Grand Portage National Monument Historic Documents Study
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Bourgeois De La Compagnie
LES BOURGEOIS DE LA COMPAGNIE NORD-OUEST RÉCITS DE VOYAGES, LETTRES ET RAPPORTS INÉDITS RELATIFS AU NORD-OUEST CANADIEN PUBLIES AVEC UNE ESQUISSE HISTORIQUE et des Annotations 1A, R. MASSOtf Deuxième Série ' QUÉBEC DE L'IMPRIMERIE GÉNÉRALE A. COTÉ ET <i 1890 RÉCITS DE VOYAGES LETTRES ET RAPPORTS INÉDITS RELATIFS AU NORD-OUEST CANADIEN DEUXIÈME SÉRIE 1. M. John McDonald, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest. " Autobiographical Notes", 1*791-1816. 2. M. George Keith, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord- Ouest. Lettres à l'honorable E. McKenzie: 1807- 1817.—Les départements de la Rivière Mackenzie et du " Lac d'Ours "—Great Bear Lake.—Légendes. 8. M. John Johnston, traiteur libre, du Sault Ste-Marie. " An account of Lake Superior ", 1792-1807. 4. M. Samuel H. "Wilcocke. Narrative of circumstances attending the death of the late Benjamin Frobisher, Esq., a Partner of the North-West Company", 1819. — Luttes contre Lord Selkirk et la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hud- son. 5. M. Duncan Cameron, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest. " A sketch of the customs, manners and way of living of the Natives in the barren Country àbout Nipi- gon " :—Extraits de son journal, 1804-1805.—La traite avec les sauvages. 6. M. Peter G-xant, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord- Ouest. " The Sauteux Indians ", vers 1804. — ri — 7. M. James McKenzie, Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest. Extraits de son journal de 1199. — Le département d'Atkabasca. 8. M. James McKenzie. " Some account of the King's Posts, the Labrador Coast and the Island of Anticosti, by an Indian Trader residing there several years ; with a Descrip tion of the Natives, and the Journal of a trip through those Countries, in 1808, by the same Person." 9. -
The Beaver Club (1785-1827): Behind Closed Doors Bella Silverman
The Beaver Club (1785-1827): Behind Closed Doors Bella Silverman Montreal’s infamous Beaver Club (1785-1827) was a social group that brought together retired merchants and acted as a platform where young fur traders could enter Montreal’s bourgeois society.1 The rules and social values governing the club reveal the violent, racist, and misogynistic underpinnings of the group; its membership was exclusively white and male, and the club admitted members who participated in morally grotesque and violent activities, such as murder and slavery. Further, the club’s mandate encouraged the systematic “othering” of those believed to be “savage” and unlike themselves.2 Indeed, the Beaver Club’s exploitive, exclusive, and violent character was cultivated in private gatherings held at its Beaver Hall Hill mansion.3 (fig. 1) Subjected to specific rules and regulations, the club allowed members to collude economically, often through their participation in the institution of slavery, and idealize the strength of white men who wintered in the North American interior or “Indian Country.”4 Up until 1821, Montreal was a mercantile city which relied upon the fur trade and international import-exports as its economic engine.5 Following the British Conquest of New France in 1759, the fur trading merchants’ influence was especially strong.6 Increasing affluence and opportunities for leisure led to the establishment of social organizations, the Beaver Club being one among many.7 The Beaver Club was founded in 1785 by the same group of men who founded the North West Company (NWC), a fur trading organization established in 1775. 9 Some of the company’s founding partners were James McGill, the Frobisher brothers, and later, Alexander Henry.10 These men were also some of the Beaver Club’s original members.11 (figs. -
C:\Users\Patricia\Documents\ACFN Shell Hearings\ACFN Report Text.11
1. Introduction and Terms of Reference I was invited by Chief Allan Adam of the Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation to work on its behalf as it prepared for the hearings for Shell’s proposed Jackpine Mine Expansion and new Pierre River Mine (letter 18 Nov. 2010). Sean Nixon, with Woodward & Company LLP, then provided me with terms of reference to follow in writing an expert report (e-mail letter 21 Dec. 2010): 1. Provide an ethnographic description of the people who now form Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation, including an analysis of how traditional band structures differ from those created by virtue of the Indian Act . 2. Describe how ACFN passed on their culture and cultural practices to future generations (e.g., what were their oral history traditions?). 3. Provide a description of ACFN traditional territory or traditional lands, including: a. whether there was a pre-contact (and/or pre-Treaty) concept of ACFN territory, b. the extent to which ACFN moved around within their territory (including: the amount of space required to carry out their traditional activities; the need to be respectful of others’ rights; and the depletion of resources), c. “axes” of ACFN territory (if this concept is relevant to ACFN), d. whether there was any amalgamation of groups (e.g., was there any overlap between local groups and bands through marriage and family connections?), e. whether there was any effect of the formation of a separate First Nation at Fort MacKay on ACFN membership and on its relation to the “southern territories” (i.e., the southern portions of ACFN traditional territory or traditional lands)? 4. -
A Thesi S Submitted Ta the Facul Ty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
FARM LEASES AND AGRICULTURE ON THE ISLAND OF MONTREAL, 1780-1820 A thesi s submitted ta the Facul ty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by ( JENNIFER L. WAYWELL OEPARTMENT OF HISTORY MCGILL UNIVERSITY, MONTREAL SEPTEMBER 1989 o Jenni fer L. Waywell 1989 r ( ABSTRACT Based primarily on notari zed farm l eases, th i s thes i s exami nes approaches to agriculture on the island of Montreal from 1780 to 1820. Thi s source permits us to establ ish the crucial rel ationship between people and farms and to then link them to differences in capital invest ment, production and farming techniques. By understanding the common, day-to-day farming operations, we can address ourselves to the larger questions of what contributed to the state of Lower Canadian agricul ture, a subject of contentious debate in Quebec historiography. The island of Montreal, already favoured by the geographic cir cumstances of c1imate, soi1 and location, was also a crucible for two profound changes which were occurring in Quebec society during this period -- the beginning of a wave of Eng1 ish-speaking immigrants who wou1d permanently alter the ethnie composition of the province's population, and the deve10pment of a significant urban market. In the 564 notarized farm leases passed in this forty-year period, half of the lessors were merchants and professionals, most of whom I~sided in the city and suburbs of Montreal. The farms of the urban bourgeoisie were on average larger and better-stocked than the farms of habitants, art i sans and other proprietors. -
Sakitawak Bi-Centennial
Soem Grises de Montreal D..".., Q All.":..t LO 1-1 Prepared by Robert Longpre Published by the ile-a-la-Crosse Bi-Centennial Committee lie-a-la-Crosse Local Community Authority January, 1977 Copyright held by the lie-a-la-Crosse Local Community Authority. All rights reserved , including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form other than brief excerpts for the purpose of reviews. (I) CREDITS .A. book of this type has many cooks. Than ks must be rendered to all who assisted in the material, the content, and the publication of this book. Thank You! Interviewer Janet Caisse , for interviews and translations to English of the recollections of Tom Natomagan, Claudia Lariviere, and Fred Darbyshire; Interviewer Bernice Johnson for interviews and translations to English of the recollections and stories of Marie Rose McCallum, Marie Ann Kyplain and Nap Johnson; Typist and proof-reader, Maureen Longpre, for the hours upon hours of work, typing and re -typing; Consultant and aide, Brian Cousins, for the direction and publication assistance; Photo collectors, Max Morin , Geordie Favel , Janet Caisse and T. J. Roy , for th e collection of photographs gathered, some of which appear on these pages ; lie-a-la-Crosse Mission, for the collection of photographs, the interviews, the access to books and the good will ; The Community of lie-a-la-Crosse , for helping to make this book come into print. Again Thank You! Robert Longpre November, 1976 Preparation of this publication has been a Bi-Centennial Project of lie-a-la-Crosse. It is our hope that this booklet will provide recognition and appreciation of our forefathers. -
The Conquest of the Great Northwest Piled Criss-Cross Below Higher Than
The Conquest of the Great Northwest festooned by a mist-like moss that hung from tree to tree in loops, with the windfall of untold centuries piled criss-cross below higher than a house. The men grumbled.They had not bargained on this kind of voyaging. Once down on the west side of the Great Divide, there were the Forks.MacKenzie's instincts told him the northbranch looked the better way, but the old guide had said only the south branch would lead to the Great River beyond the mountains, and they turned up Parsnip River through a marsh of beaver meadows, which MacKenzie noted for future trade. It was now the 3rd of June.MacKenzie ascended a. mountain to look along the forward path. When he came down with McKay and the Indian Cancre, no canoe was to be found.MacKenzie sent broken branches drifting down stream as a signal and fired gunshot after gunshot, but no answer!Had the men deserted with boat and provisions?Genuinely alarmed, MacKenzie ordered McKay and Cancre back down the Parsnip, while he went on up stream. Whichever found the canoe was to fire a gun.For a day without food and in drenching rains, the three tore through the underbrush shouting, seeking, despairing till strength vas ethausted and moccasins worn to tattersBarefoot and soaked, MacKenzie was just lying down for the night when a crashing 64 "The Coming of the Pedlars" echo told him McKay had found the deserters. They had waited till he had disappeared up the mountain, then headed the canoe north and drifted down stream. -
Grand Portage As a Trading Post: Patterns of Trade at "The Great Carrying Place"
Grand Portage as a Trading Post: Patterns of Trade at “the Great Carrying Place” By Bruce M. White Turnstone Historical Research St. Paul, Minnesota Grand Portage National Monument National Park Service Grand Marais, Minnesota September 2005 On the cover: a page from an agreement signed between the North West Company and the Grand Portage area Ojibwe band leaders in 1798. This agreement is the first known documentary source in which multiple Grand Portage band leaders are identified. It is the earliest known documentation that they agreed to anything with a non-Native entity. Contents List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... ii List of Illustrations ............................................................................................................. ii Preface ............................................................................................................................... iii Introduction .........................................................................................................................1 Trade Patterns .....................................................................................................................5 The Invention of the Great Lakes Fur Trade ....................................................................13 Ceremonies of Trade, Trade of Ceremonies .....................................................................19 The Wintering Trade .........................................................................................................27 -
The Fur Traders and Coureurs De Bois of Québec, Northern Ontario and Labrador
The Fur Traders and Coureurs de bois of Québec, Northern Ontario and Labrador Regions located east and south of Hudson Bay, James Bay and Ungava Bay Trading posts and fortified posts which were operational from 1759 onward. Coureurs des bois: voyageurs - wood runners - bush-lopers https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/coureurs-de-bois - :~:text=Coureurs%20des%20bois%20were%20itinerant%2C%20unlicenced%20fur%20traders ,and%20%E2%80%9Cbush-lopers%E2%80%9D%20to%20the%20Anglo- Dutch%20of%20New%20York. North West Company - Montreal 1783-1821 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_West_Company Hudson’s Bay Company - London 1 1670-1863 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Hudson%27s_Bay_Company_Official_Logo_2013.svg McTavish, Frobisher and Company - Montreal 1779-1787 http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/mctavish_simon_5E.html http://www.biographi.ca/fr/bio/mctavish_simon_5E.html XY Company - Montreal 1798-1804 Simon McTavish https://www.canadiangeographic.ca/article/five-companies-dominated-canadian-fur-trade http://quescren.concordia.ca/en/search?all=Fur+Trading&page=39&page-len=1&sort=score American Fur Company – Montreal 1818-1840 Nicole St-Onge, author https://www.researchgate.net/publication/296846003_The_Persistence_of_Travel_and_Trade _St_Lawrence_River_Valley_French_Engages_and_the_American_Fur_Company_1818-1840 2 Historic Forts and Trading Posts of the French regime and of the English Fur Trading Companies compiled by Ernest Voorhis, A. M., Ph. D., The author, Ernest Voothis has identified 614 Forts and Trading Posts in North America -
Introduction Section
INTRODUCTION 58 2.5 The Fur Trade along the Ottawa River Through the 17th century, an almost endless stream of men plied the Ottawa River on long and dangerous fur‐gathering expeditions. Their contribution to the fur trade was critical to the survival of New France. The Ottawa River was a route of choice for travel to fur‐harvesting areas, and was considered simply to be an extension of the St. Lawrence. The story of the fur trade along the Ottawa River can and should be told from at least two perspectives: that of the Europeans who crossed the ocean to a foreign land, taking great personal risks in pursuit of adventure and profit, and that of the First Nations Peoples who had been living in the land and using its waterways as trade conduits for several thousand years. The very term “fur trade” only refers to half of this complex relationship. From a European perspective, there was a “fur trade,” since animal (primarily beaver) pelts were the commodity in demand. First Nations groups, on the other hand, were engaged in a trade for needles, thread, clothing, fishing hooks, axes, kettles, steel strike‐a‐lights, glass beads, alcohol, and other goods, mainly utilitarian items of metal (Kennedy 88). A more balanced account of the fur trade10 along the Ottawa River begins with the context in which both trading parties chose to engage in an exchange of goods. 2.5.1 European Demand Change in the Ottawa River region in the 17th and 18th centuries was shaped in large part by European demand for beaver pelts. -
Colonel Joseph Bouchette - First Surveyor of York (Toronto) Harbour – Surveyor General of Lower Canada 1774-1841
CCHA Report, 12 (1944-45), 43-53 Colonel Joseph Bouchette - First Surveyor Of York (Toronto) Harbour – Surveyor General of Lower Canada 1774-1841 BY THE REV. BROTHER ALFRED, F.S.C., LL.D. In May, 1793, Lieutenant-Governor John Graves Simcoe, first Governor of Upper Canada, resident, at the time, at Navy Hall, Niagara, despatched a young man of great promise to make for him and for the Governor in Chief, Lord Dorchester, a survey of Toronto1 Harbor, where it had been decided to found a new city, as a permanent capital for the recently erected province of Upper Canada. That young man was Joseph Bouchette, a youth of only 19 summers. He was to take measurements, make soundings of the bay, and report to Simcoe. There were several competent surveyors of wide experience in Upper Canada, above all in the Toronto and Niagara districts, about that time. We have their names: Augustus Jones, Gother Mann, John Collins, Robert Pilkington, Alexander Aitkin, Smith, Chewett, etc. We know what they did; and it is rather a remarkable thing that Simcoe should have passed them all over and chosen so young a man for such an important mission. The entry to Toronto harbor, today known as the “ western gap”, was apparently, in Simcoe’s time, difficult to navigate. Before Bouchette’s survey, no boat of any size entered the harbor, which was neither marked nor buoyed, unless Jean Baptiste Rousseau, who had operated, with his father, for 25 years, a counter for the trade of peltries at the mouth of the Humber River,2 and who knew every foot of the channel, was at the helm.3 Bouchette, by his labours, was to open the channel and the bay to future navigators and lake captains. -
The Influence of the Hudson's Bay Company in the Exploration And
THE INFLUENCE OF THE HUDSON’S BAY COMPANY IN THE EXPLORATION AND SETTLEMENT OF THE RED RIVER VALLEY OF THE NORTH A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the North Dakota State University of Agriculture and Applied Science By Earla Elizabeth Croll In Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major Department: History, Philosophy, and Religious Studies May 2014 Fargo, North Dakota North Dakota State University Graduate School Title THE INFLUENCE OF THE HUDSON’S BAY COMPANY IN THE EXPLORATION AND SETTLEMENT OF THE RED RIVER VALLEY OF THE NORTH By Earla Elizabeth Croll The Supervisory Committee certifies that this disquisition complies with North Dakota State University’s regulations and meets the accepted standards for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: Dr. Mark Harvey Chair Dr. Gerritdina Justitz Dr. Larry Peterson Dr. Holly Bastow-Shoop Approved: 7/21/2014 Dr. John K. Cox Date Department Chair ABSTRACT THE INFLUENCE OF THE HUDSON’S BAY COMPANY IN THE EXPLORATION AND SETTLEMENT OF THE RED RIVER VALLEY OF THE NORTH As beaver became scarcer in the east, the quest for Castor Canadensis sent traders into the northern plains. Reluctant explorers, traders looked for easier access and cheaper means of transport. Initially content to wait on the shores of the Bay, HBC was forced to meet their competitors in the natives’ homelands. The Red River Valley was easily accessed from Hudson’s Bay, becoming the center of the fur trade in the northern plains. HBC helped colonize the first permanent settlement west of the Great Lakes in the Red River Valley. -
Carolyn Podruchny, "Festivities, Fortitude, And
Carolyn Podruchny, "Festivities, Fortitude, and Fraternalism: Fur Trade Masculinity and the Beaver Club, 1785-1827." In New Faces in the Fur Trade: Selected Papers of the Seventh North American Fur Trade Conference, edited by William C. Wicken, Jo-Anne Fiske and Susan Sleeper-Smith, 31-52. East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1998. In 1785, wealthy fur trade merchants in Montreal founded the Beaver Club, an elite dining club restricted to men who had wintered in the North American interior, often referred to as "Indian Country." Although the Beaver Club existed along side other dining and entertainment clubs in Montreal, it was unique in its membership, raison d'être, and rituals. The club was initiated to provide a forum for retired merchants in which to reminisce about the risky and adventurous days of fur trading, and a forum for young fur traders to enter Montreal's bourgeois society.i The initial membership of nineteen expanded to a peak of fifty-five, as the club met regularly until 1804. Following a three-year suspension dinners were then resumed. It probably began to decline after the merger between the North West Company and Hudson's Bay Company in 1821, when the business centre of the fur trade moved from Montreal to Hudson Bay. Evidence shows that members continued to meet until 1824, when the Club ended. Efforts to resurrect the Club in 1827 were unsuccessful. The Beaver Club a well-known institution of the Montreal fur trade. Many scholars have glorified the exclusive fraternity and the extravagant style of the dinners, and idealized the strength of the men who wintered in "Indian Country".