DOCSLIB.ORG

Lucien J. Rode Photographs

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Lucien J. Rode Photographs http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt8j49r8bh No online items Inventory to the Lucien J. Rode photographs Finding aid prepared by Hoover Institution Archives Staff. Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6010 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 2008 Inventory to the Lucien J. Rode 59025 1 photographs Title: Lucien J. Rode photographs Date (inclusive): 1918-1919 Collection Number: 59025 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 6 envelopes(0.6 linear feet) Abstract: Depicts General J. J. Pershing, scenes at his headquarters, and activities of American troops elsewhere in France during World War I. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Rode, Lucien J. Access Collection open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. Please note that not all audiovisual material is immediately accessible. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Lucien J. Rode photographs, [Box number], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1959. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu/ . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. Biography/Adminstrative History Second lieutenant, United States Army Signal Corps; official photographer, Headquarters of General John J. Pershing, Chaumont, France, 1918-1919. Scope and Content of Collection Depicts General J. J. Pershing, scenes at his headquarters, and activities of American troops elsewhere in France during World War I. Subjects and Indexing Terms Pershing, John Joseph, 1860-1948--Pictorial works. United States. Army. American Expeditionary Forces--Pictorial works. World War, 1914-1918--Pictorial works. 59025 - 10.A-V, 55 prints of General John J. Pershing and of scenes at his headquarters at Chaumont, Envelope A France. 1918-1919 Envelope: B 23 prints of General John J. Pershing with King Albert I and Queen Elizabeth of Belgium; 11 prints of Pershing with Marshal Henri Philippe Petain; 9 prints of Pershing with Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig; 7 prints of Pershing with President Woodrow Wilson; all taken at Pershing's headquarters at Chaumont, France. 1918-1919 Envelope: C 4 prints of General John J. Pershing with Premier Georges Clemenceau, and 1 print of Pershing with marshal Joseph Joffre, all taken at Pershing's headquarters at Chaumont, France 1918-1919; 1 print of Edward, Prince of Wales, 1919; 2 prints of Sergeant Alvin York in France, 1918. Envelope: D 20 prints of U.S. military railway transportation; 10 prints of tanks; 5 prints of military use of carrier pigeons; all taken in France during World War I. undated Envelope: E 58 prints of U.S. soldiers engaged in a variety of activities in France. 1918-1919 Inventory to the Lucien J. Rode 59025 2 photographs Envelope: F 43 prints of miscellaneous scenes related to World War I, mostly taken in France. 1918-19 Inventory to the Lucien J. Rode 59025 3 photographs.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact.
    [Show full text]
  • Reassessing Marshal Ferdinand Foch
    Command in a Coalition War 91 Command in a Coalition War: Reassessing Marshal Ferdinand Foch Elizabeth Greenhalgh* Marshal Ferdinand Foch is remembered, inaccurately, as the unthinking apostle of the offensive, one of the makers of the discredited strategy of the “offensive à outrance” that was responsible for so many French deaths in 1914 and 1915. His acceptance of the German signature on the armistice document presented on behalf of the Entente Allies in 1918 has been overshadowed by postwar conflicts over the peace treaty and then over France’s interwar defense policies. This paper argues that with the archival resources at our disposal it is time to examine what Foch actually did in the years be- tween his prewar professorship at the Ecole Supérieure de Guerre and the postwar disputes at Versailles. I The prewar stereotype of the military leader was influenced by military and diplomat- ic developments on the island of Corsica during the eighteenth century that resulted in the Genoese selling the sovereignty of the island in 1768 to France. This meant that Carlo Buonaparte’s son would be a Frenchman and not Italian, thus altering the face of Europe. The achievements of France’s greatest of “great captains” thus became a benchmark for future French military leaders. A French family from the southwest corner of France near the Pyrenees saw service with Napoleon Bonaparte, and in 1832 one member of that family, named Napoleon Foch for the general, consul and empe- ror, married Mlle Sophie Dupré, the daughter of an Austerlitz veteran. Their second surviving son was named Ferdinand.
    [Show full text]
  • Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
    Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ».
    [Show full text]
  • Unipolar Disorder: a European Perspective on U.S
    Digital Commons @ Georgia Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 4-1-2004 Unipolar Disorder: A European Perspective on U.S. Security Strategy Diane Marie Amann University of Georgia School of Law, [email protected] Repository Citation Diane Marie Amann, Unipolar Disorder: A European Perspective on U.S. Security Strategy (2004), Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/fac_artchop/835 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. Please share how you have benefited from this access For more information, please contact [email protected]. Unipolar Disorder: A European Perspective on U.S. Security Strategy By DIANE MARIE AMANN* Much has been said about the National Security Strategy that U.S. President George W. Bush released one year after the terrorist assaults of September 11, 2001.1 The Strategy's declaration that the United States would strike first to prevent attack even before an enemy possessed the capability to attack-a point in time much earlier than when tradition would have condoned an act of anticipatory self-defense-provoked considerable comment.2 Debate within America encompassed multiple points of view; nonetheless, and perhaps not surprisingly, much of the debate reflected an * Visiting Professor of Law, University of California, Los Angeles, School of Law; Professor of Law, University of California, Davis, School of Law (Martin Luther King, Jr. Hall). This essay owes much to insights gained during 2001-2002, when the author was, thanks to Professor Mireille Delmas-Marty, a Professeur invitge at the Universitd de Paris 1 (Panthdon-Sorbonne), and also, thanks to Professor William A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Grand Design for a Post-War Order in French Policy at the Paris Peace Conference
    A Tran-Atlantic Condominium of Democratic Power: The Grand Design for A Post-War Order In French Policy At The Paris Peace Conference Peter Jackson, University of Glasgow France’s policy at the Paris Peace Conference has long been characterised as a bid to destroy German power and to secure a dominant position in the post-1918 European political order. The strategy and tactics of French premier Georges Clemenceau are nearly always contrasted with those of American president Woodrow Wilson. Clemenceau is represented as an arch cynic and committed practitioner of Realpolitik while Wilson is depicted as an idealist proponent of a new approach to international politics. The earliest, and one of the most extreme, articulation of this view was advanced by John Maynard Keynes in his Economic Consequences of the Peace. In what remains the most influential book ever written about the peace conference, Keynes characterised Clemenceau as a French Bismarck and the chief advocate of a ‘Carthaginian peace’.1 This judgement has reverberated through the historiography of the European international politics ever since.2 1 Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, (London, 1919), 32 and 35 respectively: ‘His theory of politics was Bismarck’s. He had one illusion – France; and one disillusion – mankind’. 2 The most recent study of French policy at before and during the peace conference by Georges-Henri Soutou concludes that it was thoroughly ‘realist’ in its inspiration: La Grande illusion: quand la France perdait la paix (Tallandier, 2015). See also H. Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York 1994); 20-22, 44-54; P. Cohrs, The Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932 (Cambridge, 2006), 48-51; A.
    [Show full text]
  • Comprehensive Examinations: a List of Historical Events, Figures, Concepts, and Terms
    Comprehensive Examinations: A List of Historical Events, Figures, Concepts, and Terms Ems Telegram Gulag Archipelago Franco-Prussian War Kellogg Briand Pact Dual Alliance Non-aggression pacts Zollverein Third International Bismarck Dismissed Comintern Entente Cordiale, Russia, France Spanish Civil War Spanish-American War Popular Front Panama Canal Construction Francisco Franco Russo-Japanese War Benito Mussolini Balkan Wars Treaty of Rapallo Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand Fascism Schlieffen Plan Weimar Republic Triple Entente Munich Putsch (Beer Hall Putsch) Triple Alliance Mein Kampf First Battle of the Marne Locarno Conference and Treaties Verdun Wall Street Crash (Black Monday) Lusitania Smoot Hawley Tariff Wilson declares war Hitler becomes chancellor Armistice Day National Socialist German Workers Party (Nazi Treaty of Versailles Party) Senate rejects Versailles Treaty Night of the Long Knives Fourteen Points Maginot Line League of Nations Remilitarization of the Rhineland Alsace Lorraine Washington Naval Treaty David Lloyd George London Naval Treaty Georges Clemenceau Open Door Policy Ferdinand Foch Manchukuo Erich von Ludendorff Japanese occupation of Manchuria Kaiser Wilhelm (William II) Kuomintang Balfour Declaration Sun Yat-Sen Provisional Government (Russia) Chiang K’ai-Shek Petrograd Soviet Neutrality Act Bolshevik Revolution Holocaust Vladimir Lenin Adolf Hitler Leon Trotsky Joseph Goebbels Joseph Stalin Munich Conference and Agreement Feliks Dzherzhinky Neville Chamberlain Cheka Appeasement Third International
    [Show full text]
  • Aristide Briand: Defending the Republic Through Economic Appeasement
    Robert Boyce, "Aristide Briand : defending the Republic through economic appeasement", Histoire@Politique. Politique, culture, société, n° 16, janvier-avril 2012, www.histoire-politique.fr Aristide Briand: defending the Republic through economic appeasement Robert Boyce Aristide Briand occupied a major place in the politics of the Third Republic. For nearly twenty years he was a prominent political activist and journalist. Then, upon entering parliament he was eleven times président du Conseil and a minister on no less than twenty-five occasions, participating in government almost continuously from 1906 to 1917, in 1921-1922 and again from 1925 to 1932. Never during his thirty- year parliamentary career, however, did he take responsibility for a ministry of commerce, industry or finance or participate in debates on fiscal policy or budget reform. It might be said, indeed, that of all the leading politicians of the Third Republic he was one of the least interested in economic issues. Since he repeatedly altered his political posture before and after entering parliament, his approach to economics is difficult to define. Nevertheless it is possible to identify certain underlying beliefs that informed his political behaviour and shaped his economic views. In order to analyse these beliefs, their evolution and their instrumentalisation, the present paper will treat his public life in three stages: the long period before entering parliament, the period from 1902 to the war when he established his reputation as a progressive political leader, and the period from 1914 to 1932 when he became France's leading statesman. As will be seen, changing circumstances led him repeatedly to alter his posture towards economic choices, but in the second stage he became associated with potentially important domestic social and economic reforms, and in the third stage with potentially important international economic reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of Strategic Thinking in World War I: a Case Study of the Second Battle of the Marne
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 13, ISSUE 4, Summer 2011 Studies The Evolution of Strategic Thinking in World War I: A Case Study of the Second Battle of the Marne Michael S. Neiberg1 In his often-cited but infrequently read classic, On War, Carl von Clausewitz famously observed that war is an extension of politics by other means. Exactly what that now ubiquitous phrase means remains a topic of considerable scholarly debate. Generally speaking, however, a consensus has emerged that Clausewitz was urging policy makers to tie their use of military force to the political ends they wished to achieve. By keeping ends and means in harmony, political leaders can mitigate risk and avoid dangers like the phenomenon we now call mission creep.2 This consensus also cites nineteenth-century Prussia as a model for how to achieve Clausewitz’s vision; Otto von Bismarck, the wily Prussian/German chancellor, kept his war aims limited to the abilities of the Prussian army while taking great care not to involve his state in a long war that he feared it might not win.3 He therefore had an appropriate understanding of 1 I’d like to thank David Bercuson, Holger Herwig, Nancy Pearson Mackie, and Russ Benneweis for their assistance and hospitality in Calgary. 2 The literature on Clausewitz is extensive and deep. At the risk of omitting many fine works, see, for starters, Antulio Echevarria, Clausewitz and Contemporary War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), Michael Howard, Clausewitz (Oxford, 1983), and John Lynn, Battle: A History of Combat and Culture (New York, 2003), chapter 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Microhistory and the Study of Parliamentary Debates: Victorien Sardou's Thermidor and the Theater of Politics Steven M. Beaudo
    Microhistory and the Study of Parliamentary Debates: Victorien Sardou’s Thermidor and the Theater of Politics Steven M. Beaudoin Centre College On Saturday evening, January 24, 1891, to the surprise of few, the popular French playwright Victorien Sardou premiered his latest historical melodrama, Thermidor, to a very warm reception and glowing Sunday morning reviews. By Monday morning, however, commercial success was in jeopardy. As word of the play’s criticism of Robespierre spread through Paris, a number of republicans took offense at what they deemed an attack on the Revolution itself. If they thought they had appeased republican sensibilities with a quick editing session that morning, Sardou, Jules Claretie, the theater’s manager, and Constant Coquelin, the play’s star, were sorely mistaken. Despite a calm start, whistles and catcalls from the audience disrupted the first act for fifteen minutes. Order was restored only to be disturbed again in the third act, when opponents subjected Coquelin to further insults and a barrage of unsavory objects. The play continued only after the police entered and removed the most ardent of these demonstrators. The next morning, alarmed by this disturbance and the promise of others if the play continued its run, Ernest Constans, Minister of the Interior, suppressed all further presentations of Thermidor.1 A very different stage, the Chamber of Deputies, was now set for a heated exchange over the liberty of the dramatic arts. On January 29, 1891, moderate republican Deputies Francis Charmes, Henry Fouquier, and Joseph Reinach demanded an interpellation on the government’s intentions concerning the maintenance of both public order and the liberty of the dramatic arts.2 What followed, however, was a day-long debate not on censorship, but on the meaning of the French Revolution and its legacy.3 According to most of the current work on parliamentary debate, there are three possible approaches for interpreting this discussion, each offering potentially meaningful conclusions.
    [Show full text]
  • New York's Ticker Tape Parades Since the First Ticker-Tape Parade Was Held in 1886, Broadway Has Hosted 206 Marches
    New York's Ticker Tape Parades Since the first ticker-tape parade was held in 1886, Broadway has hosted 206 marches. Each event is marked with a granite strip along the parade route—from the Battery to City Hall. Here is a comprehensive listing of each event: 1. October 28, 1886. Dedication of the Statue of Liberty 2. April 29, 1889. Centennial of George Washington's inauguration as first president of the United States 3. September 30, 1899. H Adm. George Dewey, hero of the Battle of Manila during the Spanish American War 4. June 18, 1910. Theodore Roosevelt, former President of the United States on his return from an African safari 5. May 9, 1917. Joseph J. C. Joffre, Marshal of France 6. September 8, 1919. Gen. John J. Pershing, Commander of the American Expeditionary Forces in World War I 7. October 3, 1919. Albert and Elizabeth, King and Queen of the Belgians 8. November 18, 1919. Edward Albert, Prince of Wales 9. October 19, 1921. Gen. Armando V. Diaz, Chief of Staff of the Italian army 10. October 21, 1921. Adm. Lord David Beatty, Commander of the British and Allied fleets during World War I 11. October 28, 1921. Ferdinand Foch, Marshal of France, Commander of the Allied armies during World War I 12. November 18, 1922. Georges Clemenceau, Premier of France during World War I 13. October 5, 1923. David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Great Britain during World War I 14. August 6, 1924. U.S. Olympic athletes, on their return from the Paris Games 15.
    [Show full text]
  • Beaux-Arts.Pdf
    PREFACE For more than two centuries, the Palais Bourbon and the Hôtell de Lassay have been at the heart of French political life. From the very moment the Council of Five Hundred moved there in 1798, the edifices lost their original residentiiaal function and became the seat of national sovereignty and the cradle of our Republican values. These ancient walls resonate with the grand voices which, togetther, have made France and which have shown us and continue to guide us along the patth of liberty and solidarity: Lamartine, Schœlcher, Hugo, Jaurès, Clemenceau, but also,, more recently, Robert Badinter or Simone Veil. These splendid buildings are also an extraordinary testtament to the architectural and artistic development of our country, from the Regency to the modern daay. The architect Jules de Joly, the painters Delacroix, Vernet, Pujol, Alechinsky, and JonOne, as well as the sculptor De Maria, have all left their indelible mark here. Their artistic interpretations speak to us of France, of the demands of democratic debate and of our collective capacity to overcome our divisions. These national palaces, brimming with history, are also, through the parliamentary sittings, the daily arena for the work of MPs, their assisttants and of the civil servants of the National Assembbly. The work of Parliament must be better known by all. More than ever, our Assembly, which is the expression of direct universal suffrage, mustt be the shared house of all French citizens. New technologies have enabled us to make huge steps in the field of transparency and the National Assembly will continue its efforts in this direction, in the same way as it wishes to allow its heritage to be accessible to all.
    [Show full text]
  • Stock Returns, Governments and Market Foresight in France, 1871-2008
    Stock Returns, Governments and Market Foresight in France, 1871-2008 David Le Bris This paper analyzes the historical relationship between the political coloration of the government and stock market performance in France between 1871 and 2008. The Left-wing/Right-wing dichotomy, which is ubiquitous in French political discourse, is utilized in order to build a comparative analytical framework. During the 150 months characterized by the appointment of a new government regardless the coloration, we find that the monthly stock return is, on average, three times higher than for other months. The market appreciates in value with all new governments. However, in the long run, the real return of French stocks averages 4.40% per year under Left-wing versus 0.11% under Right-wing governments. This difference, although statistically robust, is not the result of added compensation for higher risk investments, nor is it driven by short special periods. The existence of a more favorable macroeconomic context during the rule of Left-wing governments only explains one third of this difference. A large part of the difference is concentrated during the three months prior to a coloration change. Assuming that the market anticipates coloration changes three months in advance, we move the boundaries: the difference in stock returns becomes insignificant. JEL Classifications: G1 ∙ G18 ∙ H1 ∙ N23 ∙ N24 Keywords: Political puzzle ∙ Political impact ∙ Information uncertainty ∙ Stock returns ∙ 19th century ∙ 20th century CEB Working Paper N° 12/007 2012 Université Libre de Bruxelles - Solvay Brussels School of Economics and Management Centre Emile Bernheim ULB CP114/03 50, avenue F.D. Roosevelt 1050 Brussels BELGIUM e-mail: [email protected] Tel.
    [Show full text]