice of the Supreme Court and its members shall not branches. Can you think of other qualifications be less than 40 years. that would reduce the actual or perceived prob- (2) Shall be a citizen of Afghanistan. lem of corruption? The qualifications listed in Article 118 represent judgments made by the (3) Shall have higher education in legal stud- constitutional drafters as to what the baseline ies or Islamic jurisprudence as well as expertise qualifications should be to hold Supreme Court and adequate experience in the judicial system of office. Ultimately, these serve as the last line of Afghanistan. defense for judicial independence. If the judges (4) Shall have good character as well as good and Justices are moral, upstanding, educated, reputation. well-reputed, and mature members of Afghan society, the chances are better that they will up- hold the laws and be less tempted by corruption. Chapter 6 173
3. THE DUTIES OF THE SUPREME Remember that the theme of judicial indepen- COURT dence runs throughout the entire judiciary, from top to bottom. The constitutional provisions re- 3.1. ADMINISTRATIVE DUTIES OF THE lating to open trials, appointments, impeach- SUPREME COURT ment, jurisdiction, and qualifications all work Article 116 mandates that “The Supreme Court together to define the relationship between the shall be the highest judicial organ, heading the judiciary and the other branches as well as set judicial power of the Islamic Republic of Af- the groundwork for how the judiciary should ghanistan.” In this role, the Supreme Court must function. do more than just hear cases on appeal; it also serves as the main administrator for all the courts across Afghanistan. Although many Eu- ropean nations give this administrative power to the Ministry of Justice, the 2004 Constitution, like the 1964 Constitution before it, purpose- fully puts control in the Supreme Court’s hands as another guard against influence by the other branches of government.11 The concentration of administrative tasks with- in the judiciary developed in reaction to the lack of judicial independence under the 1923 Consti- tution of Afghanistan. Although that Constitu- tion also declared that “all courts of justice are free from all types of interference and interven- tion” (1923 Constitution Art. 53), in reality judg- es had very little decisional independence. The administration of the courts, including the regu- lation of judicial employees, fell under the King’s authority. Judges, like other civil servants, were obliged to obey the orders of their superiors, in- cluding orders regarding how a particular case should be decided. Compare the 1923 system to the administrative system that the Constitution prescribes today: 174 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN employees not only include the judges, but also ARTICLE 124 their secretaries, the clerks of court, the bai- Provision of Laws related to civil servants as well liffs, and even those who clean the courthouses. as other administrative staff of the state shall also It also includes up to 36 Judicial Advisors, who apply to the officials and the administrative person- have the role of analyzing issues before the Su- nel of the judiciary; but the Supreme Court in ac- preme Court and making a report that informs cordance with the law shall regulate their appoint- the Justices’ decision-making (LOJJ Art. 44-46). ment, dismissal, promotion, retirement, rewards and While the Supreme Court has overall control, punishments. the President still has final approval of appoint- ments and dismissals from the lower courts, ARTICLE 125 which grants the President a great deal of influ- (1) The budget of the judiciary shall be prepared by ence over the judiciary.12 the Supreme Court in consultation with the Govern- Because the Supreme Court has such a heavy ad- ment, and shall be presented to the National As- ministrative burden, Article 132 of the Constitu- sembly as part of the national budget. tion gives the Supreme Court power to establish (2) The Supreme Court shall implement the budget the Office of General Administration of the Judi- of the judiciary. ciary to assist with the administrative tasks. The
ARTICLE 132 LOJJ explains more of its duties:
(1) Judges are appointed at the proposal of the Su- LAW ON THE ORGANIZATION AND JURIS- preme Court and approval of the President. DICTION OF THE JUDICIARY
(2) Appointment, transfer, promotion, punishment Branch of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and proposals for retirement of judges, carried out ARTICLE 32 LOJJ according to provisions of the laws, shall be within (1) The Supreme Court’s High Council shall have the the authority of the Supreme Court. following duties and jurisdictions in its relevant ad- (3) To better regulate judicial as well as judicial ad- ministrative and financial affairs: ministrative matters and attain necessary reforms, 1. To review the structure and budget for the judi- the Supreme Court shall establish the Office of Gen- ciary branch, eral Administration of the Judiciary. 2. To propose on the appointment, transfer, pro- The administrative independence granted by motion, extension of the appointments’ duration, the Constitution makes the judiciary more inde- retirement of judges, and waiving retirement of pendent, although it is not completely insulated judges according to the provisions of this law, from influence by the other branches, particu- larly the President. 3. To propose on the establishment of courts and their specification of judicial and administrative Articles 124 and 132 explain that the Supreme jurisdiction to the president’s office. Court has authority over all judges and civ- il servants employed by the judiciary. These 4. To propose on the appointment of judges and Chapter 6 175
judicial advisors to the president’s office ac- 3.2. JUDICIAL DUTIES OF THE SUPREME DISCUSSION QUESTION cording to provisions of this law, COURT In addition to its administrative duties, the Su- 1. What if the National 5. To prepare required facilities for courts to Assembly wants to ex- preme Court is the final interpreter of Afghan function, pand the courts so that law. The box below lists perhaps the most im- there are two Courts of 6. To take appropriate measures for providing Appeals or twelve Su- portant article relating to the Supreme Court preme Court members? judicial education in order to enhance legal and certainly the most controversial: Can it do so? [Hint: Pay knowledge of judges and other court personnel, attention to the differ- 2004 CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN ence between statutes 7. To take appropriate measures for planning and and the Constitution.] ARTICLE 121 implementing educational programs for judges and court clerks and to regulate other related At the request of the Government, or courts, the Su- matters, preme Court shall review the laws, legislative de- crees, international treaties as well as international 8. To review the annual reports and statistics re- covenants for their compliance with the Constitu- lated to activities of courts, tion and their interpretation in accordance with the 9. To review results of monitoring, controlling, law. and internal studies and to take appropriate Article 121 gives the Supreme Court the power measures to address inadequacy, and to unify to determine if a law, legislative decree, or treaty judicial activities, conflicts with the Constitution at the request of 10. To propose to president’s office request of “the Government, or courts.” In Chapter 2 on the forgiveness or mitigation of punishment for Separation of Powers, you learned that judicial convicted judges, review serves as a check by the judiciary on the other two branches of government, making cer- 11. To perform other duties and jurisdictions which tain that they act in conformity with the Con- are delegated to Supreme Court according to stitution. Article 121 gives the Supreme Court a this law, Constitution, and all other laws, very limited form of judicial review. This provi- The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court monitors sion has proved to be one of the most contro- and has final authority over the Office of General versial in the entire 2004 Constitution for three Administration. reasons: (1) questions remain over whether the Supreme Court can also interpret the Consti- tution; (2) questions remain over whether the Supreme Court can review executive actions; and (3) questions remain over whether another branch or entity also shares the power of consti- tutional review. First, controversy exists over whether the Su- preme Court can do more than just review laws for compliance with the Constitution. Can it also interpret those Articles of the Constitution that remain unclear? The text does not say. 176 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
Complicating this ambiguity, the 2004 Constitu- Notice that the draft specifically gives the Consti- tion rejected the idea of a Constitutional Court. tutional High Court power to interpret the Con- As you learned in the 2 on Separation of Pow- stitution. The final draft that went to the Loya ers, many nations employ a Constitutional Court Jirga in 2004, however, did not include a provi- system, wherein the function of constitutional sion for a Constitutional High Court. Although review is centralized into one separate body. Of- the final draft gave the majority of the Constitu- ten, that judicial body only decides constitution- tional High Court’s power to the Supreme Court, al issues.13 Similarly, in summer 2003, the draft it omitted one key phrase: “interpretation of the Constitution of Afghanistan contained provi- Constitution.”14 Reread Article 121 of the 2004 sions for a Constitutional Court: Constitution. Was omission of the phrase “inter- pretation of the constitution” merely an over- AFGHANISTAN 2003 DRAFT CONSTITUTION sight or an intentional distinction to limit the powers of the new Supreme Court? ARTICLE 146 (2003 DRAFT) The distinction between “review” and “inter- The Constitutional High Court has the following pret” is important. Some governmental entity authorities: must have the power to interpret the Consti- (1) Examining the conformity of laws, legislative de- tution. Written constitutions do not interpret crees and international agreements and covenants themselves, and undoubtedly instances will with the Constitution. arise where the Constitution is not clear. As you learned in Marbury v. Madison, the power of (2) Interpretation of the Constitution, laws and leg- constitutional review only became clear for the islative decrees. United States nearly twenty years after the Con- stitution was written. This might also be the case in Afghanistan.
POLITICAL PARTY- GOER Article 118(6) states that a Member of the Supreme Court “shall not be a member of any political party during his term of duty.” One of the Justices has informally been holding gatherings for the Afghan Mallat Party at his house. His brother leads the party and has asked him to contribute money and his time. The Justice has demonstrated support for the party by contributing money and attending many meetings of the Afghan Mallat, but he never declared that he was a member. The President brings this to the attention of the Chief Justice and formally asks the Chief Justice to (1) give a ruling under Article 121; (2) determine if the Justice’s actions make him a “member” of the Afghan Mallat Party. Can the Chief Justice do what the President asks without violating Article 121 of the Constitution? What may the Chief Justice do in this situation? Chapter 6 177
Second, controversy exists over whether the Su- of the ICSIC. The provision states that members preme Court has any authority to review legisla- of the Commission shall be appointed by the tive actions taken by the executive branch, such President and approved by the Wolesi Jirga but as Presidential legal decrees. Article 121 clarifies gives no indication of how the role of the Com- that the Supreme Court has the power to review mission differs from that of the Supreme Court. the conformity of formal laws, legal decrees (re- This apparent contradiction did not become a ferring to those in the interim period (farāmin-e significant conflict until 2007. taqnīnī)) and international treaties with the On May 10, 2007, the Wolesi Jirga attempted a Constitution; however, this does not include the vote of censure against then Foreign Minister legislative acts of the executive (moqararāt) gov- Rangin Dadfar Spanta. The initial effort failed 15 erned by Article 76 of the Constitution. As you by one vote, but two days later, the Wolesi Jirga learned in Chapter 3 on the Executive, the Presi- succeeded in “stripping” him of his minister sta- dent has broad and sweeping authority to issue tus. President Karzai refused to recognize the le- legal decrees, independent of the legislative gitimacy of the Wolesi Jirga’s vote, arguing that branch. Although these decrees may have a sim- the lower house lacked the authority to censure ilar effect on the nation, they are not technically a sitting Minister and that the power to remove “laws” and therefore do not fall within the judi- a sitting Minister was the sole prerogative of the ciary’s Article 121 power of review. Thus, from President. the text, the Constitution does not give the ju- diciary explicit power to review legislative acts President Karzai formally requested that the done by the executive. However, many scholars Supreme Court review the decision. The Presi- and other nations believe that judicial review dent argued that judicial review is a necessary over executive as well as legislative actions con- part of a functioning judiciary, and therefore the stitutes a key component of any separation of Supreme Court must have the power to review powers or constitutional structure. legislative actions. Members of the Wolesi Jirga challenged the President, arguing that the con- Third, and finally, controversy exists over stitutional drafters must have intended to ex- whether any other institution has the power of clude actions such as ministerial appointments 16 constitutional review. Ambiguities in the text from the purvue of the Supreme Court because and power struggles between the executive and they took the time to specifically list those ac- legislative branches have led to the creation of tions which are included – laws, decrees, and two parallel bodies that interpret the Constitu- treaties. tion – the Supreme Court and the Independent Commission for the Supervision of the Imple- Article 121 of the Constitution explicitly gives mentation of the Constitution (ICSIC). the Supreme Court the authority to interpret the laws, treaties, and legislative decrees for Both the Supreme Court and the ICSIC have con- their conformity with the Constitution. Howev- stitutional authority to interpret the document. er, the Constitution is silent about the authority Article 121 of the Constitution appears to give of the court to interpret the constitutionality of the Supreme Court the power of judicial review. other actions, such as ministerial appointments However, Article 157 calls for the establishment or censures. 178 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
On June 3, 2007, the Supreme Court declared In this uncertain environment, both the Su- that the second vote violated the Constitution preme Court and ICSIC appear to be exercising because the Wolesi Jirga had no authority to powers of constitutional review. Other govern- censure sitting Ministers. The Wolesi Jirga re- ment agencies may ask both bodies to determine sponded by asserting that the Supreme Court the proper way to implement controversial leg- lacked the authority to interpret the Constitu- islation or decisions, resulting in a potential con- tion with respect to ministerial appointments flict if the Court and the Commission should is- and pledged not to follow the Court’s ruling. sue contradicting decisions. However, in defiance of the Wolesi Jirga, Spanta To make the situation more confusing, the exec- continued serving as foreign minister for several utive also has a constitutional role in interpreta- more years. tion. Article 64 of the Constitution charges the The National Assembly responded to the Court’s President with the authority to “supervise the decision by passing, over the veto of President implementation of the Constitution,” a provi- Karzai, a statue creating the ICSIC. In September sion identical to the goal set forth in Article 157. 2008, the National Assembly passed legislation Of perhaps equal importance is the fact that un- giving the ICSIC the power to “interpret” the der Article 157, the members of the Commission Constitution when asked by the President, Par- shall be appointed by the President and con- liament, or the Supreme Court. The Supreme firmed by Wolesi Jirga. Court was asked to review the constitutionality Further complicating matters, the ICSIC also has of the act and declared it in violation of Article a role in drafting legislation. The Commission 121 of the Constitution. Not surprisingly, the would face a conflict of interest if it were asked Court found that it had the sole power to inter- to decide on the constitutionality of legislation pret the constitutionality of legislation and oth- that it assisted in writing. er governmental acts. The Supreme Court questioned the Commis- sion’s authority to interpret the Constitution. Article 157, the Supreme Court argued, only called for “supervising” the implementation of the Constitution, not acting as another body of review. The Supreme Court also took issue with the appointment and removal powers given to the National Assembly over the Commission- ers, which should instead only be given to the President who has the constitutional power to dismiss ministers and other officials. Chapter 6 179
SPANTA VS. CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION How did the exercise of judicial review of the law creating the ICSIC differ from judicial review in the Spanta case? Reread Article 121 of the Constitution. In the Spanta case, the Wolesi Jirga gave a vote of no confidence. Unlike a law, which Article 92 of the Constitution defines as being passed by both houses of National Assembly and signed by the President, a vote of no confidence only represents the Wolesi Jirga’s opinion. Is a “vote of no confidence” listed as one of the acts the Supreme Court can review under Article 121? In the case of the Law on the Independent Commission on Supervision of the implementation of the Constitution, however, the law had been passed in accordance with the Constitution and thus fell under the Article 121 powers of the Supreme Court. The President referred it to the Supreme Court and they returned with their ruling on its compliance with the Constitution. Only the case of the Constitutional Commission met the constitutional requirements of Article 121.
4. INFORMAL AND FORMAL JUDICIAL SYSTEMS The Constitution focuses on the system of state- public opinion regarding the formal and infor- run courts. The Constitution does not mention mal systems of justice. Those who responded to the variety of other systems of justice that ex- the survey expressed a more favorable impres- ist throughout Afghanistan. However, as you sion of the informal system than the formal learned in An Introduction to the Law of Afghani- system. stan, in addition to the “formal” systems of jus- In another survey conducted in 2010, 50% of the tice (state-run courts), a variety of parallel “in- respondents stated that they had turned to in- formal” systems of justice exist throughout formal mechanisms. The data shows that more Afghanistan. Alternative methods of dispute res- Afghans overall (mostly outside of Kabul) cur- olution, like shuras or jirgas, serve as the prima- rently favor informal systems of justice for sev- ry system of justice. The formal system stands eral reasons.19 First, in some areas, the Primary apart from these systems because it is constitu- Courts are hard to reach or are not yet open. tionally bound to apply the laws of Afghanistan, Second, for some cases, it may be faster and less or Hanafi jurisprudence if no such law exists. In- expensive to resolve the dispute in an informal formal systems of justice, like shuras or jirgas, system. Third, the formal courts may be more may turn to other religious law, customary tribal corrupt than traditional courts. Finally, the for- 17 law, or the collective wisdom of elders. mal courts do not take account of restorative jus- Although the formal courts are open to all cases tice, but merely announce a winner and a loser. in Afghanistan, informal systems of justice are Restorative justice means resolving a dispute in still widely utilized for disputes involving non- a manner that aims to rebuild the relationship commercial property, family disputes, and per- between the wrongdoer and the victim as well sonal status issues. The graph following displays as between the wrongdoer and the community. 180 Introduction to the Constitutional Law of Afghanistan
DISCUSSION QUESTION Some traditional customs for resolving disputes the parties involved, particularly important to 1. Can you think of other include traditional forms of apology (nanawati women. Although many instances of discrimi- reasons informal sys- and shamana) and compensation for wrongs cal- nation against women exist in the formal courts tems of justice might be preferable to the formal culated in a flexible manner. today, the Constitution makes such discrimina- system? tion illegal. Moreover, as Afghanistan develops The formal system of justice offers a different and more people travel and live away from their set of advantages: (1) The system of oversight place of birth, they might not be as comfortable and appeal may be more clearly and consistent- going to the local jirga of another community— ly applied; (2) For cases involving high stakes, they may want to ensure that the system of jus- the outcome could be more predictable; (3) The tice will be consistent and the outcome will be informal courts may have too much discretion the same wherever they live or travel. This de- in administering justice; (4) The formal courts mand for consistency requires a country-wide at least have the ambition of applying justice system employing the same procedure regard- equally regardless of the gender or status of less of the province or local custom.
PERCEPTIONS OF THE FORMAL AND INFORMAL DISPUTE RESOLUTION
Percentages of respondents who agreed with the statement below referring to formal and informal systems of justice: