European Politics & Tensions
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Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Reassessing Marshal Ferdinand Foch
Command in a Coalition War 91 Command in a Coalition War: Reassessing Marshal Ferdinand Foch Elizabeth Greenhalgh* Marshal Ferdinand Foch is remembered, inaccurately, as the unthinking apostle of the offensive, one of the makers of the discredited strategy of the “offensive à outrance” that was responsible for so many French deaths in 1914 and 1915. His acceptance of the German signature on the armistice document presented on behalf of the Entente Allies in 1918 has been overshadowed by postwar conflicts over the peace treaty and then over France’s interwar defense policies. This paper argues that with the archival resources at our disposal it is time to examine what Foch actually did in the years be- tween his prewar professorship at the Ecole Supérieure de Guerre and the postwar disputes at Versailles. I The prewar stereotype of the military leader was influenced by military and diplomat- ic developments on the island of Corsica during the eighteenth century that resulted in the Genoese selling the sovereignty of the island in 1768 to France. This meant that Carlo Buonaparte’s son would be a Frenchman and not Italian, thus altering the face of Europe. The achievements of France’s greatest of “great captains” thus became a benchmark for future French military leaders. A French family from the southwest corner of France near the Pyrenees saw service with Napoleon Bonaparte, and in 1832 one member of that family, named Napoleon Foch for the general, consul and empe- ror, married Mlle Sophie Dupré, the daughter of an Austerlitz veteran. Their second surviving son was named Ferdinand. -
The Influence of Austrian Voting Right of 1907 on the First Electoral Law of the Successor States (Poland, Romania [Bukovina], Czechoslovakia)
ISSN 2411-9563 (Print) European Journal of Social Sciences May-August 2014 ISSN 2312-8429 (Online) Education and Research Volume 1, Issue 1 The influence of Austrian voting right of 1907 on the first electoral law of the successor states (Poland, Romania [Bukovina], Czechoslovakia) Dr Andrzej Dubicki Uniwersytet Łódzki Abstract As a result of collapse of the Central Powers in 1918 in Central Europe have emerged new national states e.g. Poland, Czechoslowakia, Hungaria, SHS Kingdom some of states that have existed before the Great War have changed their boundaries e.g. Romania, Bulgaria. But what is most important newly created states have a need to create their constituencies, so they needed a electoral law. There is a question in what manner they have used the solutions that have been used before the war in the elections held to the respective Parliaments (mostly to the Austrian or Hungarian parliament) and in case of Poland to the Tzarist Duma or Prussian and German Parliament. In the paper author will try to compare Electoral Laws that were used in Poland Czechoslowakia, and Romania [Bukowina]. The first object will be connected with the question in what matter the Austrian electoral law have inspired the solutions used in respective countries after the Great War. The second object will be connected with showing similarities between electoral law used in so called opening elections held mainly in 1919 in Austria-Hungary successor states. The third and final question will be connected with development of the electoral rules in respective countries and with explaining the reasons for such changes and its influence on the party system in respective country: multiparty in Czechoslovakia, hybrid in Romania. -
Fonds Gabriel Deville (Xviie-Xxe Siècles)
Fonds Gabriel Deville (XVIIe-XXe siècles) Répertoire numérique détaillé de la sous-série 51 AP (51AP/1-51AP/9) (auteur inconnu), révisé par Ariane Ducrot et par Stéphane Le Flohic en 1997 - 2008 Archives nationales (France) Pierrefitte-sur-Seine 1955 - 2008 1 https://www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/siv/IR/FRAN_IR_001830 Cet instrument de recherche a été encodé en 2012 par l'entreprise Numen dans le cadre du chantier de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales sur la base d'une DTD conforme à la DTD EAD (encoded archival description) et créée par le service de dématérialisation des instruments de recherche des Archives Nationales 2 Archives nationales (France) INTRODUCTION Référence 51AP/1-51AP/9 Niveau de description fonds Intitulé Fonds Gabriel Deville Date(s) extrême(s) XVIIe-XXe siècles Nom du producteur • Deville, Gabriel (1854-1940) • Doumergue, Gaston (1863-1937) Importance matérielle et support 9 cartons (51 AP 1-9) ; 1,20 mètre linéaire. Localisation physique Pierrefitte Conditions d'accès Consultation libre, sous réserve du règlement de la salle de lecture des Archives nationales. DESCRIPTION Type de classement 51AP/1-6. Collection d'autographes classée suivant la qualité du signataire : chefs d'État, gouvernants français depuis la Restauration, hommes politiques français et étrangers, écrivains, diplomates, officiers, savants, médecins, artistes, femmes. XVIIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/7-8. Documents divers sur Puydarieux et le département des Haute-Pyrénées. XVIIe-XXe siècles. 51AP/8 (suite). Documentation sur la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919. 51AP/9. Papiers privés ; notes de travail ; rapports sur les archives de la Marine et les bibliothèques publiques ; écrits et documentation sur les départements français de la Révolution (Mont-Tonnerre, Rhin-et-Moselle, Roer et Sarre) ; manuscrit d'une « Chronologie générale avant notre ère ». -
Sample Chapter
01-1253-CH 1 2/5/02 2:30 PM Page 1 A Unique Partnership the u.s.-french relationship is a unique mix of rivalry and cooper- ation. Historical allies and comrades in arms, the United States and France are often fractious and quarrelsome.1 These visions are not irreconcilable, however. Even if a divorce were possible, there would be insufficient grounds to support it. French-American frictions are a staple of trans- atlantic relations, so much so that it is easy to dismiss them as a stylized family feud whose manifestations are tempered by the absence of funda- mental conflict. In our estimation, such a complacent assessment is mis- taken. The fundamental changes that have taken place since 1989 have made tensions more serious because they are not contained by the tight configu- rations of the cold war.2 Differences now have more room to play them- selves out and can have wider repercussions. The tense and often con- tentious duel between Washington and Paris over a wide array of issues—designs for the new security architecture of Europe, for supervising commercial competition, for coping with the conflicts of the former Yugoslavia—all have had meaning and consequence that have gone well beyond the status of their bilateral relationship.3 France’s European challenge to American domination in the early 1990s encapsulated two central issues: how to reconstitute the political space of postcommunist Europe and how to redistribute roles and respon- sibilities in the transatlantic partnership.4 The expression of this ambition in an atmosphere made acrimonious by the clash of national egos gener- ated tensions, though some of these proved eventually to be constructive. -
Unipolar Disorder: a European Perspective on U.S
Digital Commons @ Georgia Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 4-1-2004 Unipolar Disorder: A European Perspective on U.S. Security Strategy Diane Marie Amann University of Georgia School of Law, [email protected] Repository Citation Diane Marie Amann, Unipolar Disorder: A European Perspective on U.S. Security Strategy (2004), Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/fac_artchop/835 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. Please share how you have benefited from this access For more information, please contact [email protected]. Unipolar Disorder: A European Perspective on U.S. Security Strategy By DIANE MARIE AMANN* Much has been said about the National Security Strategy that U.S. President George W. Bush released one year after the terrorist assaults of September 11, 2001.1 The Strategy's declaration that the United States would strike first to prevent attack even before an enemy possessed the capability to attack-a point in time much earlier than when tradition would have condoned an act of anticipatory self-defense-provoked considerable comment.2 Debate within America encompassed multiple points of view; nonetheless, and perhaps not surprisingly, much of the debate reflected an * Visiting Professor of Law, University of California, Los Angeles, School of Law; Professor of Law, University of California, Davis, School of Law (Martin Luther King, Jr. Hall). This essay owes much to insights gained during 2001-2002, when the author was, thanks to Professor Mireille Delmas-Marty, a Professeur invitge at the Universitd de Paris 1 (Panthdon-Sorbonne), and also, thanks to Professor William A. -
Diplomarbeit
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit „Das Nationalitätenproblem der Österreichisch- Ungarischen Monarchie und das Völkermanifest als letzter Rettungsversuch durch Kaiser Karl und Maximilian Hussarek“ Verfasserin Elisabeth Haberl Angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. Phil.) Wien, im Jänner 2011 Studienkennzahl lt.Studienblatt: A 312 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Geschichte Betreuer: Hon.Prof. Dr. Lorenz Mikoletzky 2 Das Nationalitätenproblem der Österreichisch- Ungarischen Monarchie und das Völkermanifest als letzter Rettungsversuch durch Kaiser Karl und Maximilian Hussarek Inhaltsverzeichnis 1.Vorwort ................................................................................................................. 5 2.Einleitung und Fragestellungen ............................................................................ 6 2.1.Militärische Probleme ..................................................................................... 6 2.2. Schwierigkeiten im Zivilleben ........................................................................ 7 2.3. Österreichische Politiker ............................................................................... 8 2.4. Fragestellungen ............................................................................................ 8 3. Das Nationalitätenproblem in der Habsburgermonarchie .................................... 9 3.1.Nationale Forderungen – Die „Deutschen“ in der -
Family Business in Abu Dhabi November 2019
www.abudhabichamber.ae Family Business in Abu Dhabi November 2019 In association with Sectoral Report Family Business in Abu Dhabi Dear reader The subject of the family-owned company is business and best practices elsewhere in fairly underrepresented in today’s economic the world. It quickly becomes apparent that publications and research lists, at least if the challenges and opportunities are very measured against the overarching economic much the same. The long-term success of importance that family-owned businesses a business dominates the mindset of family have for the economy. For example, Abu business owners both in Germany—the Dhabi’s economy is driven by family- example quoted here in the report—and controlled companies. In fact, its entire in Abu Dhabi. Preserving the business for private sector, except for several listed the next generation matters, even if, like in companies, consists of family-controlled the case of Germany, demographic change businesses. makes it difficult to find a successor. Far from aiming to filling this research The editorial team for this report had gap, this report highlights the importance the opportunity to conduct interviews with of family-controlled companies, how they executives of local, family-owned firms. The have performed in the recent past, and what authors of this report decided to conduct the challenges they are confronted with. The interviews in anonymity. focus is on the challenges family businesses The results of the interviews are face. Except for sectors that are usually in summarized in the latter half of this report. government control or require large upfront Key policy recommendations have been investment, family businesses are active distilled, which will hopefully enable family in most parts of the economy. -
The Appeal of Fascism to the British Aristocracy During the Inter-War Years, 1919-1939
THE APPEAL OF FASCISM TO THE BRITISH ARISTOCRACY DURING THE INTER-WAR YEARS, 1919-1939 THESIS PRESENTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OFARTS. By Kenna Toombs NORTHWEST MISSOURI STATE UNIVERSITY MARYVILLE, MISSOURI AUGUST 2013 The Appeal of Fascism 2 Running Head: THE APPEAL OF FASCISM TO THE BRITISH ARISTOCRACY DURING THE INTER-WAR YEARS, 1919-1939 The Appeal of Fascism to the British Aristocracy During the Inter-War Years, 1919-1939 Kenna Toombs Northwest Missouri State University THESIS APPROVED Date Dean of Graduate School Date The Appeal of Fascism 3 Abstract This thesis examines the reasons the British aristocracy became interested in fascism during the years between the First and Second World Wars. As a group the aristocracy faced a set of circumstances unique to their class. These circumstances created the fear of another devastating war, loss of Empire, and the spread of Bolshevism. The conclusion was determined by researching numerous books and articles. When events required sacrifice to save king and country, the aristocracy forfeited privilege and wealth to save England. The Appeal of Fascism 4 Contents Chapter One Background for Inter-War Years 5 Chapter Two The Lost Generation 1919-1932 25 Chapter Three The Promise of Fascism 1932-1936 44 Chapter Four The Decline of Fascism in Great Britain 71 Conclusion Fascism After 1940 83 The Appeal of Fascism 5 Chapter One: Background for Inter-War Years Most discussions of fascism include Italy, which gave rise to the movement; Spain, which adopted its principles; and Germany, which forever condemned it in the eyes of the world; but few include Great Britain. -
The Last Prime Minister of Austria's Monarchy: Heinrich Lammasch on Democratization, Federalism and Peace
Humboldt Kolleg Hilton Garden Inn Hotel, Doamnei St. 12, Bucharest 18-22 November 2020 Global Challenges of the 21st Century 1) Technological development and human health/ quality of life 2) Climate change and environmental sustainability 3) Democracy and cohesion in Europe The Last Prime Minister of Austria’s Monarchy: Heinrich Lammasch on Democratization, Federalism and Peace The rule of law was shaken to the core during World War I; this left a deep memory of disappointment to all of those who believed in this legal principle. Similar things can be said about democracy. Political interest and military needs turned out to be by far more important than provisions by statutory and particularly constitutional law. As many other countries, Austria established a dictatorship. By the end of the war, it became clear that Austria would have to manage a delicate and complex political mission on many levels: it had to negotiate peace conditions with the Entente, caring that Austrian political interests might not be identical with those of its ally, the German Empire. Additionally, the transformation of the Austro-Hungarian Empire into a new political entity had to be negotiated with lots of interest groups. The latter mission can probably be summarized as the attempt of a democratization of a highly undemocratic and authoritarian system. It is interesting that particularly one person had finally to manage that transformation. It was the Viennese Law Professor Heinrich Lammasch. Lammasch was at that time a “World Authority on International Law” as the New York Times put it in its obituary when he died in January 1920. -
The Grand Design for a Post-War Order in French Policy at the Paris Peace Conference
A Tran-Atlantic Condominium of Democratic Power: The Grand Design for A Post-War Order In French Policy At The Paris Peace Conference Peter Jackson, University of Glasgow France’s policy at the Paris Peace Conference has long been characterised as a bid to destroy German power and to secure a dominant position in the post-1918 European political order. The strategy and tactics of French premier Georges Clemenceau are nearly always contrasted with those of American president Woodrow Wilson. Clemenceau is represented as an arch cynic and committed practitioner of Realpolitik while Wilson is depicted as an idealist proponent of a new approach to international politics. The earliest, and one of the most extreme, articulation of this view was advanced by John Maynard Keynes in his Economic Consequences of the Peace. In what remains the most influential book ever written about the peace conference, Keynes characterised Clemenceau as a French Bismarck and the chief advocate of a ‘Carthaginian peace’.1 This judgement has reverberated through the historiography of the European international politics ever since.2 1 Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, (London, 1919), 32 and 35 respectively: ‘His theory of politics was Bismarck’s. He had one illusion – France; and one disillusion – mankind’. 2 The most recent study of French policy at before and during the peace conference by Georges-Henri Soutou concludes that it was thoroughly ‘realist’ in its inspiration: La Grande illusion: quand la France perdait la paix (Tallandier, 2015). See also H. Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York 1994); 20-22, 44-54; P. Cohrs, The Unfinished Peace after World War I: America, Britain and the stabilisation of Europe, 1919-1932 (Cambridge, 2006), 48-51; A. -
Prof. Oppenheim and Prof. Lammasch
Washington University Law Review Volume 5 Issue 1 January 1920 Prof. Oppenheim and Prof. Lammasch Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Legal Biography Commons Recommended Citation Prof. Oppenheim and Prof. Lammasch, 5 ST. LOUIS L. REV. 047 (1920). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol5/iss1/6 This Miscellaneous is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES PROF. OPPENHEIM AND PROF. LAMMASCH In the new epoch upon which international relations are entering the world can ill afford to lose the abilities and services of Prof. Lassa rrancis Lawrence Oppenheim and of Prof. Heinrich Lammasch, whose deaths have been recently announced. Both were international jurists and scholars of the highest type and both had achieved places of profound respect in the world of legal thought and action. Prof. Oppenheim was born in Germany in 1858. He held positions of academic distinction there and in Switzerland, during which time he was the author of a number of works on legal subjects. In 1895 he accetited the offer of the position of professor of International Law at the London School of Economics, took up his residence in England and became a British subject. In 1908, on the resignation of John Westlake, he was called to the Whewell Chair of International Law at Cambridge University, which he occupied at the time of his death, October 7, 1919.