Social Reality and Artistic Approach. the Case of the Strasbourg South Portal Author(S): Bernd Nicolai Source: Gesta, Vol

Home , Christopher Wharton, Ecclesia and Synagoga

Orders in Stone: Social Reality and Artistic Approach. The Case of the Strasbourg South Portal Author(s): Bernd Nicolai Source: Gesta, Vol. 41, No. 2 (2002), pp. 111-128 Published by: International Center of Medieval Art Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4126577 Accessed: 29/09/2008 16:48

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http://www.jstor.org Orders in Stone: Social Reality and Artistic Approach. The Case of the Strasbourg South Portal*

BERND NICOLAI UniversitditTrier

This article is dedicated to Alfred Haverkampon the occasion of his 65th birthday.

Abstract medieval sculpture's "falls from grace"2-has been widely discussed. Without doubt ChartresWest represents a step to- The portal of the south transept of Strasbourg cathedral rational order both in the a the assimilation and trans- ward a more strict and iconographic provides focus for study of of the nar- formation of the pre-Rayonnant Gothic portal in the northern and structural terms, as well as a strengthening Holy Roman Empire. Strategies employed in portal's icono- rative component of portal programs. As argued by Otto von graphic program-studied in conjunction with the sculptures Simson, this paradigmatic form of presentation and repre- of the contemporaryAngels' Pillar in the south transept-are sentation to the of a spe- to and local histor- correspondedclosely requirements investigated in relation function, audience, and limited that of the cathedral ical circumstances. the is shown to com- cific, local, environment, Specifically program in bine eschatological and mariological elements, drawing on schools in the Ile-de-France, notably Chartres and Paris, theological currents of the time, so as to emphasize ecclesi- the mid-twelfth century.3Hans Liebeschuitz,in his 1938 study astical authority. It is demonstratedthat the statue of Solomon of Synagoga and Ecclesia, earlier than Panofsky, drew the in conjunction with triumphantEcclesia and fallen Synagoga connection between Scholastic thought and the new kind of the ecclesiastical court that provided an appropriate stage for "Neben der auf beruhenden was held in front of the portal, especially in an era when her- imagery: Begriffsanalyse Sys- esy was aggressively combatted. Moreover the motif of the ul- tematik der scholastischen Summe entstand eine bildhafte timate reconciliation of Ecclesia and Synagoga was fitting in Theologie in Zyklen von anschaulichen Geschichten und Be- the reign of the rex pacificus, Emperor Frederick II. Thepor- schreibungen; Aufbau und Ordnung waren hier deshalb so it is here date as late as ca. 1235. tal, argued, might weitgespannt und beziehungsreich wie in der begrifflichen Theologie, weil alles Dingliche einen Sinn zugewiesen bekam, General Perspectives der tiber das Konkrete radikal hinausging."4Systematic alle- were with elements of monas- Gothic like those at St.-Denis and Chartres gorical programs compounded Early portals tic on the circulation of St. Bernard's West not mark a break from characteristic of mysticism, spurred by only patterns in the second half of the twelfth art but even more reveal a fo- writings century.5 Romanesque also, importantly, The south of these cus of new mental attitudes. Out of various within a Strasbourg portal exemplifies many options, trends. Yet it also a in the radical transfor- context of broad social and represents stage religious transformation,portals mation of formulae that can be observed in with and archivolts as pre-Rayonnant figured jambs emerged paradigmatic. other in the northern Roman Em- The to a realm of cultural sculptural programs Holy portals, belonging specific practice the first four decades of the thirteenth to some the themes can be pire during century. that, extent, generated represented, This article seeks to define the structuraland semantic strat- seen to mark a fundamental aesthetic turning point.1 Their egies employed in the Strasbourg south portal so as to reveal structureand rational semantic demonstratea new artistic ap- its particularform of iconographic ingenuity. In addition, the proach;their integrationinto public activities led to new forms rationale for the program's conception and its meaning in of reception. Activities like tribunals, processions, and spec- Strasbourg'secclesiastic and urban life will be investigated. tacles conducted before them could emphasize, complete, or The arguments that follow depend on and should be seen as lead to the reversal or reinterpretationof a program in stone. a continuation of Von Simson's brilliant iconographic analy- Portals thus functioned as dividers that not only accentuated sis, published in 1973.6 the boundarybetween inside and outside but also, throughthe use of figural embellishment, became representationalfields Transitional Steps serving as sites of projection for patrons and viewers alike. The line of development from portals like those at After 1200, outside the Ile-de-France, especially in the Moissac and Beaulieu to the Royal Portal at Chartres-the Regnum Teutonicum, the figured portal emancipated itself latter recently characterized by Horst Bredekamp as one of with respect to its iconographic programs, its aesthetic, and

GESTAXLI/2 @ The International Center of Medieval Art 2002 111 its structure. The relationship of artistic centers in the Ile- de-France and Champagne,both in artistic terms and in terms of social and theological practice, to those of the so-called periphery and "transperiphery"-a term employed by Peter Cornelius Claussen7-is complex. This relationship, up to the present, has typically been characterizedas one of simple appropriationof conceptions originating in the Ile-de-France by less developed centers to the east. Architectural borrow- ings are viewed as having produced "a peculiar, half-modern sort of building"8-hybrid structuresdescribed by Dehio and others as belonging to an "Ubergangsstil." The sculpture in these buildings, on the other hand, is regarded as represent- ing the pure adoption of French Gothic forms. Often cited examples, besides Strasbourg, include the sculpture at the cathedrals of Lausanne, Magdeburg, and Bamberg, and at the former collegiate church of Freiberg in Saxony with its famous Golden Porch. Yet none of these centers can properly be considered underdeveloped, nor, in any instance, were sculptural forms adopted without significant transformation. Before 1220 in central parts of the Holy Roman Empire the need to come to terms with the French Gothic portal-a product of the special conditions of the domaine royale-did not arise. After the middle of the thirteenth century, in the reign of St. Louis, the Rayonnant portal became something of an international norm, as seen on the west facades of the cathedrals of Strasbourg and Cologne. Earlier, however, in the second quarterof the century, we can observe a first stage in the transformationof the French portal in the Holy Roman Empire, specifically at Bamberg, Magdeburg, Strasbourg, Lausanne, and Trier. So long as the episcopate of the empire defined itself as an integral part of the empire'slordship, play- FIGURE 1. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south transept, general view (photo: Bil- darchiv Foto ing a mediating role between regnum and sacerdotium, it was Marburg). resistant to wholesale appropriation of French forms. No German before 1248-the foundation date of the building us to assess not the interaction of connected choir-with the of the Liebfrauenkirche only loosely Cologne exceptions artistic and centers, or sub-centers, but also to ex- in Trierand St. Elisabeth in Gothic political Marburg,fully reproduced amine the role of influential like the Hohenstaufen architectural formulae established in the Ile-de-France and dynasties, and Guelph, and such houses as Andechs-Meranien, Baben- Champagne. Cathedralslike Bamberg (1210-37), Strasbourg berg, and Zahringen, which, of course, representeda substan- in its eastern part (1190-1240), and even Magdeburg with its tial part of the secular and clerical elite of the Holy Roman ambulatory choir scheme (1209-40)-often incorrectly de- Empire.12 scribed as the first Gothic structure in Germany-must be seen as variations on their predecessors.9Nor were the figured The Law Court at the Strasbourg South Transept portals in these buildings homogenous with the surrounding architecture as they were in French cathedrals: the gap be- The south transeptof Strasbourgcathedral (Fig. 1), with tween architectural and sculptural forms was typical of the its sculptures by the hand of the so-called Ecclesiameister, hybrid character of Staufen art in the first half of the thir- has been widely discussed both in stylistic and iconographic teenth century. terms. Adolf Weis and Otto von Simson have made significant The twentieth-century tendency to regard the "(French) strides in establishing the original sense of the eschatologi- Gothic,"like the "(Italian) Renaissance,"as paradigmatichas cal program,which combines mariological and christological contributed to the dominance of linear models of affiliation, elements and was partly based on the exegesis of the Song of which trace formal innovations back to almost fictional cen- Songs.13 Moreover, as they have shown, the iconography re- ters.10In recent years it has become increasingly obvious that flected the function of the site, for the areas in front of the phenomena like the Staufen art of the Holy Roman Empire south facade and inside the south transept served as courts of require a polycentric approach.11Such an approach enables law. Outside, the figure of King Solomon was placed between

112 FIGURE 2. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south portal, engraving by Isaac Brun, 1617 (photo: Fotothek, UniversitditTrier, Kunstge- schichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

the two doors, sitting as a judge at the center of a now lost a print of 1566 by BernhardJobelin.15 In this court the bur- assembly of jamb figures of the twelve apostles, flanked in ghers swore their oath on the municipal constitution, and the turn by the still extant statues of Church and Synagogue, as bishop, and sometimes kings or emperors, presided over the shown in a 1617 engraving by Isaac Brun (Fig. 2). Inside, the court or received tribute, as Albrecht I and Charles IV did in remarkable Angels' Pillar, with its three tiers of figures ex- 1298 and 1348 respectively.16 The Fronhof was not conse- tending to the vaults (Fig. 4), contained, in addition to the crated, therefore penitents and the excommunicated had to four evangelists, angels with trumpets, angels with the instru- assemble there on Maundy Thursday to be guided by the ments of the Passion, and Christ presenting his wounds, form- bishop back into the church. The Angels' Pillar decorated the ing an abbreviated depiction of the Last Judgment. transept, where courts convened at two places (Figs. 4, 5): in The portal program served as a stage for the outer law the choir under the crossing, where the chapter met,17 and in court, called uf den Greden or ad gradus,14 which referred to the south transept (the losunge), where the bishop presided the steps in front of the transept,adjacent to a large courtyard, over synods as a clerical judge and where wedding ceremo- the Fronhof, bounded to the south by the bishop's palace, nies took place and municipal acts were decided.18 where today the Palais Rohan is located. The portal itself was Functionally these sites were highly ambivalent, having covered with a porch from the beginning: the consoles that both a sacred and profane dimension-a distinction which, in once supported its roof are part of the original fabric of the the Middle Ages, did not pose a contradiction. I submit that lower south wall. This roof formed a canopied structurewith the sculptural program inside and outside the south transept a platform ad gradus enclosed by barriers, the whole resem- reflects precisely this kind of ambiguity. The interior pro- bling a Gerichstslaube. The medieval situation is documented gram, very clearly related to the theme of judgment, is less in both Grtinewald'sfamous Stuppach Madonna (Fig. 3) and complex than the faqade program. Needless to say, the south

113 FIGURE 3. Matthias Griinewald, Stuppach Madonna, detail, 1517/19, Aschaffenburg, Stiftskirche (photo: after Fraenger, Matthias Griinewald, 1983, pl. 136). portal was visible to a variety of social groups, including the Jews, who were not allowed to enter the cathedral. We must consider whether different kinds and levels of perception were anticipated.

The Iconographic Program The south transept was refashioned as part of a major campaign of rebuilding beginning in the late twelfth century.19New tympana were inserted, requiring the removal of the inner archivolts; jamb figures were added; Solomon and Christ were placed at the center of the portal and Ecclesia and Synagoga at the two ends. Churchand Synagogue (Fig. 6) thus appear in a highlighted position, as do the similar, almost contemporaneous figures at Bamberg. Yet at Strasbourg the statues interact to create a spectacle, "a drama in stone." Already in 1925 Jantzen called attention to their dramaticin- teraction.20In this they differ strikingly from their monumen- FIGURE 4. Strasbourg, Cathedral,Angels' Pillar (photo: archive of author). 114 FIGURE 5. Strasbourg, Cathedral, plan, engraving by Arhardt, 1643 (photo: Fotothek, Universitdit Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean). tal predecessors on the north porch of Chartresand the south In his brilliant book on the Beau Dieu of Amiens, Wil- portal of the collegiate churchof Saint-Mad61eine,Besangon, helm Schlink suggested that the trumeau figure provides a now lost, where they were part of the programof jamb figures key to the entire program.23Similarly all interpretations of (Fig. 7).21 There is no doubt that stylistically the Strasbourg the Strasbourgsouth portal must start with the figure of Solo- sculptures depend on the west portals of Sens, Notre-Dame in mon-a faithful nineteenth-centurycopy of the medieval origi- Dijon, and, more directly, on the work of the Chartres Solo- nal (Fig. 8). Solomon is shown as an enthroned king bearing mon Master.22These parallels point to a date of 1230, or even an unsheathed sword on his lap like a judge. In a vertical later, for the Strasbourg statues-an issue to which we will reading, he appears in his divine wisdom as a forerunner to return at the conclusion of this paper. Christ, depicted above him as the judge of the Last Judgment. 115 FIGURE 6. Strasbourg, Cathedral, Ecclesia and Synagoga, now in Musde d'Oeuvre Notre-Dame, Strasbourg (photo: Fotothek, Universitdt Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

Solomon thus occupies a mediating position: he sits behind provided an appropriatecontext for the exercise of episcopal the earthlyjudge who presides in the real court and below the authority, for bishops continued to play a mediating role be- heavenly judge, "in a typological sense linking ancient times tween regnum and sacerdotium in the Empire in the first half with the end of times."24This fits with tendencies to revitalize of the thirteenth century. the sacred character of the Holy Roman Empire during the The eschatological thrust of the program was extended reign of FredrickII of Hohenstaufen (r. 1212-52), especially through the mariological cycle in the tympana, with the Dor- after the successful crusade in 1228/9 that brought him the mition to the left and the Coronation to the right, completed crown of the kingdom of Jerusalem.25The iconography also by scenes of the Virgin's funeral and her Assumption in the

116 FIGURE 7. Besangon, Sainte-Madeleine, south portal, drawing, before 1734, Besangon, Bibliothhque de la Ville, MS 732, fol. 24 (photo: after Sauerliinder, Gothic Sculpture in France, 1972, fig. 66). lintels-both free copies of medieval originals (Fig. 9). It was one before the Lord'sadvent, one after: "But there is only one continued inside on the Angels' Pillar with its abbreviatedde- beloved, for both are united with Christ in a single faith; what piction of the Last Judgment. The twelve jamb figures of the the one believes in fulfillment, the other believes as prom- apostles, in this sense, functioned not only as intercessors for ise."28 At the end of time the one bride, Ecclesia, will be the congregation but also as symbolic pillars of the ecclesia joined by the restored bride, Synagoga, to unite with the praesens or universalis that would find its fulfillment at the sponsus, Christ. Honorius, in the same commentary,called the end of time as ecclesia aeterna or triumphans.26This more Solomon-Christ figure bridegroom and judge, sponsus and general theme, evoked in many sculptural programs of the iudex.29 At Strasbourg, the very position of Synagogue un- time, is made more specific through the statues of Ecclesia derlines this interpretation,as Helga Sciurie has shown. Ec- and Synagoga. The two allegorical figures are placed at the clesia turns her head toward Synagoga, focusing the viewer's same level as Solomon and similarly rest on columns with attention on this figure, while Synagoga turns her head and sculpturedcorbels; in their uprightposition they stand as high upper body away. Sciurie has noted that Synagogue's posture as the figures of Solomon and Christ together and, as Brun's contains the possibility of a return,and she specifically intro- 1617 engraving shows (Fig. 2), they are larger in scale than duces two biblical texts which, she argues, were "translated the twelve apostles. Only Solomon and Christ, Ecclesia, and directly into bodily expression"30:the notion of the renunci- Synagoga are crowned with canopies; the jamb statues were ation of Jerusalem in the Lamentations of Jeremiah (1:8) and inserted into the older column portal with simple capitals. the call in the Song of Songs (6:12) "revertere, revertere The three major figures-who together can be read as a trans- Sulamitis." The latter was paraphrasedaround 1060 by Wil- formation of a scene of Solomonic judgment-correspond liram of Ebersbach as a dialogue between Ecclesia and Syn- most closely to the actual function of the court "uf den Gre- agoga, where Ecclesia says: "kere uvidere, kere uvidere,"in ten." In a horizontal reading the statues of the twelve apostles the sense of "turnback."31 The idea of redemption was made take on importance, bringing the ecclesiastical aspect of the more explicit in the Amorbach Fragment describing the Vir- program to the fore. gin's ascension, where the Lord says to Synagogue: "kum ze Ecclesia and Synagoga, as Von Simson has persuasively mir, dohter, bekere dih, so gib ih dir daz himelrih" ("Come to shown, make the program function as a statement about the me, daughter, convert, and I shall give you the Kingdom of universal church, ecclesia universalis.27 Certainly in exegesis Heaven").32Here Ecclesia's objections against Synagoga were of the Song of Songs that became popular in the second half rejected by Christ himself. Williram'sChrist says: "Share her of the twelfth century, the concordance of the old and new happiness on her salvation, because she will be one church covenants, the reconciliation of the churches of the Jews and with you."33Illustrations in certain copies of Honorius' com- the Christians, was emphasized. Honorius Augustodunensis, mentary representthe converted bride, "Sunamitis."34We will in his Expositio cantica canticorum, spoke of two churches, later discuss how this implied union played out in relation to

117 the tensions inherent in the Strasbourg program, where Ec- clesia, holding banner and chalice, is clearly triumphantand Synagoga, blindfolded, with broken staff and lowered tablets of the law, is vanquished. Still, it will emerge, the theme of the sponsa accords well with the mariological and eschatological tenor of the program,both outside and inside the south transept.

Mystical Implications The mystical implications of this reading are obvious, but they can be more specifically defined with reference to an important Alsatian manuscript, the Hortus deliciarum, destroyed in 1870, but known through partial nineteenth- century copies of its texts and images. Many have discussed the relation between this manuscript, prepared by Herrad of Landsberg between 1170 and 1195, and church decoration in Strasbourg from 1200 on.35 This is not the place to discuss the character of the Hortus, a more or less systematic col- lection of texts about the Old and New Testament together forming a history of salvation, but it can be seen as a source of a wide range of visual forms on eschatdlogical themes. Solomon, central to the Strasbourg portal program, appears several times in the Hortus. In one image, the Old Testament king is seen sitting on the throne of wisdom, as described in 3 Kings 10:18-20 and 2 Chronicles 9:17-19, approachedby three daughters of Jerusalem (Fig. 10).36An inscription indicates that the two hands at the arms of his throne signify allegorically "regnum et sacerdotium in ecclesia."37Solomon sitting in the sedes sapientiae, a symbol of Mary-Ecclesia, becomes a forerunnerof the incarnated Christ. Although the Solomon of the Hortus is not shown explicitly as a judge, FIGURE 8. Strasbourg,Cathedral, south portal, Solomon, nineteenth-century the image of the wise king enthroned stands as a direct fore- copy (photo:Pinder, Das StraBburgerMiinster, 1941). runner of the central figure of the Strasbourg south portal. Moreover, the mystical construction of the priest-king, as it appears in the Hortus in an eschatological context,38may help church through the persons of Stephaton and Longinus as make clear why the designer of the sculpturalprogram chose pagan witnesses to Christ.42 a king in connection with the allegories of Churchand Syna- Further analogues to the iconography of the Strasbourg gogue to represent both the idea of the ecclesia universalis south transept can be found in the illustrations to the Liber and the ambivalence between regnum and sacerdotium. Scivias of Hildegard of Bingen, specifically those in the lost Ecclesia and Synagoga, too, play a role in the Hortus. Rupertsbergcodex, completed between 1165 and the mystic's They figure prominently in the Crucifixion scene (Fig. 11), death in 1179. Although there has been some controversy rich in inscriptions, which include citations not only from the concerning the connection between Scivias and the Hortus Gospels but also from the Songs of Songs.39 Ecclesia is deliciarum, we may follow Z611erin his opinion that the shown riding on the "animal of the church," comprised of schematic illustrations accompanying Hildegard's text influ- the four evangelists, while Synagoga's animal is a donkey, enced many works, including the Hortus.43At least one direct characterized as stultus et laxus, "stupid and lazy."40Another connection with Strasbourgis known: at the beginning of the inscription explains: "Under the tree of the cross, Synagogue thirteenth century, a Strasbourgian cleric was sent to Paris is destroyed."41Yet the blindfolded Synagogue, turning away to assess the "holiness" of Hildegard and the value of her from Christ, is not simply the damned personification of the visions.44 Hildegard's prophetic book gives prominence to church of the Jews; again she is addressed by the Church in Ecclesia and Synagoga: although the figures are presented in words spoken to the bride of the Songs of Songs (6:12): different ways, the message is suggestive in relation to the "Return, return Sulamite." Even here the concord of the two sculptures of the Strasbourg south transept. In vision 2.4 churches is emphasized, as is the greater mission of the Ecclesia is a golden figure, crowned, "the mother of believ-

118 FIGURE 9. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south transept, portal (photo: Fotothek, Universitdt Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

ers, vindissima virga, through whom the incarnation became Hildegard describes the "Heavenly Jerusalem" as a real possible."45She is the "new bride of the Lamb,""confirmed town, that consists of good works, bona opera.49 The urban in the fire of the ardorof the Holy Spirit for the perfection of space of her vision is articulated by walls, towers, squares, her beauty," "strong in her defense."46 In contrast, in vision and symbolic pillars-which bear a suggestive relationship 1.5 (Fig. 12), Synagoga is shown in her ambivalent position, to the Angels' Pillar at Strasbourg (Fig. 4). One is the Pillar both holding the promise of the incarnation of Christ and of Christ's Humanity, of which it is said: "So, in a mystical responsible for his death: "Therefore you see the image of a mystery, the pillar ... signifies the humanity of the savior ... woman, pale from her head to her navel; she is the Syna- the Son of the Most High; for He is the strong pillar of sanc- gogue, which is the mother of the Incarnation of the Son of tity and holds up the whole edifice of the church."50 Another God."47 Synagoga is shown as mother of all patriarchs and is the steel-colored Pillar of the Word of God, which Hilde- prophets. She is "black from her navel to her feet, for from gard says "was divided from bottom to top into three sides, the time of her fullest strength to the end of her time she was with edges sharp as a sword." The three edges face east and soiled by deviation from the Law and by transgression of the north and south. The illustration accompanying vision 3.4 heritage of her fathers."48But at the end of all time, the Son (Fig. 13), shows a tree-like pillar, with a Corinthian capital: will convert her and bring her back to true belief in God. in accordance with the vision, the branches growing from one Even when Hildegard speaks of Synagoga as murdererof the edge are occupied by the seated patriarchsand prophets, and prophet of prophets, the tension between guilt and the prom- on another edge flames indicate the radiance in which apos- ise of redemption is maintained-the same tension that can tles, martyrs,confessors, virgins, and other saints walk.5' The be seen in the Strasbourg Synagoga. Strasbourg Angels' Pillar, of course, is different in style and

119 FIGURE 10. Hortus deliciarum, formerly Strasbourg, Bibliothhque municipale, fol. 209v, King Solomon enthroned (photo: after Straub/Keller, Hortus deliciarum, 1879-99).

FIGURE 11. Hortus deliciarum,formerly Strasbourg, Bibliothhquemunicipale, fol. 150, Crucifixion (photo: after Straub/Keller, Hortus deliciarum, 1879-99). 120 FIGURE 12. Hildegard, Scivias, 1.5, formerly Wiesbaden,Hessische Landes- FIGURE 13. Hildegard, Scivias, 3.4, formerly Wiesbaden, Hessische bibliothek, MS 1, fol. 35, Synagoga (photo: after Liber Scivias-Wisse die Landesbibliothek, MS 1, fol. 145v, Pillar of the Word of God (photo: after Wege, 1954, pl. 8). Liber Scivias-Wisse die Wege, 1954, pl. 24). meaning: the abbreviated Last Judgment specifically relates Another looks North-where all injustice begins. The third, to the activities of a court of law. Indeed no direct forerunner which looks South, manifests justice in the Saints."53At for the Strasbourg pillar has ever been found: Von Simson's Strasbourg, allegory responds to function, drawing upon cur- reference to Germanic court pillars is often cited but does not rents embodied in such works as the Liber Scivias and the explain particularfeatures.52 It is perhaps useful to see Christ Hortus deliciarum. This level of reading would have been in his ambivalent position as judge and Man of Sorrows as possible only for clerics, and other educated people, but the an embodiment of the concept of the incarnated Son as the imagery would also have touched a deeply emotional chord strong pillar "that holds up the edifice of the whole church." for the common viewer. In this sense the miniature of the Pillar of the Word of God bears a relation to the Pillar. As Peter Dronke sum- Angels' Inclusion and Exclusion marizes: "The column shows the mystery of the Logos, in which all justice is fulfilled. One face of it looks East, to- Adalbert Erler, in his comprehensive book on juridical wards the dawn that precedes the perfect day of total justice. functions that took place at Strasbourg cathedral, suggested 121 that the three main figures on the south transept portal represent a court scene.54Late Gothic inscriptions, now lost, above the Ecclesia and Synagoga lend supportto this interpretation. Ecclesia exclaims: "Mit Christi Blut iberwind' ich Dich" ("With Christ'sblood I overcome you"), while Synagoga re- plies: "Dasselbig' Blut, das blindet mich" ("The same blood blinds me"). Erler noted that iiberwinden ("overcome") in Middle High German was a juridical term, meaning to con- vict someone.55This may be why Church and Synagogue, in contrast to their counterpartsin Bamberg or Magdeburg, are presented in such different postures. While Ecclesia, in her upright position, is shown as victor, Synagoga turns away, casting her blindfolded eyes shamefaced to the ground (Fig. 14). Her attribute, the lance, is broken, in contrast to the trophy-like cross carried by the Church. The sensuous character of Synagogue has often been described, but the idea that her beauty is greater seems to be a modern interpretation.56 When we look at distinctions drawn by contemporary Min- nesinger, as represented, for example in Gottfried Von Stras- bourg's epic, Tristan and Isot, written in Strasbourg around 1200, we can see the sculptures as representativesof different sorts of courtly love. Ecclesia, as revealed by her costume and posture, embodies the nobler woman: it has been re- marked that Gottfried "reserves higher praise for the woman who does not sacrifice her womanly nature in order to retain her honour."57Synagoga represents a lower, more sensuous love: "the robe was confidentially close to her, nestled to her body."58The representation of Synagoga as the more carnal of the two, a fallen woman, points to the difference between the spirit and the flesh, in a way that would have been imme- diately perceptible to a contemporary audience. Many have tried to argue that the derogatory tone was made explicit in the carved corbels beneath the statues, which show playing children, but actually these are new creations of the nineteenth century. Von Simson has convincingly argued that the sculptures beneath Synagoga may originally have shown a fratricide or, as at Bamberg, the devil blinding a Jew. Yet anti-semitism, as he notes, is not the chief focus of the Strasbourg program.59 The Jewish community in Strasbourg was not persecuted in the early thirteenth century. On the contrary,Jews played an essential part in municipal affairs: it was their role to equip the cart (carrocio) that carried the city banner when the city was under attack.60The great concern at the time was heresy. Chronicles speak of few Jews but many heretics ("Judei pauci, Heretici in locis plurimis abund- abant").61In 1212, or possibly 1211, Bishop Henry II accused eighty persons of heresy and sentenced at least ten to death after they failed the ordeal with hot iron. This happened at a place coram ecclesia, perhaps in the Fronhof in front of the south portal.62It is unknown which heretical sect was accused: Ortliebians, Waldensians, or Cathars. In 1231 new persecutions took place. Following the official initiation of FIGURE 14. Strasbourg, Cathedral, Synagoga, nineteenth-century copy inquisition courts in the Regnum Teutonicum from 1229 (photo: Fotothek, Universitdt Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard onward in Strasbourg, the inquisition persecuted honorable Hamann-Maclean).

122 burghers, three of whom were sentenced to death by fire. All of Teck a strong anti-Staufen alliance against the emperor's these activities were directed "against heretics, enemies of son, King Henry VII, which finally led to the peace treaties faith, enemies of truth,"63especially against the Ortliebians made with FrederickII in 1236/7.69During the years in which who, like the Cathars, challenged ecclesiastic authority.Her- the south transept decorative program was conceived, we etics and Jews were often linked in contemporary exegetical cannot speak of a confrontation between the bishop and the texts: this was the case in a gloss on the story of the Judgment burghers. Only in 1263, after the battle of Hausbergen, did of Solomon (3 Kings 3:16-28) in the French text of the Bible Strasbourg become a free town; only then were the citizens moralisde: "That Salomon knew the true mother from the ready to take responsibility for the fabrica of the cathedral.70 pity he saw in her and returned the infant to her signifies We probably do best to imagine a collaboration involving Jesus Christ who by his great wisdom and by the great pity bishop, dean and chapter, and citizens as the decision was he saw in her knew Holy Church as the true mother, and he made to modernize the cathedral. In view of the aptness of gave her the living child-that is, good Christians, who live the program to local circumstances, the designer is likely to in good works. And the dead remained with Synagoga- have been an educated individual from the chapter itself. these were Jews and infidels and heretics and all bad Kraus favored a date of 1220 for the creation of the pro- people."64In the accompanying image, Christ presents living gram, while Reinhardt advanced a date shortly after 1226. I children to Ecclesia while Synagoga, back turned, grieves for would favor a date of ca. 1235. As I have tried to show above, the dead.65In light of the actions of the church in Strasbourg there is no reason to separate the exterior from the interior against different sects in the first half of the thirteenth cen- sculpture on iconographic grounds. Moreover, Sauerlainder's tury, it is possibly significant that the same linkage occurs in stylistic analyses establish that different workshops were in- the Hortus in a scene of the Last Judgment where pagani and deed responsible for the portal and the Angels' Pillar, but that iudei process behind unjust judges and all infidels.66 It is different hands were also at work on portal: the Coronation likely that the notions of Jew and heretic were understood to tympanum is assigned to an older workshop, or artist, whose be almost synonymous. The sculptural program of the south work is related in style to the Kaysersberg tympanum. At the facade, site of an ecclesiastical court, not only represented same time, the stylistic connection between the figures in the ecclesiastic authority on an abstractlevel, but also vividly in- Dormition and on the Angels' Pillar are so striking that they dicated the consequences of challenging the church. cannot be set in different periods. We know little about workshop organization in the first half of the thirteenth century, but we have to assume that craftsmen of different education Conclusion and different age worked side by side, as they did at the The question of who was responsible for the conception Fiirstenportal in Bamberg.71It may be that the same figure of the program and when it was created has been much dis- who conceived the Angels' Pillar designed the new rose win- cussed. Jantzen dated the transept sculpture ca. 1220; now a dows, showing Old and New Testament themes, to serve as a date around 1230 is generally preferred.67This places the link between the interior and exterior programs. completion of the new transept and the start of the recon- The ecclesiastical aspect of the south portal program is struction of the nave firmly in the reign of Bishop Berthold II striking, but other nuances were also incorporated,and all to- of Teck (r. 1223-44), who was a member of the cadet branch gether support a date around 1235 for its creation. The promi- of the powerful house of the dukes of Zaihringen.Berthold is nent role of Solomon's judgment directs our attention to the described in the chronicles as a bishop who promoted the centrally placed king: a peace-bringing king, rex pacificus. work of cathedral building. Hans Reinhardt, in his mono- Von Simson has suggested that Emperor Frederick II may graph on Strasbourg, went on to posit that Berthold, because himself have been in Strasbourg in 1235 and that the decla- he was involved in the contested appointment of the bishop ration of the General Land Peace of Mainz may have been a of Verdun in 1225/6 and had occasion to deal with prelates factor in the creation of the program.72But it may be more from Paris and Reims, would also have had the opportunityto significant that in 1236, in a privilege given to the Jews of learn about the latest artistic developments in France. He Worms in the Alsatian town of Hagenau, the emperor granted supposed that the bishop was directly concerned with artistic a full pardon to Jews throughout the Regnum Teutonicumin decisions, though there is no direct evidence that Berthold relation to accusations of ritual murder made against the engaged new architects or sculptors to "modernize" his ca- Jews of Fulda.73This spirit of clemency could be easily com- thedral.68Rather than emphasize the role of the bishop, Henry bined, in iconographic terms, with Solomon's just judgment Kraus called attention to the role of the burghers, specifically and with the theme of the ultimate reconciliation of Church after 1220, when they were granted new municipal rights in and Synagogue that undergirds the program. The hypothesis the so-called second city charter.But it is hardly possible that would thus be that the notion of the rex pacificus was in- citizens alone could have been responsible for such an ambi- corporated into the Strasbourg program, adding a dimension tious program. The municipality remained, to a great extent, to its ecclesiastical and eschatological messages: these three dependent on the bishop and, indeed, formed with Berthold components fit the situation of Strasbourgaround 1235, when

123 FIGURE 15. Marburg, Church of St. Elisabeth, choir, stained-glass, Ecclesia and Synagoga (photo: after Bierschenk, Glasmalereien der Elisabethkirche in Marburg, 1991, pl. 2). ecclesiastical authority was being enforced against heretics, bourg and Bamberg are examples of the rapid assimilation of and the bishop himself made peace with the emperor. Gothic formulae. Strasbourg, responding to recent trends in In his recent, ground-breaking work on the Bamberg Burgundy, Besangon, Sens, and Chartres had no direct suc- Fiirstenportal, Manfred Schuller raised the question as to cessors, apart from Ecclesia and Synagoga in the stained- whether the Strasbourg portal, and especially Ecclesia and glass windows in the choir of the Elisabeth church in Marburg Synagoga, must necessarily precede the Bamberg sculp- (Fig. 15); in this case the anti-heretical aspect might provide tures.74His early date for Bamberg, around 1225, would up- the main link.76 Certainly the statues of Church and Syna- set the line of development from Strasbourg to Bamberg to gogue at the Liebfrauenkirchein Trierare more closely related Magdeburg that is part of the traditional art-historical narra- to portals in Epinal (Lorraine) and Besanqon, based stylisti- tive of the infiltrationof the Gothic style into the Holy Roman cally on Reims. Empire.75In view of the stylistic and iconographic distinc- The importance of Strasbourg in the development of tiveness of the Strasbourg figures, it might indeed be more early Gothic art in Germany cannot be overestimated. Its reasonable to assume multiple paths of influence. Both Stras- hybrid forms are among the high points of Staufen Art dur-

124 ing the reign of Frederick II. Standing between Bamberg and century. The influence on other centers in the region, like Lausanne, slightly earlier, and the Trier Liebfrauenkirche, Mainz, Worms, and Frankfurt,has still to be investigated. Strasbourgreflected contemporarytendencies encountered in From an art-historical point of view, a later date for the both Burgundies, but reached a new level. Local traditions south transept sculpture at Strasbourg, around 1235, would and modern approaches were combined in a unique manner. make the connection with the rood screen sculptures, which Like Cologne, Strasbourgbecame an artistic center at the time are genuine successors of the south portal, more plausible. In of transition between the so-called Romanesque and Early Strasbourg'shistory the years between 1232 and 1235 marked Gothic style. Without any break, formulae developed at the a period when church authority was challenged by heretics, south transept were used on the rood screen and in the Stras- and when the episcopate in its relation to the imperium bourg nave. Although figures like Ecclesia and Synagoga had reached a last peak. Strasbourg'scomplex program, playing a few direct successors, Strasbourg's stained-glass windows mediating role in the community, operating on different theo- and sculpture alike had an impact on artistic attitudes in the logical levels, was the result of that process. Upper and Middle Rhineland in the middle of the thirteenth

NOTES * This study is based on a paper presented in May 2002 at the Thirty- kommt-Das jiidisch-christliche Verhiiltnisim Spiegel mittelalterlicher Seventh International Congress on Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo. I Kunst, ed. L. Kitzsche and P. v. d. Osten-Sacken (Berlin, 1989), 104- am grateful to Jacqueline Jung and Achim Timmermann for inviting 25. My contribution here is part of a larger project that deals with a me to participate in their session at Kalamazoo and to Peter Cornelius wider array of early thirteenth-centuryportals in Germany and North- Claussen for his insightful comments on the manuscript. For helping ern France. me get my text into proper English, I am grateful to FrederiqueGlang6 7. P. C. Claussen, "Zentrum, Peripherie, Transperipherie:Uberlegungen and, most particularly,to Elizabeth Sears, who was not only a brilliant zum Erfolg des gotischen Figurenportals an den Beispielen von Char- editor and a profound reviewer but who also put the finishing touches tres, und den des Domes on the work. I would also like to thank the German Research Founda- Sangtiesa, Magdeburg, Bamberg Westportalen San Lorenzo in Genua" in Studien zur Geschichte der europtiischen tion (DFG) for a generous travel bursary. Skulptur (as n. 2), 665-87. 1. M. Camille, "Seeing and Reading: Some Visual Implications of Medi- 8. W. Sauerliinder, "Intentio vera nostra est manifestare ... ea, que sunt, eval Literacy and Illiteracy,"Art History 8 (1985), 26-49. sicut sunt: Bildtradition und Wirklichkeitserfahrungim Spannungsfeld 2. H. Bredekamp, "Die nordspanische Hofskulptur und die Freiheit der der staufischen Kunst,"in Stauferzeit: Geschichte, Literatur, Kunst, ed. Bildhauer,"in Studien zur Geschichte der europtiischen Skulptur im R. Krohn, B. Thum, and P. Wapnewski (Stuttgart, 1979), 119-31, at 12./13. Jahrhundert, ed. H. Beck and K. Hengevoss-Diirkop (Frank- 120-21. furt am Main, 1994), 263-74, at 271: "Gesehen aus dem 11. Jahrhun- 9. For preliminary considerations, building on the work of Georg Dehio dert, stellen die ChartreserFiguren eine der 'wirklichen' Stindenflille and Karl Heinz Clasen, see B. Nicolai, 'Libido aedificandi': Walken- der mittelalterlichen dar, weil sie nicht etwa das Skulpturengeschichte ried und die monumentale Kirchenbaukunstder Zisterzienser um 1200 Reich der 'cupiditas oculi' erweitern, sondern das impulsgebende 1990), 268-81 ("Die Zisterzienser und die 'deutsche Reich des B6sen durch Sakralitaitund Hierarchie ersetzen." See also (Braunschweig, Friihgotik"'). For the argument that the Cistercian style was crucial to Klein, "Programmes eschatologiques, fonction et r6ception his- P.K. the creation of a so-called "Reichsstil"-an unfortunate conception- toriques des portails du XIIe s.: Moissac-Beaulieu-Saint-Denis," CCM see, most recently, U. Knapp, "Zisterziensergotik oder Reichsstil?" in 33 (1990), 317-49. Maulbronn zur 850jdihrigenGeschichte des Zisterzienserklosters(Stutt- 3. See O. von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral: The Origins of Gothic Ar- gart, 1997), 189-292. chitecture and the Medieval Concept of Order (London, 1956), esp. 10. German nationalism inflected this study through 1945: Ger- 148-56. heavily man art historians like Wilhelm Pinder, and even the more moderate 4. H. Liebeschtitz, Synagoge und Ecclesia: Religionsgeschichtliche Stu- Hans Jantzen, tried to depict the artists, including the sculptors of the dien iiber die Auseinandersetzung der Kirche mit dem Judentum im Strasbourg south portal and the Angels' Pillar, as "Germans."See the Hochmittelalter (Heidelberg, 1983), 169. The book was first published conclusion to Jantzen'sotherwise fruitful interpretation:Deutsche Bild- posthumously in 1983 for the biographical reason that Liebeschtitz was hauer des 13. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1925), 70: "Wie unfranz6sische forced to flee Nazi Germany. wirkt er!" After World War II, the thrust of the debate changed as an effort was made to identify lines of affiliation more objectively. One of 5. 0. von Simson, "Bernhard von Clairvaux und der 'dolce stil nuovo' the most influential protoganists in the post-war debate was Willibald der friihgotischen Plastik," in Festschrift Peter Bloch (Mainz, fiir Sauerliinder,beginning with his book, Von Sens bis Straf3burg(Berlin, 1990), 31-40; rpt. in his Von der Macht des Bildes im Mittelalter, ed. 1966)-a title ironically recast by Jan van der Meulen as "From Sens R. Haussherr (Berlin, 1993), 63-77. to Non-sense"-continuing through his recent article, "Ein amerikani- 6. O. von Simson, "Le programme sculptural du transept meridional," scher Nachtrag zur 'Gotischen Skulptur in Frankreich',"Wiener Jahr- Bulletin de la Socidtd des amis de la cathddrale de Strasbourg 10 buch fiir Kunstgeschichte 46/47 (1993/94), 621-27, esp. 625 n. 16, (1972), 33-50; rpt. in Von der Macht des Bildes, 77-100. I follow the where he stands by "die groBe stilkritische Linie" he had traced in his German translation published as "Ecclesia und Synagoge am stidli- earlier book. Reiner Haussherr noted in his review of Sauerliinder's chen Querhausportaldes StrassburgerMiinster," in Wenn der Messias book (Kunstchronik 21 [1968], 302-21), that many questions remain

125 open. His plea for a synthetic stylistic analysis drawing on all artistic querhaus,"33, favors an earlier construction date for the whole tran- genres is still relevant. Meanwhile we have gained a broader aware- sept and assigns the pillar to the early 1220s. ness of East European contributions: it emerges that Hungary took a 20. Jantzen, Deutsche Bildhauer, 55; for the iconography of Church and leading role in the reception of a French court style, even before it was Synagogue in general, see H. Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian relevant in Central Europe. Even before 1989, Ern6 Marosi provided Art: An Illustrated History (New York, 1996), 31-74. an excellent discussion of Hungarian architectureand sculpture of the first half of the thirteenth century in his ground-breakingbook, Die 21. W. Sauerliinder, Gothic Sculpture in France, 1140-1270 (New York, Anfdingeder Gotik in Ungarn: Esztergom in der Kunst des 12. und 13. 1972), 444-45, fig. 66, dating the portal "soon after 1221." Jahrhunderts 1984). (Budapest, 22. Before Sauerldinderplaced emphasis on Chartresand Sens (see above, 11. Among the most successful studies employing a polycentric model in n. 10), attention had been focused on Burgundian sources, whether the the sphere of cultural history are Geschichte der deutschen Kunst, sculptureof the duchy of Burgundy (Dijon) or of the Palatinateof Bur- 1200-1350, ed. F M6bius (Leipzig, 1989); more focused on the cathe- gundy (where Besanqon was located), which belonged to the empire drals: R. Haussherr, Dombauten und Reichsepiskopat im Zeitalter der and was governed by Otto VII of Andechs-Merianien, a brother of Staufer, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Bishop Eckbert of Bamberg. See K. Bauch, "Zur Chronologie der Klasse, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, StraBburgerMiinsterplastik im 13. Jahrhundert,"Oberrheinische Kunst 1991/5 (Stuttgart, 1991). 8 (1934), 5-8; and L. Schiirenberg, "Spitromanische und fritihgotische Plastik in Dijon und ihre Bedeutung die Skulpturen des 12. Robert Suckale persuasively criticized current stylistic categories and fiir StraB- Jahrbuch der Kunstsamm- the idea of the "evolution" of "the Gothic" around 1200 in his "Die burger Miinsterquerschiffes," preufischen lungen 58 (1937), 13-25. For a comparison between the Ecclesia and Unbrauchbarkeitder gingigen Stilbegriffe und Entwicklungsvorstel- Synagoga at Chartres and Strasbourg, see P. C. Claussen, Chartres- lungen am Beispiel der franztisischen gotischen Architektur des 12. Studien: Zu Vorgeschichte,Funktion und Skulpturder Vorhallen(Wies- und 13. Jahrhunderts,"in Stil und Epoche, ed. E Mbbius and H. Sciurie baden, 1975), 138-39. (Dresden, 1989), 231-50, esp. 238-41; further, he opened the way to the investigation of the so-called artistic periphery as represented by 23. W. Schlink, Der Beau-Dieu von Amiens: Das Christusbild der goti- the Anglo-Norman Plantagenet Empire around 1200 in his "Zur Be- schen Kathedrale (Frankfurtam Main, 1991), 62. deutung Englands die welfische Skulptur um 1200," Heinrich der ffir 24. See H. Sciurie, "Ecclesia und Synagoge an den Domen zu StraBburg, Libweund seine Zeit, exh. cat. (Munich, 1995), II, 440-51. It is impor- Bamberg, Magdeburg und Erfurt: KorpersprachlicheWandlungen im tant that Northern Italy in the Stauferzeit be integrated into the debate. gestalterischen Kontext," Wiener Jahrbuchfiir Kunstgeschichte 46/47 13. A. Weis, "Zur Symbolik der Bildwerke am Sildportal des Miinsters (1993/94), 679-87, at 681: "im Obereinandertypologisch die Vorzeit von StraBburg"(Dissertation, Freiburg, 1946); summary published as auf die Endzeit beziehend." Local tradition, since the middle of the "Die 'Synagoge' am Stidquerhauszu Stralfburg,"Das Miinster 1 (1947), fourteenth century, identified the Strasbourg Solomon as the emperor 65-80; Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge." For a recent review of Charlemagne. A similar figure, also called Charlemagne, can be found scholarly literatureon the Strasbourg south portal, see S. Bengel, "Das at the Zurich Grossmiinster.The fourteenth-centurysculpture is antic- Stidquerhausdes StraBburgerMiinsters: Ein Forschungsbericht"(M.A. ipated by the twelfth-century city seal of Zuirichshowing Charlemagne thesis, Berlin, 1996). I would like to express my gratitude to the author seated with a sword on his lap. I am grateful to Peter Cornelius Claus- for making a copy of the thesis available to me. sen for this information. 14. See A. Erler, Das Strafiburger Miinster im Rechtsleben des Mittelal- 25. H. M. Schaller, "Endzeit-Erwartungund Antichrist-Vorstellungenin ters (Frankfurtam Main, 1954), 21, 24. The court is also described in der Politik des 13. Jahrhunderts"in Stupor Mundi: Zur Geschichte the documents as uf den greten, uf der Grete, uf der langen Griiden, Friedrichs II. von Hohenstaufen, ed. G. Wolf, 2nd ed. (Darmstadt, auf der griithen, uf der Grethen." Brun's etching was published in 1982), 418-48, at 430. Oseus Schdideus, Summum Argentoratensium Templum (Strasbourg, 26. See M. Biichsel, "Ecclesia symbolorum cursus completus," Stdidel- 1617). Jahrbuch, N. F 9 (1983), 69-88. 15. Erler, StrafJburgerMiinster, 19-21. 27. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge" 115; also Weis, "Die 'Syna- 16. Ibid., 26-27. goge,'" 72. See generally, W. S. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the 17. Ibid., 48. Middle Ages: Two Symbols in Art and Literature (New York, 1970), chap. 3, 4. 18. Ibid., 43-45. In 1248 the site was located "ante capellam sancti An- 28. in cantica PL dree in monasterio majori,"in 1376 and 1399 at the altars of St. Vin- Expositio canticorum; 172, 379. cent and St. Antony: they are described as being "vor der Losungen 29. Ibid., 362. siti" or "bei der losunge." "Losunge" means tribute and refers to the 30. Sciurie, "Ecclesia und Synagoge" 684. synodal court. See J. Walter, "La topographie de la cath6drale au moyen age," Bulletin de la Socite' des amis de la cathidrale de Stras- 31. E. H. Bartelmez, ed., The "Expositio in cantica canticorum" of Wil- bourg 5 (1935), 37-108, at 66. The bishop, as ruler of the city, had his liram, Abbot of Ebersberg, 1048-1085 (Philadelphia, 1967), 26, ?109; law court inside the bishop's palace ("in aula episcopali"). See Erler, Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 115, 124 n. 56. Strafburger Miinster, 50. 32. Sciurie, "Ecclesia und Synagoge" 684. 19. A new vaulting system was created, and all details of the window 33. Bartelmez, "Expositio" 34, 137G: "di iro saluti congaudere: frames, cornices, and capitals were altered. For the three building ? scailt quia tecum erit una ecclesia." See also Von Simson, "Ecclesia und phases of the south portal, see E. Fels, "Le coeur et le transept de la Synagoge," 115. cath6drale de Strasbourg: Jtude architecturale,"Bulletin de la Societd des amis de la cathidrale de Strasbourg, 2nd ser., 2 (1932), 65-96. 34. For example, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm. 4550, fol. 77. See also L. Grodecki and R. Recht, "Le bras sud du transept de la See Die Zeit der Staufer, exh. cat., ed. R. Haussherr (Stuttgart, 1977), cath6drale: Architecture et sculpture," Bmon 129 (1971), 7-38, esp. I, 565-66, cat. no. 740; II, Fig. 532, dated "probablylast quarterof the 14-16, with a date after 1230 for the Angels' Pillar. Bengel, "Stid- twelfth century."

126 35. For a dating before the death of Herradin 1195, see N. Mayers, "Stu- 50. Scivias, 3.8.9 (fol. 178); CCCM 43A, 492; Hart and Bishop, 433. dien zum Hortus Deliciarum der Herradvon Landsberg"(Dissertation, 51. Scivias, 3.4 (fol. 145v); CCCM 43A, 390 ff.; Hart and Bishop, 357 ff. Vienna, 1966), 11-19, 237-39. Other important studies of the Hortus include A. Straub and G. Keller, Herrade de Landsberg, Hortus deli- 52. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge,"107, making referenceto W. Haft- ciarum (Strasbourg, 1879-99); J. Walter, Herrade de Landsberg, ortus mann, Das italienische Stiulenmonument(Leipzig, 1939; rpt. Hildes- deliciarum (Strasbourg, 1952); R. Green et al., Herrad of Hohenbourg, heim, 1972), 118-19, who does not mention the Angels' Pillar. The Hortus deliciarum, 2 vols. For relations between (London, 1979). 53. Dronke, "Symbolic Cities," 176. the illuminations and the stained glass at Strasbourg, see E Zschokke, 54. 4. Die romanischen Glasgemiilde des Strassburger Miinsters (Basel, Erler, Straf3burgerMiinster, 1942), 59, 128-30; and V. Beyer, C. Wild-Block, E Zschokke, Les vi- 55. Ibid., 4. See also Jantzen, Deutsche Bildhauer, 40-44; Von Simson, traux de la Notre-Dame de Vitrearum cathddrale Strasbourg, Corpus "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 120 n. 2, who considered the inscriptions to Medii Aevi, France, IX/1 123-25. (Paris, 1986), 48-51, represent a later, more negative construction. Sauerlinder, Die Zeit 36. Hortus, fol. 209v. Straub-Keller, pl. LIV; Green, I, 199; II, 342, 346, der Staufer, I, 322, cat. no. 444, regards the negative sentiment as pl. 122. original. The inscriptions appear in the engraving of Brun and are almost surely late medieval. 37. Green, I, 199: "Duo manus sedem Salemonis tenentes significant regnum et sacerdotium in ecclesia sedem veri Salemonis tenentes." 56. As noted in Die Zeit der Staufer, I, 322; Weis, "Die 'Synagoge'," 68. A similar theatricality can be found much earlier, around 1170, on the 38. Hortus, fol. 67v. Straub-Keller, pl. XXIII; Green, I, 132; II, 112-13, enamel cover of the Gospelbook of St. Godehardin Hildesheim (Trier, pl. 47. Domschatz, cod. 141/126). See Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian 39. Hortus, fol. 150. Straub-Keller, pl. XXXVIII/2; Green, I, 173, no. Art, 65. 212; II, 267, pl. 93. Discussed by Schreckenberg, The Jews in Chris- 57. J. Wharton, "'Daz lebende paradis'? A Consideration of the Love of tian Art, 43. Moreover, a text accompanying the illustration contained Tristan and Isot in the Light of the 'huote' Discourse," in Gottfried Von an excerpt from the Songs of Songs, beginning: "Verus Salemon, id est Strassburg and the Medieval TristanLegend, ed. A. Stevens and R. A. Christus, loquitur in Canticis canticorum."Green, II, 269, no. 524. Wisbey (Cambridge, 1990), 143-54, at 146: "eszn ist niht ein biderbe 40. Green, I, 174, 173: "Quatuorevangelistae animal ecclesiae." On Syna- wip, / diu ir ere durch ir lip, / ir lip durch ir ere lat, / so guote state so gogue's donkey, see M. Schlauch, "The Allegory of Church and Syna- si des hat, / daz si beidiu behabe" (vv. 17997-18001). gogue," Speculum 14 (1939), 448-64, at 453. 58. vv. 10009-10. Robert Suckale, in a sensitive analysis of the Bamberg 41. Green, I, 173: "Sub arbore crucis corruptaest synagoga quando scribe Church and Synagogue, detected a similar contradiction and empha- et Pharisei dixerunt: sanguis ejus super nos et super filios nostros." sized the fact that Ecclesia wears a robe in the newest mode, while is more old-fashioned in her thin silk bliaut: "Hier werden 42. Mayers, Hortus deliciarum, 51. Synagoga also auch alte und neue Mode fiir die Darstellung des Alten und Neuen 43. M. "Der Aufschein des Neuen im Alten: Das Buch Scivias der Z611ner, Bundes thematisiert, die alte Mode in einer gewissen Ambivalenz: Hildegard von Bingen im geistesgeschichtlichen Kontext des zwilften einerseits im Sinne des moralisch Verdammenswertenandererseits als Jahrhunderts-eine in von gattungsspezifische Einordnung," Hildegard sinnlicher und sch6ner." Suckale, "Die Bamberger Domskulpturen: in ihrem historischen ed. A. Bingen Umfeld, Haverkamp (Mainz, Technik, Blockbehandlung, Ansichtigkeit und die Einbeziehung des 2000), 271-97, at 281. For the M. H. Caviness, as dating, "Hildegard Betrachters,"Miinchner Jahrbuch fiir bildende Kunst 38 (1987), 27- Designer of the Illustrations to her Works,"in Hildegard of Bingen: 82, at 60. The Context of her Thought and Art, ed. C. Burnett and P. Dronke 59. Von "Ecclesia und 110. The is (London, 1998), 29-63, esp. 29 n. 6. Simson, Synagoge," derogatory aspect again emphasized by Sauerlinder, Zeit der Staufer, I, cat. no. 444. 44. H.-J. Schmidt, "Geschichte und Prophetie: Die Rezeption der Texte 60. G. Studien Geschichte der Juden im mittelalterlichen El- Hildegard von Bingens im 13. Jahrhundert,"in Hildegard von Bingen Mentgen, zur (as n. 43), 489-517, at 494. safi (Hannover, 1995), 29-31. Strasbourg'sJews were not persecuted during the First Crusade. The community is documented from the time 45. Scivias, ed. A. CCCM 43 159 2.4; Fiihrkotter, (Turnhout, 1978), ff.; of Frederick I Barbarossa and, at the end of the twelfth century, had trans. C. Hart and J. 189 illustratedin the Bishop (New York, 1990), ff.; several rabbis. For the carrocio, see ibid., 125, and A. Haverkamp, lost Rupertsberg manuscript, formerly Wiesbaden, Hessische Landes- "'Concivitas' von Christen und Juden in Aschkenas;" in Jiidische Ge- MS fol. 60. R. C. The Jerusa- bibliothek, 1, Citing Craine, 'Heavenly meinden und Organisationsformen von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, lem' as an in St. Scivias Eschatological Symbol Hildegard of Bingen's ed. R. Juitteand A. P. Kustermann (Vienna, 1996), 103-36, at 127. (Dissertation, Fordham University, 1992; Ann Arbor, 1992), 134. 61. Quoted by Mentgen, Studien zur Geschichte der Juden, 31. 46. For the relation of Hildegard's Ecclesia to the type of ecclesia im- peratix, see L. Saurma-Jeltsch,Die Miniaturen im "Liber Scivias" der 62. Annales Marbacenses, ed. H. Bloch, MGH, Scriptores rerum german- Hildegard von Bingen (Wiesbaden, 1998), 105. See also C. W. Sur, icorum, 9 (Hannover, 1907), 86-87: "Et pauci quidem ex eis in- The Feminine Images of God in the Visions of Saint Hildegard of nocentes apparuerunt, reliqui omnes coram ecclesia convicti per Bingen's 'Scivias' (Lewiston, 1993), 120; Craine, The 'Heavenly Jeru- adustionem manuum dampnati sunt et incendio perierunt."Caesarius salem,' 116. of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. J. Stange (Bonn, 1851), I, 133-34. For the most recent research on heresy in early thirteenth- 47. Scivias, 1.5.1; CCCM 43, 94; Hart and Bishop, 133. See Sur, Feminine century Germany, see A. F6ilel, Die Ortlieber: Eine spiritualistische 87; Caviness, as 32. images, "Hildegard Designer," Ketzergruppe im 13. Jahrhundert (Hannover, 1993), 39-41, with dis- 48. Scivias, 1.5.4; CCCM 43, 95; Hart and Bishop, 134. See Sur, Feminine cussion of sources and some critique of L. Pfleger, Kirchengeschichte Images, 88. der Stadt Strafburg im Mittelalter (Colmar, 1941), 99. 49. Scivias, 3.2 (fol. 60); CCCM 43A, 349 ff.; Hart and Bishop, 325 ff. 63. Annales Marbacenses, 93-94: "Anno MCCXXXI... facta est perse- Dronke, "The Symbolic Cities of Hildegard of Bingen;" Journal of cutio contra hereticos, hostes fidei, veritatis inimicos." See F6iBel,Ort- Medieval Latin 1 (1991), 168-82, esp. 175. lieber, 48, 51.

127 64. Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, cod. 2554, fol. 50a. See Stadtbtirgertumsam Bau bisch6flicher Kathedralkirchenim Spitmit- S. Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and telalter," Zeitschriftfiir die Geschichte des Oberrheins 109, N. E 68 Judaism in the Bible moralis6e (Berkeley, 1999), 84. (1959), 40-113, 87: "Es diirfte mehr als ein bloBer Zufall dahinterste- hen, wenn sich eben um diese Zeit, nimlich im zweiten Viertel des 13. 65. Ibid., fig. 59. Jahrhunderts,die Herauslisung der Miinsterfabrikals einer dauernden, 66. Hortus, fols. 242v, 253v. Straub-Keller, pls. LXIV, LXXI; Green, I, rechtlich selbstindigen Vermtgensmasse aus dem Kirchen-(Kapi- 213, 220; II, 408, 434, pls. 136, 145. tels)vermtigen vollzieht, und zwar... wesentlich bedingt durch die mit den Schenkungen und Vermichtnissen verbundenenAuflagen der 67. Jantzen, Deutsche Bildhauer, 55; reviewed critically by E. Panofsky in privaten (biirgerlichen!) Bauftirderer." Repertoriumfiir Kunstwissenschaft 47 (1926), 59-62; see also Panof- sky, "Zur kiinstlerischen Abkunft des StraBburger'Ecclesiameisters'," 71. See Haussherr'sreview of Sauerlinder's Von Sens bis StraJ3burg(as Oberrheinische Kunst 4 (1929/30), 124-29, offering here a prefigura- n. 10), 308, where the relative characterof notions like master, hand, tion of Sauerliinder'sSens-Strasbourg genealogy. workshop, and group is emphasized. See also Sauerlinder, Gothic Sculpture in France, 124-25. 68. H. Reinhardt,La cathddrale de Strasbourg (Paris, 1972), 18. Berthold, together with the dean of the chapter of Bonn and the archdeacon of 72. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 109. For the laws of Mainz as Reims, was sent as a mediator to prevent the bishop of Paris from sup- an expression of Frederick'sauthority as highest judge of the empire, porting the ambitions of his candidate, the cantor of Laon cathedral. see E. Kingelhtifer, "Die Reichsgesetze von 1220, 1231/32 und 1235," According to Reinhardt, this meeting would have opened up for Ber- in Stupor Mundi (as n. 25), 161-202, 192-99. thold "les perspectives les plus saisissantes." This supposition led to 73. See H. Schreckenberg,Die christlichen Adversus-Judeos-Texteund ihr the even more hypothetical argument that the bishop resolved to hire literarisches und historisches Umfeld (13.-20. Jh.) (Frankfurt,1994), French artists during this journey. 148-51, with the text of the privilege (MGH, Constitutiones, II, 274- 69. On the ascendance of the Strasbourg citizenry, see most recently 76, no. 204). Y. Egawa, "Stadtherrschaftund Gemeinde in StraBburgvom Beginn 74. M. Schuller,Das am BambergerDom (Munich, 1993), 98. des 13. Jahrhundertsbis zum Schwarzen Tod (1346)" (Dissertation, Fiirstenportal Trier, 2001), 72-74; forthcoming in the series "Trierer Historische 75. Championed by M. Gosebruch in "Aus dem Kreis um den StraBburger Forschungen." Ekklesiameister-oder vom Entgegenwachsen der Geschichte,"in Bei- trdge zur Kunst des Mittelalters: Festschriftfiir Hans Wentzel(Berlin, 70. H. Kraus, Gold was the Mortar: The Economics of Cathedral Building 1975), 53-64. Objections to this model with respect to early thir- (London, 1979), 112: "The citizens were, in fact, almost certainly re- teenth-century Saxon sculpture were first voiced by W. Sauerlinder in sponsible for the south arm's richly sculptured portal, which was the "SpditstaufischeSkulpturen in Sachsen und Thuiringen:Uberlegungen seat of their justice, as has been shown in a remarkable study." The zum Stand der Forschung,"Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 41 (1978), study referredto is Erler, StrafiburgerMiinster, 27-29, where it is sug- 181-216, at 200-2. The whole debate is laid out in detail by Bengel, gested that a specific place was designated for the municipal court in "Stidquerhaus,"65-77. the city constitution of 1200, though the place is not, in fact, men- tioned. It is difficult to draw a clear distinction between the official 76. For artistic connections, see M. Bierschenk, Glasmalereien der Elisa- sites for conducting civil and ecclesiastical law in Strasbourg. On the bethkirchein Marburg:Die figiirlichen Fenster um 1240 (Berlin, 1991), burghers' growing autonomy in the thirteenth century, see Pfleger, 172-73, 177. For anti-heretical tendencies in the Marburgprogram, Kirchengeschichte, 59-64; Egawa, "Stadtherrschaft,"63-80; P. Wieck, especially in relation to the inquisitor, Konrad of Marburg,who had "Das Stra8burger MUnster: Untersuchung tiber die Mitwirkung des hypothetically had been in Strasbourg, ibid., 154-60.

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