Vol. 1 No.

REPORT December 1985

-J i : .. ..

,iI I f-05.11 1; .&fyAgm Vol. 1 No. 3

REPORT December 1985

I Contents V.' no'03 5 Editorial ......

One Person, One Vote, In a Unified South Africa ......

The Centre Cannot Hold, Southern Africa White Liberalism and Beyond in South Africa REPORT is produced 5 times a year by a vol Ja Toivo Calls for Sanctions unteer collective of the Toronto Com Against South Africa . ... mittee for the Liberation of Southern Africa (TCLSAC), Divestment: Lessons from McGill 427 Bloor St. W. Toronto, M5S iX7 Tel. (416) 967-5562. The Quebec Scene: Submissions, suggestions and help Southern Africa in Quebec . with production are welcome and in vited. SADCC Conference: Subscriptions Ottawa, November 13, 1985 Annual TCLSAC membership and Southern Africa REPORT subscrip Anti-Apartheid in the U.S.: tion rates are as follows: Confronting Imperialism .. . SUBSCRIPTION: Individual ...... $15.00 Institution ...... $30.00 MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Regular (Canada) ...... $30.00 Contributors Unemployed Student ...... $15.00 Jonathan Barker, Cynthia Barrett, Claudette Chase, Senior Jo Lee, Richard Lee, Mike Mason, $50.00 John Saul, Doug Sider, Heather Speers, Sustainer ...... to Joe Vise, Mary Vise. $200.00

Overseas add $5.00 Cover photos from NUSAS publication "Ruling the Townships" I THE QUESTION OF POWER Even the most casual observer of developments in South Africa must suspect that something qualitatively new is afoot in that country. In ternational banks refuse to roll over loans to the South African govern ment and even President Reagan is forced to make a bow in the di rection of sanctions; leading South African businessmen trek to Zambia to meet with the African National Congress; President Botha says his government is "committed to the principle of a united South Africa, one citizenship and a universal fran chise". What is going on? One thing is certain. The apartheid state, and indeed the whole racial capitalist system which stands behind it, is in severe diffi culty. It faces economic crisis, but even more importantly (as the in terview with which we begin this anger and black organization has issue points out) it faces the mili So far so good. But the catch proven to be a potent one. What we tant resistance of the vast majority for capital is that it doesn't quite find in South Africa is a mass move of the South African people, a re know how to deal with the situ sistance it quite simply cannot re ment that refuses to be decapitated. ation. Suppose for the moment that it could steer a fairly substan press. Not that it isn't attempting This reality has caused, on the tial reform package past the more to do so. The arrests and killings of other side, a real crisis of confidence. right-wing members of the (white) black leaders continue apace. But How else to explain the astonish the more fundamental drama is to electorate, what would that pack ing death-bed conversion of leading age look like? Not quite democ be found in the amazing resiliency of Afrikaner businessman Louis Luyt, the black population. Too often the racy, in all probability. Here's Louis once a notorious bag-man for the Luyt again, this time citing an erst images in the media - when, that is, South African government at the the South African government were while liberal opponent fondly: "I time of the Muldergate information agree with the comments made re still permitting them to reach the scandal and an international apolo outside world - have encouraged us cently by Mrs. Helen Suzman that gist for apartheid. Hear him now: we are not going to give this coun to think in terms merely of angry "We want to do away with a sys try away. There is no point in ex mobs of Africans raging - however tem that had been wrong for forty justifiably - against the apartheid changing a bad white government years". He follows this up with for a bad black government." But state. Such a picture, even when a pretty good Marxist analysis of it captured accurately the brutality perhaps we should also examine South Africa's racial capitalism: the thoughts of that state, has tended to obscure of a rather more re spectable spokesman for big busi as much as it illuminates. For the "Whether business likes it or not, it fact is that much of the strength ness, Gavin Relly, chairman of the has benefited from apartheid. It is powerful Anglo-American Corpora of the South African resistance is only now that apartheid has turned tion, writing in the Washington grounded in the high level of self Post against them that they are seeking at about the time of his Lusaka organizationwhich the African pop its removal. For years big business meeting with the ANC. His formu ulation has managed to achieve in did not want the situation changed." lation deserves careful reading, we recent years. This is exemplified believe. by a vast panoply of civic organiza The conclusion? "For far too long tions, youth congresses and student the private sector has paid lip ser "South Africans must now turn groups, unions, national umbrella vice to real change. The big compa their minds to thinking about how organizations of the UDF type, and nies could have done much more to to create a new, coherent society the like. The combination of black influence change." that offers reasonable equity to all

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 ... (T)here seem to be two funda Duncan's warning to anti-apartheid sue make clear, far more pressure mental approaches. The first is to activists (cited elsewhere in these must still be mounted against that modify the present system ... (This) pages) to keep their eye on the main established power before real nego approach seems to take into account target, what she calls the "transfer tiations about essentials are placed ... the necessity of a form of power of power". As the struggle for South on the agenda. This raises crucial sharing which at least would recog Africa enters a new and far more questions in its own right. More nize various real power centres in complicated stage, new and far more over, there is a whole range of ques the country, some of which may be subtle schemes may be launched in tions with even more long-term im tribal, such as the powerful Zulus, order to coopt that struggle and to plications, questions regarding the some of which may be the inde deflect it from a full and genuine de precise content of that "transfer of pendent homelands (which can by mocratization. In short, we must power" when it does come - its class no means be disregarded), some of opt for Relly's "other approach"; we content, its gender content, its pol which may be urban and multira should say as loudly and vigorously icy content in so many areas. As the cial, and some of which may even as possible that he is indeed at interview with which we lead off this be white. tempting to serve the same old cap issue concludes, it is not too early, "In our highly complex society I italist pie - and to serve it, when all even as we raise crucial questions would by no means reject this line is said and done, in much the same about the movement for liberation of thinking as impractical, and pro old racist dish. in South Africa, to also ponder the vided it were able to establish a bal Of course, Relly's statement also possible nature of post-liberation so ance of power in a free society shared suggests - since he is supposed to ciety there. "Rest assured", our in by everyone, I would not regard it be one of the voices of reason on terlocutor stated, "that people in as morally offensive. Nor would it the side of established power! side South Africa are beginning to exclude everyone's having the vote, that South Africans are still a long discuss such matters". And not though not necessarily in a single, way from the kind of serious bar merely Gavin Relly, fortunately. We directly elected assembly. There gaining which will define the end at Southern Africa REPORT will are of course many possible models game of their struggle for libera attempt to plug into this discussion within this reformist approach, but tion. As other articles in this is- too, in future issues. whichever one is chosen will have to take account of vast cultural diver sity, basic communications problems flowing from the fact that a large part of the population uses a vernac ular language rather than English or Afrikaans and traditions in Africa are not always democratic. "The other approach stems from the view that any modification of the present structure would be sim ply serving the same pie in a dif ferent dish. It bluntly declares that nothing short of immediate univer sal suffrage with no protection for minorities or safeguards for institu tions is acceptable. This attitude is supported by the African National Congress. I myself have no hesita tion in believing that an implemen tation of such a policy would have a devastating effect on the country and the subcontinent."

We think that most readers of Southern Africa REPORT will be able to read between the lines of this slippery text for themselves. Elijah Barayi, president of the newly formed, 500,000 member, 34 union, Clearly, it lends force to Sheena Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), December 1, 1985.

Africa REPORT december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT One Person, One Vote, In a Unified South Africa

Southern Africa REPORT spoke re Even worse for the government, dustrial countries, inflation was seen cently with a well-informed South an earlier (1983) attempt to deal as the key obstacle to growth, with African critic/activist and since the with this issue - the tricameral par excessive government spending and responses to our questions were liament for legally defined "whites", intervention fingered as the culprit. particularly informative about the "coloureds" and "asians", and the Policy action included raising inter deepening crisis of the apartheid Local Authorities for African Town est rates, resulting in a massive in regime we thought it useful to repro ships - did a lot to stimulate open crease in black unemployment; free duce the highlights of that interview resistance from late 1983. At ing up the exchange rate which here. For various good reasons our the local level community organi promptly began to slide, boosting interlocutor chose to remain anony zations and, importantly, organiza import costs; slashing subsidies on mous. We began by asking what re tions for unemployed youth were basic food items and fuel, as well mained of the Botha government's formed - in some cases, revived as to the black Local Authorities, total strategy in the wake of the vir to counter the new Local Authori many of which were forced to raise tual explosion of resistance inside ties and, where appropriate, to or rents in consequence. South Africa during the past year. ganize boycotts of the tricameral The resultant severe economic Answer: It's in complete sham elections held in August, 1984. In many townships, these groups devel squeeze, coming at the same time as bles. You can find it lying in the the implementation of the new Con smoke and flames of the townships. oped in a mutually reinforcing re lationship with the local branches stitution, provided township organi The social restructuring - in the zations with an endless supply of is name - of the Congress of South African of reform which it has in sues, each able to be linked to the volved continues: recent examples Students (COSAS), which organized broader question of the black popu are the scrapping of the Mixed Mar scbool boycotts to win educational demands such as democratic stu lation's lack of any voice in the po riages Act and the proposed elimi litical system which so determined nation of the hated pass-laws which dent councils for black high schools and an end to physical assaults on their fate. Considerable focus to op. control the movement of Africans. position forces was also provided by But reform has never been more students. As in previous student re volts, such demands quickly broad the formation in 1983 of the United than an attempt to reorganize and Democratic Front (and, to a much make more subtle (and thus also ened into opposition to apartheid in general, particularly as students lesser extent, the National Forum) more legitimate) the mechanisms of as coordinating national bodies for white (and especially white busi worked more closely than ever be fore with the organizations of their local and constituency-based orga ness) power. Its chief sticking-point, nizations. therefore, has always been the the elders, the trade unions for example. question of genuine political repre Southern Africa REPORT: Under these circumstances it is sentation for the black population. What about the government's at not surprising that active opposi Botha's constitutional experts tempts to deal with the economic tion has developed not simply in have formulated a variety of pro dimensions of the crisis in which it the large townships serving the in posals over the past several years, finds itself? dustrial areas but in dozens of tiny most recently that announced on Answer: Unable to deal with the country towns right across South September 30 which offered Africans deeper structural dimensions of that Africa. Faced with the constantly a few seats on the non-elected, advi crisis, the government has instead repeated and basic demands of sory President's Council. But they chosen to import its own version these organizations, it was impossi are no nearer a solution: all their of the monetarist practices which ble for the various half-baked "re schemes have fallen so far short of are rampant in certain other, more form" manouevres to win any legit. the central demand of black opposi developed capitalist centres. The imacy among black population. tion groups - one person, one vote, government's ham-handed attempts in a unified South Africa - that they to reshape the economy and restore Southern Africa REPORT: But have been decisively and immedi growth along these lines has actually the "total strategy" has all along ately rejected by those they are in served further to fuel township orga seemed to be at least as much about tended to appease. nization. As in several advanced in- repression as about "reform".

Southern Africa REPORTSouternAfria decemberdecmber198RPORT 1985 O(DTh1 Mff ______

Answer: That's right. Repres The catch was that neither re rades almost as long as they can sion is seen, quite self-consciously pression in general, nor the Emer remember, and with no employ by the regime, as being the reverse gency in particular, has proven to ment prospects, nor even the small side of the reform coin, the way to be the short, sharp death-blow to est stake in the system, they have deal with opposition. As Botha lu resistance that the government, and nothing to lose and everything to cidly expressed it on September 30, most of big business, had hoped it gain. It is hardly surprising that "official security action was to pro would be. Their model was the a recent survey of township blacks tect the process of peaceful reform previous Emergency in 1960 when found a substantial majority under and to ensure the necessary stabil popular resistance collapsed like a age 25, and many older, who felt ity without which reform will be un pricked balloon. This time, how that "unrest" was the appropriate dermined by violence and revolu ever, the militancy among township form of opposing township condi tion". Such "security action" had dwellers, especially amongst youth tions. Nor is it any wonder that already moved to a new level in Au and students, hasn't been so easy the police and army presence, in gust and September of 1984 when to quell. The actions of the ANC volving considerable harrassment of the army began to occupy townships guerillas and the large number of residents in their homes, in schools, in the Transvaal industrial area in protesters who have been shot by on the streets, even in hospitals response to widespread rent strikes the police over the past decade have and clinics, has hardened attitudes and school boycotts. As resistance developed a certain sense of fatalism and increased militancy, rather than spread across the country in subse amongst young blacks; death has breaking it. The declaration of quent months, so too did the actions become simply a part of the strug the Emergency ignited outbreaks of of troops in the townships. In other gle, a possibility - likelihood even school boycotting and street con words, the State of Emergency de that they face with a certain equa frontation in previously quiet areas, clared in July (1985) was in many nimity. such as Cape Town. And the vio ways merely a formalization of the After all, they've attended the lence of "official security action" already existing situation. funerals of their friends and com- the armoured cars, bullets, tear-gas

Africa REPORT december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT - has produced its counter-attacks in the ruling group - especially in Southern Africa REPORT: But with petrol and stones on those seen the business community, world-wide surely if, in this broad sense, the to be defenders of the status quo. and local - have recognized that apartheid state can be said to have These have been well publicized in some other route, and a different lost, the forces of resistance are still the western media, often presented vehicle, are probably necessary if very far from having won. as "blacks killing each other" in they're to survive the trip. some atavistic way. Township youth Answer: Yes, I don't want to give see it differently - they see them Clearly, the government's in dis false impressions here. It's proba selves as being involved in a civil array. Take Botha's recent speech bly true that an ANC military vic war. Those opposing them, whether proposing to include blacks in the tory remains remote. The govern white or black, are their enemy. President's Council, for example. ment holds, and will continue to On the one hand the gesture was hold for the forseeable future, a mas That's the real irony then. Re so weak, so far from universal suf pression, far from being the armour sive advantage in fire-power, and it ferage, that it was tantamount to still commands the loyalty of the se of "reform" the ruling groups hoped an admission of failure of the to it would be, has actually helped to curity forces (although draft resis tal strategy. On the other hand, destroy it. The determination of the tance has been of increasing signif the language he used was very re icance during 1985). While urban black population to win their de vealing. Claiming that the National mands has meant that the security militancy seems unlikely to decline, party was "committed to the princi it is not certain that it will be able to forces have been unable to reimpose ple of a united South Africa, and cit their authority in the townships. In raise its level and increase its focus izenship and a universal franchise", other words, the ANC's call earlier to the point where actual defeat of this year, to "make the townships he called it "the party of hope, of the security forces is on the agenda. democracy ... of freedom"! The key Partly this is a question of the abil ungovernable" (see Southern Africa question, he continued, was how the REPORT, I, 1) has been fulfilled, ity of the ANC itself to give such even if the situation on the ground African majority could "share in a focus and provide fire power to the liberated South Africa". must still, perhaps, be called a stale resistance along the lines which ap mate since the troops remain too parently were discussed at the move strong actually to be forced to quit Such phrases are more usually ment's National Consultative Con ference in Zambia in June (South the areas. found in the pages of Sechaba, the ANC's journal. They must have left ern Africa REPORT, I, 2). Much Southern Africa REPORT: a bitter taste in Botha's mouth. His also depends on the ability of the Stalemate? use of them reflects the fact that the organized working class, through Answer: Well, stalemate or not ANC has already won the war in its growing trade union movement, militarily, I'd say the township situ South Africa, at least at the level to turn its economic clout to ever ation, underscoring the collapse of of ideas. It is not simply that the greater political account. After all, total strategy, is a major advance banned movement has widespread South African capitalism is crucially for the opposition movement and and massive legitimacy in all sec dependent on black labour for its has produced a substantial shift in tors of the black population, as ex functioning. the balance of power away from the pressed, for example, in the support government. In fact, one could ar for the Freedom Charter, its basic Regarding this latter point, it's gue that the Botha government has document, as well as in the close worth emphasizing that the past lost the initiative and is slowly being similarity of its objectives with those year has seen the far more force squeezed into a corner from which of the UDF. Its influence extends ful emergence of a working-class the only exit is likely to be nego far beyond this, through the entire politics, one which raises national tiations over the transfer of power society: as the cracks in the rul ist/political issues but gives them to the African National Congress ing class alliance have widened, the a more working-class orientation. and other representative opposition ANC's agenda for change has dis A particularly dramatic example of groups. Certainly, the government's placed total strategy as the central this was last November's stay-away support base is rapidly crumbling locus of struggle, negotiations and in the Transvaal, with no fewer than beneath it. It lacks both the imag compromise among the various so 800,000 workers out and 400,000 ination and the political courage to cial forces at work in South Africa. students boycotting classes for sev formulate and implement a new ap The highly publicized meetings the eral days. This year, in the same proach and, as we've seen, is stuck ANC has had, first with big busi province, the work of the May Day on the same dead-end path - to ness, and more recently with the Coordinating Committee and ac tal strategy - it's traveled on for a centrist white Progressive Federal tivities around the funeral of An decade. But now with that dead Party, are the most visible signs of dries Raditsela, the murdered trade end now clearly in view, others this development. union leader, were also important.

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 - mmth mgzftm

Students marching to a neighbouring school near Cape Town.

More recently, the wave of consumer litical activity would almost in dent trade unions in South Africa, boycotts has been another kind of evitably make them less democrat but it also encompasses an inter trade union political activity of sig ically linked to their base than esting diversity of opinion about nificance. This kind of escalation the unions themselves. Moreover, the nature of working class politics. makes businessmen particularly un some unionists have apparently wor There are unions of what might be easy with the government's han ried that the UDF and possibly called a politicist tendency, those dling of things since they would like also the ANC - were just a bit which have been closest to the UDF to quarantine labour-management too petty-bourgeois in their make (and perhaps to the SACTU/ANC relations away from what they may up and too exclusively preoccupied tradition of trade union activity as consider to be the unpredictable with the mere transfer of formal well). There are also unions of passions of politics. political power to push big busi the more workerist tendency that ness on the questions of socialism I've just described. There are even Southern Africa REPORT: You and working-class power in post unions and unionists of quite nar mention the ANC initiatives and liberation South Africa. For such rowly economistic bent. However, those of the trade unions. Are these unionists, further consolidating a as I've said, I don't think that this initiatives mutually compatible? working-class base on the shop-floor kind of diversity is likely to prove is crucially important, not only in a negative thing. Such tensions Answer: It's true that there are order to make possible a continuing within the new union will throw up different tendencies inside the coun confrontation with capital but also crucial questions about the very na try. This was already made clear to help pull to the left any ANC-led ture of the movement for liberation last year by the reluctance of a num alliance which might eventually rise in South Africa, as well as about ber of important unions to join the to power. the nature of post-liberation society. UDF. Such unions argued that their Although there is still a long way to own chief role must be to consoli In this and other respects, go before we get to that latter stage, date their shop-floor presence, their the newly-formed Confederation of it is certainly not too early to begin power at the point of production, South African Trade Unions to talk about it. You cAn rest as rather than to rush into top-heavy (COSATU) may be of particular im sured, in any case, that people in organizations of the UDF type, or portance. Not only does it encom side South Africa are beginning to ganizations whose high-profile po- pass a wide range of the indepen- discuss such matters.

6 december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT The Centre Cannot Hold White Liberalism and Beyond in South Africa

Recent weeks have seen visits to agenda. And correctly so, in Dun "codes of conduct", seeing these as Toronto by three prominent and ar can's opinion. marginal to the most important as ticulate white South Africans, all of pects of corporate participation in Indeed, her main message to whom are vocal critics of apartheid: the apartheid system. And she the church-workers and other anti Sheena Duncan of the Black Sash, was more scornful of Chief Gat Frederik van Zyl Slabbert, leader apartheid activists who met with sha Buthelezi of Kwazulu, often her seemed to lie precisely here: of the Progressive Federal Party, presented quite sympathetically by don't take your eyes off the key tar which forms the official opposition other South African liberals. Por in the white South African par get, off the question of power, off traying him as a bully-boy and an liament, and Beyers Naud6, head the question of the genuine democ ambitious, ruthless opportunist, she of the South African Congress of ratization of South African politics. went so far as to say he was "the Churches. Yet it was soon apparent With the South African government most dangerous person in South that the differences between them in some disarray, beginning to lose Africa ... the only one I am re were far greater than the premises the support of the business com ally frightened of"! Something for and practices which united them. munity both world-wide and local, Globe and Mail editorial writers to These differences were also instruc with even arch-ally President Rea contemplate, perhaps, the next time tive as regards the current situa gan forced to accept some kind of Buthelezi comes to town. Indeed, tion in South Africa - as will be sanctions initiative, one can expect Duncan's essential liberalism only apparent from a brief recounting of some movement from Pretoria. In really surfaced around the ques the presentations the three made in fact, Duncan apparently would go tion of socialism, as she professed a Toronto. further than many other informed fear of the rise of "class analysis" observers of South Africa in seeing Sheena Duncan and ultra-leftism within the liber recent statements regarding the pro ation movement. Better the Free Sheena Duncan came quickly to posed re-citizenization of Africans dom Charter and the ANC, both the point. Make no mistake, she and the possible dropping of influx of which she characterized as ac said; violence in South Africa is controls as "reversals" (her term) of ceptably moderate and not partic coming primarily from the state apartheid. But even if they were ularly socialist, urging on the Cana whose claim to be restoring law and to prove to be so, she warned, the dian government an early embrace order is, in reality, "an attempt to very best that Africans can hope for of the latter organization, in sig entirely crush black opposition and politically in the forseeable future nificant measure for that very rea resistance". But she underscored is a token (and totally subordinate) son. A controversial reading of the the point which has also been made black parliament or some other con ANC, of course, but then Sheena in the lead article of the present is stitutional gimmickry designed to Duncan was nothing if not brac sue of Southern Africa REPORT: deny them real power. Blacks won't ingly provocative during her stay in this is not 1960. This time re accept this. Nor should Canadians. Toronto. sistance and popular mobilization Stick to that fundamental point, is so deeply rooted that no Emer the question of power, she said, gency can stem it. Moreover, the and overseas supporters of the anti resistance is more profoundly and apartheid struggle need not fear be sweepingly political than ever be ing thrown into disarray by the tin fore. Ironically, the government it kering - even quite dramatic tinker self has contributed greatly to this ing - that Pretoria may engage in. deepening of the popular struggle. For the new constitution of 1983 Duncan was equally outspoken made more blatant than ever before regarding other aspects of the South the disenfranchising of the African African situation, clearly sympa population and mobilization against thetic to the imposition of sanc that constitution cut very deep in tions, though arguing that they be deed. It has placed the issue of "selective" and carefully focussed what Duncan called "the transfer to have maximum effect. She was of power" particularly firmly on the appropriately scornful, however, of

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 mmt2a ffifyAm

Frederik van Zyl Slabbert cessity to bring "pressure" to bear ent kind of message to Toronto. In he repre Frederik van Zyl Slabbert set out on the apartheidgovernment to be his own person, of course, a certain kind of hope for the to be equally provocative on his own gin "negotiations" Slabbert denied sents been raised in the visit to Toronto (he was in Canada legitimacy to precisely the two kinds future. For he had traditions of the Dutch in the first place to address the Lib of pressure which seemed likely to narrowest and soon followed eral Party's convention in Halifax), have any real effect: resistance and Reformed Church in the announcing to the Toronto press sanctions. Yet he in turn failed to his father into membership sinister Afrikaner secret society, the that his stand against economic specify with any clarity just what Only in his forties did sanctions would probably make him range of alternative pressures might Broederbond. begin to rethink fundamentally "the punching bag of the trendy be expected to bear fruit. he left" at the Harbourfront meeting his position; then, slowly but surely, Slabbert was no more convinc he followed his own conscience to he was to address the next evening. ing in his somewhat half-hearted de This was a bit of pre-emptive red the point where now, in his sev fense of Buthelezi - the only signifi firmly and baiting that carefully avoided men enties, he finds himself cant black ally he has managed to of libera tioning the fact that this stance is courageously on the side find for his proposed "Convention Finally freed from a recent also the reverse of the position taken tion. Alliance", that limping attempt to eight-year banning order, he spoke on the question of sanctions by most claim a moderate "middle ground" significant black political organiza eloquently, if sombrely, of the past, in South Africa. Even more dubi the present and the future. tions in his country and, according ous, perhaps, was his fancy foot to recent polls, by 75% of the black work around the question of "one Whereas Slabbert conjured by population. But then Slabbert, en man, one-vote in a unified South the prospect of "negotiations" more gaging speaker though he was, never Africa". For Slabbert's Progressive or less by sleight-of-hand, Naud6 did play entirely fair with his audi Federal Party, in its stated preoc sorrowfully saw only increased po ence in Toronto - in large part be cupation with what it euphemisti larization. True, the pilgrimage of cause he sought to have it both ways cally calls South Africa's "plural so on the question of defying apartheid businessmen to meet the ANC sug ciety" and with the danger of "ma gested some shift in the locus of in South Africa. jority domination" (!), has long been power and moral authority to the Of course, many in the audience one of the main protagonists of pre latter movement's headquarters in did find his concern to avoid fur cisely the kind of "confederal" and Zambia, but one need have no great "consociational" models of ther violence attractive. Invoking South illusions about the businessmen's in the precedents of Beirut and North Africa's future which we have seen tentions: ever higher levels of invest ern Ireland, he expressed fear of a Sheena Duncan to be warning us ment in the past have merely par continuing and ever-deepening cycle against. In fact, Slabbert gave his alleled a worsening of the situation of repression and revolt that would audience little reason to feel that for blacks in South Africa. More merely produce a long and wast his main preoccupations are not still over, Naudi sees the vast majority ing period of inconclusive violence. cast in quasi-apartheidterms - black of his fellow whites as being will Apartheid may be in profound ide vs. white - rather than in terms fully blind to what is happening in ological crisis, he said, but given of non-racialism. His constitutional their country and morally obtuse. the military strength and the de gimmickry, if ever enacted, seemed Nor could he share Sheena Dun termination of the apartheid state most likely to have the effect of can's hunch that some real "rever there is not yet a crisis of what so dividing and counter-balancing sals" of apartheidwere in the wind; he termed "coercive stability". Not black political inputs - in the name he would remain profoundly scepti an irrelevant point, certainly, yet of democracy - as to blunt any cal until he saw the legislation. But there was something just a little bit eventual challenge to white social he did agree with her on the more demagogic in his manner of mak and economic powei. Though some fundamental point: that whites, in in the audience at Harbou-front ing it; he seemed to imply that oth their "folly", will not soon accept ers who saw aggressive resistance seemed comfortable enough with gone-person, one-vote in a unified this brand of liberalism, there were to the apartheid state as necessary South Africa", nor indeed any sys were less sensitive than he to the many more who were not. tem in which white dominance is potential costs of revolutionary vi jeopardized. Since blacks rightly olence. Not true, said a number Beyers NaudA will accept no less - we are "past the of critics in the hall, pointing out Beyers Naud6, head of the South point" for constitutional gimmickry that Slabbert had made things a bit African Council of Churches and which seeks to blunt full democra too easy for himself by not answer one of the most impressive and tization, Naud4 insisted - it is in ing the real $64 question. Thus, highly respected figures in all of evitable that the conflict will esca for all his talk concerning the ne- South Africa, brought a very differ- late.

Africa REPORT december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT Allan Boesak and Beyers Naudi (behind him) being carried to the funeral of four black leaders in Cradock.

Indeed, the recent by-elections, most importantly, for "full political not a question of choosing between with parties even more conservative rights". Naud6 also set against the violence and non-violence but, in than the National Party register status quo an awareness that the the face of governmental repression ing significant gains, demonstrated level of black anger and determina and intransigence, of choosing be a further pull to the right - despite tion to bring about change (as man tween greater and lesser violence. the extreme modesty of any gestures ifested in strikes, boycotts, even the Even much of the so-called "black in the direction of moderation by throwing of sticks and stones) is so on-black" violence of which the me Botha and company. But the rel high that mere repression will not dia make so much would not be evant choice is not between Botha succeed in crushing it, as it did in condemned by Naud4, particularly and any other right-wing groups in 1960 and 1976-77. when it is directed against blacks any case. Here Naud6 pointed with involved in government structures: pride to the Kairos document, The This situation does create gen black police, informers, councillors. Challenge to the Church, "the most uine moral dilemnas, however. Tra It is clear that the pent-up anger significant theological document to ditionally, for example, the SACC of the black community has reached come out of South Africa in 30 or has taken a strong stand against the point where it is no longer pre 40 years". Prepared by a broad violence, against the graphic vio pared to accept such things. More range of South African church peo lence of the apartheid system but over, these collaborators have actu ple, it invokes scriptural author also against the counter-violence as ally had as much as five years of ity and contemporary evaluation to might be directed against that sys warning not to get caught on the define the present South African tem. The question is now being wrong side. Now, as the struggle government as being "illegitimate". raised in church circles as to whether escalates, "what else are young peo Against that government, Naud4 ex this is any longer a relevant position: ple to do" but to attack these "vis plained, the South African Council "How can we call on the victims of ible symbols" of government repres of Churches sets "the legitimate de apartheid to take the present situ sion. In fact, the only way to end mands of the majority", including ation lying down?" In fact, Naud6 the more legitimate forms of violent demands for the withdrawal of secu feels, the churches are inching their resistance is for the government to rity forces from the townships and, way towards the position that it is end its violence first and come to the

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 O(Dm!a mth1~L&______negotiating table. Otherwise, South Nor did Naud4 have much in of change in South Africa seemed a Africa is in for a long drawn-out, common with either Slabbert or million miles away from the calcu painful struggle indeed. Buthelezi on th question of exter lated blandness of a van Zyl Slab In sharp contrast, Beyers Naud4 nal sanctions, noting the poll fig bert. Part of the problem or part of was anything but sympathetic to ures cited above and much other evi the solution? There is little doubt wards the violence perpetrated by dence to document the massive sup that Beyers Naud6 is in the latter Gatsha Buthelezi and his Inkatha port from blacks - he marked with camp. "impis" against the UDF and oth interest the recent statement of the ers in Natal, scathingly describ National Union of Mineworkers, for ing Buthelezi as increasingly lacking example, against all loans to South )6#b 40 in credibility and as another "seed Africa - for such actions in order sown by apartheid". Naud6 did see to facilitate their liberation. Cit some hopeful signs that resistance ing the fact that Bishop Tutu had to apartheidauthorities - black and earlier that same week shortened his white - was beginning to spill over own grace period before calling for from the townships into the rural ar full sanctions from two years to six eas of the Bantustans. In the mean months, Beyers Naud4 reminded his time, he found it absurd that van audience that he and Tutu had also Zyl Slabbert and the PFP, in its called upon international bankers search for the centre, should so un to demand the resignation of the derestimate the feelings of black bit present South African government terness towards any meetings with before agreeing to reschedule South Bantustan leaders as to allow its lat African debts! So few whites had est Convention initiative to become any real sense of where their black twinned to closely with Buthelezi. fellow countrymen are on such is Where are the UDF, the unions, the sues, Naudi lamented. But not all whites, his audience was tempted youth and students? Most impor "Ifwe try to change our tantly, Naud6 said, "there is no way to say in admiration. Certainly the future of South Africa can be set Naud4's preoccupation with bring policies too quickly we tled without the full involvement of ing genuine and effective pressure will start to lose face." the ANC". to bear in order to force the pace

JOINT STATEMENT OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AND THE PROGRES SIVE FEDERAL PARTY Members of the Executives of the A.N.C. and the P.F.P. met for a day on Saturday 12th October 1985 and discussed a wide range of issues relevant to the current South African situation. Apartheid lies at the heart of the present crisis. Both sides share the urgent need to dismantle apartheid and to establish a united, non-racial, democratic South Africa. Both are deeply concerned to conserve the human and natural resources of our country and to remove one of the most potent factors affecting the stability of the whole Southern African region. Areas of differences were discussed in a frank and cordial atmosphere. In particular there were differences on the role and centrality of the armed struggle in bringing about fundamental change. On the question of a national convention as a basis for devising a constitution for a united, non-racial, democratic South Africa, the PFP explained its position that such a convention could only take place when certain conditions were met. The ANC stated that it does not consider that there has come into being at the present moment a climate under which it can begin to consider a negotiated resolution of the crisis. At the same time the ANC does not rule out for all time either a convention as a means of devising a constitution or negotiations as a means of resolving the crisis. Both believe that one of the urgent issues is to secure the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and all political prisoners and detainees. Both sides agreed that the meeting was extremely useful and if necessary would happen again. Signed by: Frederick van Zyl Slabbert Alfred Nzo Chairman - PFP Secretary-General - ANC

10 december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT 0 0 MEMILOM Ja Toivo Calls for Sanctions Against South Africa

"Because of Reagan's policy of con Act in Pretoria in August 1967, af structive engagement ...the war con ter a mass roundup of SWAPO lead tinues in northern Namibia ... and ers following the launching of the while it is true that we do not control armed struggle by SWAPO in Au territory physically, psychologically we gust 1966. In February 1968 ja are controlling the whole country." Toivo and 33 others were convicted One of the founding fathers of and given sentences ranging from 20 the Namibian liberation struggle years to life. Ja Toivo was subjected came to Toronto recently. The leg to systematic and repeated beat endary Herman Toivo ja Toivo, Sec ings, sleep deprivation and other retary General of SWAPO is one forms of torture. Speaking from of the generation of Mandela and the dock, ja Toivo and others de Sisulu whose personal history is nounced in eloquent words the kan garoo courts that convicted them. closely linked to the origins of the Herman Toivo ja Toivo mass struggle for the liberation of Since his release from Robben southern Africa. And like Mandela, Island, ja Toivo has reoccupied introduced what they call the Interim Toivo has spent much of the last the position of Secretary-General Government; this is just a continua two decades in South African pris of the party. Perhaps more than tion of the old manoeuvre of the Demo ons; he was released in March 1985 any other living person, Herman cratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) Min after eighteen years on Robben Is Toivo ja Toivo embodies the fight isters' Council, and National Assem land. ing spirit and indominatable will of bly, none of which had any credibility the Namibian people. among the Namibian people. We are Born in Ovamboland, ja Toivo sure that this one like the others will grew to maturity during the 1930's As the number two cadre in the SWAPO leadership, Toivo speaks crumble very soon. The principals are the period when South Africa was the old collaborators, representing no tightening its economic grip on authoritatively on SWAPO's posi one but themselves and their bank ac South West Africa, and turning tion on the current situation in counts." the territory into a vast labour re Southern Africa. During his meet serve for the farms, mines and fish ings in Toronto, ja Toivo made a On the question of linkage (the number of comments, giving South eries of the region. Wages paid linking of South African withdrawal to migrant labourers in South West ern Africa REPORTS readers in from Namibia to the withdrawal of Africa were half the pitifully low sight into the current thinking of the Cuban forces from Angola), ja Toivo wages paid to migrants in South SWAPO leadership. saw it clearly as a stalling tactic de signed to give South Africa breath Africa itself. After service in World "Because of Reagans's policy of con ing space to impose an internal so War II ja Toivo became one of the structive engagement which I call de lution. And ja Toivo was extremely premier organizers of contract work structive engagement the war continues critical of the role of the U.S. gov ers, during the 1940's and '50's in northern Namibia. The oppressors ernment and Reagan's special envoy, in Namibia and in 1957 he moved have 100,000 troops on our soil. The Chester Crocker, propping up the to Cape Town to organize Namib Peoples Liberation Army of Namibia is South African regime in Namibia. ians there. It was there that ja still scoring victories, and while it is And despite the March 1984 Lusaka Toivo founded the Ovambo Peoples' true we do not control territory physi Accords between Angola and South Congress (O.P.C.), later to become cally, psychologically we are controlling Africa, ja Toivo documented the the Ovambo Peoples' Organization, the whole country." one of the three organizations that continued attacks by the latter on On the question of the so-called merged in 1960 to form the South the former. West Africa Peoples Organization internal solution, independence for "In June, South Africa invaded Angola SWAPO. Ja Toivo was one of 37 Namibia under a puppet regime, ja in hot pursuit of S WAPO. They claimed Namibian defendants who went on Toivo said: to have killed 50, and later in another trial under the notorious Terrorism "On June 17 the South African racists incident, 61 SWAPO soldiers. These

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 stories were lies. In both instances volves first, withdrawal from the Con giving up one of their most prized there was no contact with SWAPO be tact Group, the Group of Five. France catches was to sow disunity and cause we have no forces in that area. has come out by saying it will no longer strife within SWAPO; or somehow The truth of the matter is that the participate in meetings of the Contact to 'turn' ja Toivo. We now know South Africans went to defend UNITA; Group. Then they went further and that this didn't happen. Ja Toivo's in the most recent incident, to save the gave SWAPO diplomatic status and reintegration with the outside lead UNITA headquarters, which were on material assistance in the form of food ership was instant and complete, the verge of being encircled by Angolan and trucks. We are grateful to France and his presence added to SWAPO's troops." for the concrete moves and we are also strength and unity. Southern Africa appreciative of the stand that Canada REPORT asked ja Toivo if there Ja Toivo applauded the resolute has taken at the U.N.. For example, were any attempts by the prison au actions of the South African people at the recent Security Council debate thorities to manoeuvre him in some and the tremendous upsurge of re way according to a hidden agenda: sistance in the last twelve months. They had been manoeuvring long be And he predicted dramatic future fore I was released. In 1976 they sent changes in the form and intensity of me someone, a white man who intro the South African liberation strug duced himself as coming from the Uni gle. But he also rejected the view versity of South Africa. He said he had that the people of Namibia must been trying to come and visit me for await a revolutionary victory in years, but he was not allowed. And South Africa before achieving their then finally they agreed, they allowed own liberation. him to come and see me. And he said - but since you have been in jail for We must always tackle the weakest link such a long time, perhaps you don't and at the present, Namibia is that know what is taking place; let me brief link. You know, when South Africa you first, as to what is taking place withdrew forces from Southern Angola, outside. Then he said, South Africa it was not really because she wanted has also recognized SWAPO, like the to fulfill what she promised the An United Nations, and there are changes taking place in Namibia as well as in golans in the Lusaka agreement; it was Transkei - And I said oh! Is that how due to pressure of the crisis brewing it is? And in Rhodesia, remember this in South Africa. She wanted to deploy was 1977. So I asked him, what is your those forces in the townships. And so, work, you said? He said, No, I'm a in this case as well, if the pressure of researcher at the University of South incidents keeps on mounting and accel on Namibia, my comrades were saying Africa. I continued to ask him: are you erating, South Africa will be forced to that Canada's statement appeared as a professor or what? He said, No, I'm withdraw her forces from Namibia to if it came from SWAPO itself! But we just a researcher. Then I said, Well, concentrate on protecting South Africa don't want to see only statements. We I don't want to talk to you. He said, itself." want to see work. We want the Cana That's all right; I'm not going to force dian government to come out and stand you. If you don't want to talk to me, The major purpose of ja Toivo's on the side of the oppressed and fight it's fine. Perhaps we will meet again. visit to Canada was to press ing people of Namibia!" So we parted. Then, after I left, he for comprehensive and mandatory called in another Namibian comrade sanctions against South Africa and The meeting with ja Toivo also from his section. So he went there, for divestment. offered us a fascinating glimpse into and he told him the same story, say the man behind the statements. ing that he wants to talk to him. This "The changes you see going on in During the meeting with TCLSAC comrade said No, I'm not versed in En South Africa today are merely window ja Toivo spoke movingly of his years glish, I want an interpretor,so one was brought. He repeated his story, say dressing. The Bothas are not really on Robben Island and the solidar ing than they (South Africa) had rec going to bring about changes unless ity of the political prisoners in South ognized SWAPO, and this man said, if we stand up and push them from in Africa's Alcatraz. Located on a bar you want to talk to SWAPO, SWAPO side and outside. That is why we ren island in the south Atlantic near is outside. We are in jail; go ahead, go are here in Canada appealing to our Cape Town, Robben island has long talk to SWAPO. (laughter)So that was friends to demand comprehensive eco been the maximum security home the end of that. nomic sanctions against South Africa. of South Africa's greatest patriots. "In 1977 it was the first time the We ask you to make the Canadian gov When ja Toivo was finally released Group of Five went to South Africa ernment come out clearly and show in March, there was intense specu with Prime Minister Vorster. A man the world where they stand. This in- lation that South Africa's motive in came to me named Mumurumba Ke

12 december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT rina; he was a friend of mine who the day of my release from Robben appealing to our comrades and friends became a chairman of SWAPO and Island, I was called into the gover to redouble their efforts in giving us who was expelled from the organiza nor's office and a man was standing whatever they can in the way of ma tion in 1963 for having written a let in the shadows whose face I could't terial, food, clothing, or medical and ter to American Metal Climax say make out. As I came near him he ing he was prepared to work agriculturalequipment and transport. together turned around and I recognized An with them for the good of Namibia. Please contact our New York office, and dreas Shipanga We believed that he also got money who had been expelled they will redirect these contributions. from them. When DTA started he from SWAPO and who was now part of And don't be surprised if you get word came back to Namibia from Brooklyn, the MPC. I refused to talk to him but I from our office in Cuba. We have two N.Y., where he was living. We used to learned later that before my release he schools in Cuba, which accommodate hear in prison almost every day about had gone to my mother in Windhoek over 1,000 students. When they are his doings. When the South Africa and told her: "I have brought your son in the hostels, these kids are looked Namibia Foundation was formed Ke after by the Cuban government. But rina got involved in it. He often came when they go to university the gov to Cape Town on Foundation business. ernment pays only for their academic He wrote me and said that Namibia was about to obtain independence un tuition. Clothing, they must provide der the DTA. And he said please feel themselves. So when you get word say free to apply to the prison authori ing send these goods to Cuba to go ties to allow me to come and see you. to Namibian university students, don't He enclosed a picture of himself and be surprised. I must also express our a long list of names of SWAPO mem gratitude and thanks for the work you bers whom he claimed were killed by are doing over the years; and I hope SWAPO. that the distance we have covered in "I was called to the governor's of the struggle is longer, and the one we fice to read this letter. I said I wanted are facing now will be shorter. Without to discuss this letter with eight of my your support we wouldn't be where we Namibian comrades. The governor are today. Ihope that you will continue agreed and we assembled. But there struggling, comrades and friends." were only seven. So I said no, this is not sufficient. If we don't get all eight Any we won't discuss the letter, the meet contributions for SWAPO from our ing will not go on. So they brought readers can be directed to SWAPO, 801 2nd Ave., #1401, the eighth man. I told them, here is New York, N.Y., 10017 USA. the letter from Kerina. I don't want If you wish a tax re ceipt for your contribution both OXFAM to see him, but we can take our time here from Robben Island". She replied, and CUSO have projects with SWAPO. to discuss this letter, it may take three "No, I don't want to see you, please go or four days (laughter). So we spent away"." Send your contribution, earmarked for SWAPO, three days appearingto discuss the let to OXFAM, 251 Laurier Ave., #301, Ottawa KIP 5J6, or to CUSO, ter when we were covering our own For the members of TCLSAC agendas. Then I told them, you must 135 Rideau St., 3rd floor, Ottawa K1IN it was a privilege and an educa 9K7. take the letter back to your own sec tion to meet a man whose name tions. Take three, four or five days to has meant so much to the liberation discuss it, take more time if you need it. That's how we managed to meet inside struggle in southern Africa. It gave the prison while appearing to consider us a better sense of the reservoirs of weighty offers from DTA collaborators. courage and fortitude that energize the people of Namibia enabling peo "These were just two of the many ple like ja Toivo not only to survive incidents that occurred. Also they have the years of prison but to continue been writing in their newspapers that, to hold fast to the goals of libera if I am released, there will be a strug tion. Moreover, this knowledge lent gle for power in S WAPO, and secondly, a special quality to ja Toivo's appeal they used to say if I am released before for support for SWAPO students in the elections my charisma will disap Cuba, a specific request with which pear! And I heard also some specula he chose to close our session with tion that they were thinking that if I him: "Today South Africa am released they will be able to per imposed sanctions on suade me to be on their side. They "As the time goes on, the needs of the the rest of the world." already tried such a trick, because on struggle are also increasing. We are

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 13 INKHULULEKO MANXE DivestmentiA n1flVPRT MAIW Lessons From McGill the October meeting of the McGill Board of Governors, Hugh Hall By Monday, November 18th, McGill ward (Montreal Expos, Southam University had accumulated 45 mil Inc., Coles Books, Canadian Impe rial Bank, Argo Construction, ce lion dollars worth of securities a 12-hour anti-apartheid marathon ment, shopping centres), Chairman in firms which were either South to protest Concordia's thousands African-owned or had direct invest of the Board and notable within Montreal's Anglo laager, showed invested in South Africa through ments in South Africa. On Tues the Bank of Montreal. Seven hun day, November 19th, it began to his hostility to divestment by at tempting to keep it off the agenda dred students marched to the South unload them. Although the Prin African Consulate chanting "Free cipal of McGill and the Board of for November. Part of his con cern was over the number of his dom Yes, Apartheid No!" and "Free Governors may be congratulating South Africa, Divest Now!". This themselves on having taken the high fellow governors who were clearly caught up in a conflict of inter story was headlined in the McGill moral road which has led McGill to Daily on Monday, November 18, the become the first divested university est. When the question of divest ment had first come up, in 1981, and day the Board of Governors were to in Canada, the real credit belongs meet to vote on divestment. Below elsewhere. The motivating force the Board was pressured into shed ding two million dollars of shares it was the appeal: "Demonstrate behind McGill divestment was the Today". students' 'South Africa Committee'. invested in sanction-breaking Mo Founded in 1979, not a good year bil and Royal Dutch Shell, his pre The day was bright as over a for any kind of progressive mobiliza decessor had sidestepped the wider thousand McGill students assem tion, the SAC had weathered half issue by appointing a committee bled outside the F. Cyril James a decade of student apathy and po (the Committee on Matters of So Administration Building where the litical reaction to find itself, in the cial Responsibility-COMSR) which Governors were scheduled to meet spring of 1985, sufficiently well orga sought 'constructive engagement' at 3 o'clock. Hoping student interest nized and experienced to begin the with firms involved in South Africa. might dissipate in the sharp autumn final push for divestment. The committee took the step of air, the Governors rescheduled their writing to the firms to ask whether meeting for 4:30. However, student The time was right; events they were going to follow federal interest grew, as much in reaction to in South Africa, however haphaz government guidelines on invest this clumsy bit of manipulation as to ardly covered by the local media, ment. It got several replies - mainly the refusal of the university to allow had transformed the question of from firms with no involvement. At the SAC to use McGill electricity for apartheidfrom a minority to a mass the October Board meeting the cur the Gov concern. Student politicians, who its loudspeakers. Alas for rent head of COMSR, D.J.A. Mc ernors, the School of Social Work had shown indifference to the is Sween (Director General, National to close down for the af sue in earlier years, had quite sud had voted Arts Centre, formerly of Howard, ternoon in sympathy with the cam denly become tuned in to the strug Gate, Ogilvy, Bishop, Cope, Porte gle and were ready to include the paign. Their building provided the ous and Hansard, now Ogilvy, Re power the loudspeakers required. question of divestment in their cam nault) indicated that the committee paign platforms. In the spring 1985 would recommend in favour of di Inside, then, the Governors, or the Governors. elections for four student seats on vesting from Canadian banks loan at least most of with the most glar the 44 member Board of Governors, ing money to South Africa and from Nine of those ing conflict of interest stayed away Amy Kaler, an English major and South African-owned companies in entirely. Ou :side, 1200 students, the candidate of the SAC, won a Canada, but not from Canadian (The sight place. companies installed within South including preppies. of preppies chanting "Ngawetu" to Africa itself. This was to be known SAC co-ordinator Nigel Crawhall's When September came around as the '10 per cent compromise'. and the students showed up for "Amandla", may be taken as one of registration, they found SAC ev Then came November with es the more optimistic signs for the fu erywhere with its posters and calating repression in South Africa. ture.) pamphlets. Student hostility to On Wednesday, November 13, a few At 3:30, just prior to the Gov apartheid, kept simmering over the blocks from McGill, Concordia Stu ernor's meeting, McSween let it summer, returned to the boil. At dents Against Apartheid organized be known that his committee had

Africa REPORT december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT switched its position and that he or indirectly by South African in Sween's shift was vital in swinging now would recommend full disin terests" were passed unanimously. the vote. vestment. Excitement rose. Then two more motions, moved by The end of the road has not Amy Kaler, calling for divestment At 4:30 the Governors got down yet been reached. Divestment in from "corporations with direct in an 'orderly and responsible fashion' to business. Principal David John vestments in South Africa" and for means letting bonds go with as little son of McGill spoke movingly of no future investment in such cor the Great Men of the University. prejudice to McGill capital as pos porations and financial institutions sible. Although the process is sup The loudspeakers outside played Pe until they themselves divest from posed to have begun on the day after ter Gabriel's Death of Stephen Biko. South Africa were passed 17 to 4. Inside a Governor rose to defend the Board meeting, it could take a A motion to review the question of year or more. investment. A signal was car divestment next October and every ried outside and the chant went October thereafter was also passed A number of lessons may be up: "Asshole, Asshole". Chairman without being put to the vote. learned from the McGill victory. Hugh's brother John added his sup The clearest and most important port for the contras and was sur It was the third motion that are that the campaign was not or prised to hear an extramural cho John Hallward, in company with ganized overnight, nor did it take rus of "HallwardGo Home" followed Principal Johnson and A.D. Hamil place in a vacuum. The McGill stu by the old divestment favorite, ton (Canadian Imperial Bank of dents' External Affairs Committee "Three Piece Suits and Bloodstained Commerce, Dominion Textiles, on South Africa (the SAC) has ex Hands". Then, at 5:00, the Gover Inco, Total Petroleum, Sandiwell) isted for six years. With a bud nors moved to adjourn for refresh tried to stonewall. Their objections get of up to $1,000 a year it was ments. A blockade was set up were disputed by Amy Kaler and able to maintain a constant visibil and only the secretaries were able Governor Gretta Chambers, a well ity. In 1981 it cut its teeth on a cam to negotiate their way out. (It known Montreal journalist. Mc- paign (the first successful attempt was rumoured that one Governor crept out in disguise). By this time the chanting outside had reached such a volume that the Governors had to shout to one another. By 6:10, when it seemed like only the 10 per cent solution would be ac cepted, the students, still number ing in the hundreds, took up the chant '10 per cent Is Not Enough". As this subsided, Amy Kaler ap peared in the doorway of the ad ministration building, illuminated by the glare of television spotlights. She announced that the Governors had passed two more motions sup porting complete divestment. The crowd raised a deafening cry. The struggle had been unconditionally won!

Events inside went something like this. The two '10 per cent' motions favouring divestment from "financial institutions which have not adopted a policy of making no further loans to the government of South Africa or its agencies" and in favour of the disposal "in an orderly and responsible fashion of the University's holdings in corpo rations which are controlled directly 7el Crawhall, coordinator of SAC at McGihl

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 offimgthmo W&WBI in Canada) which led to divestment media for once could not ignore the the November 18th meeting out of from Mobil and Royal Dutch Shell. fact that apartheid is a matter of fear that their conflicting interests By the spring of 1985, when stu black and white; there are no reds. would be exposed, the laager was dent elections for the Board of Gov Other events may also have affected further depleted. the consciousness of students and ernors were held, and later at regis lessons from McGill are governors alike; the anti-apartheid The real tration in September and in Novem organization and optimism. The movement in the U.S., race riots in ber it had the means and the ex South Africa Committee, seldom Britain, the French attack on Green perience to mount an effective cam numbering more than a couple of peace. paign. A week before the Board dozen students, refused to go away. meeting in November, SAC had There have also been a num They turned a lost cause into a vic printed 4000 four-page leaflets (Say ber of important local shifts. The tory. NO to Apartheid: Make McGill Dis right wing students at McGill, who References invest Now) which it distributed in had exposed themselves for 1983 all the major buildings on campus. in Linda Frum's reactionary McGill McGill Daily, vol. 75, no. 30, Mon It had allies in the student radio and Magazine had become disorganized. day, 18 November 1985 and no. 31, newspapers. These ventilated sto (Their bag man had exercised his Mercredi, 20 November 1985. ries of atrocities that had been com sense of possessive individualism McGill Tribune, vol. 5, no. 12, Tues mitted in South Africa and of the vi and run off to B.C. with their day, 26 November 1985. olence and intimidation which char funds.) The far left had crum The Reporter (McGill University), acterized the divestment campaigns bled, too, removing the possibility vol. 18, no. 11, 21 November 1985. in American universities. The SAC of splits from that direction. And The Gazette, Tuesday, 19 November also had a large number of friends the governors must have been aware 1985. among the progressive faculty. that Canadian capital, which most Report on Divestment, The McGill of them represented, had already External Affairs Committee on There is also a question of con shown signs of cold feet on the sub South Africa, no date. juncture. The campaign at McGill ject of further investment in South Canadian Who's Who, Toronto, could not have taken place without Africa. So the contras on the Board 1985. the visible upsurge of popular resis had few reinforcements. When nine Directory of Directors, Toronto, tance in South Africa itself. The of their number refused to attend 1984.

McGill students outside the administrationbuilding before the University governors voted on November 18.

december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT The Quebec Scene Southern Africa in Quebec: Making Friends between popular organizations in ceeded in sending a delegate, who southern Africa, particularly South visited more than 35 colleges and BY CIDMAA Africa, and Quebec. These linkages universities. More than 10 anti provide direct access to African or apartheid committees are organizing CIDMAA, the Centre dInfor ganizations, permitting the sharing as a result of these meetings. A mation et de Documentation sur of information and political and or new national organization, Jeunes le Mozambique et l'Afrique Aus ganizational experiences, the devel contra I'apartheid (Youth Against trale was created in 1981 to pro opment of joint projects, etc. Two Apartheid) is planning actions and unions, vide resources for NGO's, important recent visits by South demonstrations such as the October churches, women's and student's groups interested in Southern African trade unionists were very 17th occupation of ALCAN head Africa. It is the de facto Quebe successful. The tour of a del quarters in Montreal, in which more cois network on Southern Africa. egation from the National Union than 200 people demonstrated and CIDMAA publishes a quarterly, of Mineworkers, organized by the 23 were arrested. Afrique, with analysis and infor CLC, met and exchanged ideas with mation about Southern Africa ($10 On the 18th of November the many Quebec union locals. There McGill Students South African for 4 issues), a monthly news bul was as well a longer visit of a Metal letin, Afrique Informations, with Committee mobilized a demonstra updates on recent events ($10 for and Allied Workers Union (MAWU) tion of 600 students, who encircled 10 issues), and Umama, the publi - (FOSATU) - delegate from Na the Board of Administration's meet cation of CIDMAA's women's col tal. MAWU is involved in var ing chanting "Divest now!" and lective ($5 for 6 issues). For ious campaigns in. Natal, includ "Free Mandela, Jail Botha!". Of more information about publica ing one at Richard's Bay Minerals. tions, write to CIDMAA, 3738, rue the 44 Board members, 21 finally Richard's Bay Minerals is owned by voted to divest more than $45 mil Saint-Dominque, Montreal, Que Quebec Iron and Titanium (QIT), bec H2X 2X9, Canada, requesting lion from corporations involved in a catalogue. a subsidiary of Kennecott Corpora South Africa, such as IBM, 3-M, militant CSN tion. In Quebec, the Moore Corp and the Royal Bank. In The Southern Africa network in affiliated union of QIT workers is many other institutions boycotts of Quebec is creating links with those planning to adopt the MAWU lo South African products are planned. popular movements looking for a cal in Richard's Bay as their main Carling-O'Keefe, the South African political and social alternative - the international counterpart. Another owned brewery, will likely be one trade unions, youth and students delegate from the National Educa of the targets. The re-emergence groups, the womens' movement and tion Union of South Africa, an or of student activities is giving new others. It appears that anti ganization of progressive teachers, energy to larger coalitions such as imperialism, particularly in relation has worked for more than three the Free South Africa Committee fed to the southern Africa context, is as weeks with the main teachers' in Montreal, a joint effort of stu suming more importance. This is in eration, the CEQ. During all these dent, community, NGO, and Black positive contrast to the present real visits concrete support projects were groups. ity of much of the progressive forces established. As well, the Quebe in Quebec, with many social move cois and South African trade union Network Building ments experiencing rough times (eg. ists exchanged invitations for fur the trade unions) and many po ther solidarity tours. More than ever, the main trend litical organizations turning to the is to establish working relationships right (most spectacularly shown by Students Against Apartheid between various organizations, over the PQ's neo-conservative image) or A visit by a delegate from the coming certain traditional political coming to an impasse. National Union of South African boundries in order to act in a con Students, NUSAS, was very success crete and vigorous fashion. How Direct Links ful. The original plan for a del ever, certain political groups con tinue to try to use or subordinate Most of the activity in the past egate from AZASO was disrupted solidarity work to their own cause. months has been centred around when the apartheidstate denied him the establishment of direct links a visa. Nonetheless, NUSAS suc- (continued on page 21)

december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 SADCC Conference: Ottawa, Nov. 13, 1985 liberation struggle. International pressure against South Africa on Dr. Simba Makoni, Executive Sec these issues must be addressed by retary of SADCC - The Southern the international community. Africa Development Conference spoke to a group of NGO's, solidar Canadian government support ity committees, university, CIDA for SADDC, in spite of a some and External Affairs officials in Ot what self-congratulatory litany by tawa, Nov. 13, 1985. government officials at the meet He outlined the history of ing, is an embarrassing pittance SADCC's formation, its objective of $125 million (80% of which is bi ending dependence on South Africa lateral) over the next five years. and developing cooperative projects Surely Canada's role at the Com among the nine member states, fo monwealth Conference as a self cussing on transportation and com proclaimed leader in the struggle to munications, energy, and agricul end apartheidwould be a more cred ture and food security. ible if its contribution to SADCC Makoni referred to SADCC as an were truly reflective of its professed "economic liberation movement", commitment? representing a coordinated attempt by its members, in spite of fun damental political differences, to break South Africa's stranglehold on Southern African economies and change the flow of trade and infras tructure to the South. Much of his discussion centred on international sanctions - the question not being one of whether but of choosing effective ones, "ones that will bite". Regarding ar guments about sanctions causing in creased suffering for blacks both in side South Africa and in neighbour ing states, Makoni answered that their suffering is already tremen dous, thousands and thousands of lives and billions of dollars are lost every year. "How much more can we suffer?" If sanctions "bring a quicker end to apartheid, then it is worth it." Support for SADCC projects within the countries most severely affected by South Africa's war of destabilization, said Makoni, is one way to cushion the impact of sanctions. For SADCC it is sanc tions by South Africa rather than against South Africa that are the concern. Already, attacks on mem ber states and the repatriation of black workers have increased in re sponse to the intensification of the

december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT Anti-Apartheid in the U.S.: Confronting Imperialism Building on years of divestment tion of 26 co-sponsors, called for and other anti-apartheidactions and $27 million in humanitarian aid to BY JAMES CASON AND spurred on by the growing rebel UNITA (the same amount sent to MICHAEL FLESHMAN lion in South Africa, the movement the contras in Nicaragua) and, ac has made apartheid a household cording to hill lobbyists, will prob NEW YORK - After forcing word and constructive engagement a ably pass the House if it reaches President Reagan to enact sanc mainstream political issue. A mid the full chamber (lobbyists are at tions, however mild and temporary, November New York Times/CBS tempting to prevent the bill from against South Africa this Septem News poll found that nearly half reaching the floor for a vote). Pep ber, U.S. anti-apartheid activists of the people surveyed supported per's own support for the bill can were stunned in October to see stronger measures against South be explained by the large popula Congressional liberals sponsoring Africa, and that an even greater tion of anti-Castro Cubans in his legislation to aid Jonas Savimbi's number of Americans supported di Miami district, but most support UNITA terrorists in Angola. The vestment. It was this momentum ers, including many anti-apartheid administration, in line with its Rea which pressured Congress and ulti Democrats, see the legislation as a pro gan Doctrine of sponsoring and mately forced President Reagan to chance to combat Soviet expansion moting counterrevolutionary move take executive action against Preto ism in Africa. ments in the developing world, has ria in September. already begun shipping covert mil To be fair, the anti-apartheid itary assistance to UNITA, but the Forced to abandon its open sup lobby and their progressive congres spectacle of Congress - which had so port for white minority rule in South sional allies have launched a ma recently voted overwhelmingly for Africa, the Reagan team has already jor counterattack against the aid sanctions against Pretoria - con begun searching for other ways to proposals. In an effort to mo sidering legislation to aid South continue its alliance with Preto bilize public antipathy to Preto Africa's Angolan surrogates, points ria by shifting the discusssion away ria, opponents of aid to Savimbi up critical weaknesses and areas of from racism and onto the safer ide have argued, rightly, that a mili future work for southern Africa lib ological terrain of fighting the Rus tary alliance with UNITA is a mil eration support work in the U.S.. sians in Angola. itary alliance with apartheid. "Any such assistance," the Congressional During the last year the Free In October the administration Black Caucus asserted in a "dear South Africa Movement has dra began considering ways of providing colleague" letter, "would definitely the anti assistance to Savimbi's UNITA ter matically expanded ally the United States with South apartheid movement in the US. rorists and by November sources in Africa's white minority." Others Congress reported that the CIA was have raised the specter of a divisive sending two shipments of covert aid "Vietnam-style" intervention in the to the South African-backed rebels, drawn-out Angolan conflict. one from Israel and another through Zaire. The US Congress, which had But ultimately, many of these only just recently voted for sanc arguments still accept the premise tions against South Africa, was also that it is in the US national inter getting into the act with no less than est to oppose socialist governments three bills calling for open support in Africa, including Angola. They for UNITA. argue only that aiding Savimbi will will force the Florida republican Bill McCol not do this, but rather lum has introduced legislation call Cubans and Soviets to remain in an longer and reinforce the An ing for a trade embargo against golan the ruling MPLA government and golan government's socialist lean Michigan Republican Mark Siljan ings. der has his own bill calling for $27 The challenge for the US anti million in direct military aid. The apartheid movement is to begin to bill most likely to succeed, however, confront this view of "strategic" came from liberal Florida Democrat American interests and differentiate Demonstrators outside the Ziouth Claude Pepper. Pepper's bill, which the interests of the American peo African Consulate in New York. has chalked up a bi-partisan coal- ple from those of an American rul-

Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 7ff(Byknngo0 nAM&O0 ing class trying to protect corporate step in this direction. The stu over the past year into this kind of profits and ultimately, US imperial dent movement, in fact, appears to work. ism. it will be no easy task with be making rapid strides toward an Signs that this move is already an American people saturated with antiracist, anti-imperialist analysis. beginning came early this fall when decades of anti-communist rhetoric, At a national conference of students a group of local activists, "Brook and the movement must continue to in early November a surprisingly lynites against Apartheid," took insist that the fundamental issue in large number of panels and work over the offices of the state-owned southern Africa is the right of self shop featured discussions of Angola South African Airways. Shortly af determination - the right of a people and the front-line states as well as ter that action, the local Free South to choose their own system of gov the "links' between southern Africa Africa Movement's daily demonstra ernment - even one out of fashion in and the issues of domestic racism tions shifted from the consulate to a Washington. and Central America. picket at the airway's office. In pressing that attack against Trade unions have also be Significantly, the firm rear base white minority rule, anti-apartheid gun to develop direct ties with of US anti-apartheid organizing activists are beginning to expand their South African counterparts the black community - has histor their focus beyond an unreliable and local "Labour Committees" are ically been strongly anti-imperialist congress and the elite that deter now active in Boston, New York, and there are signs that other con mines US government policy and to Philadelphia and San Fransisco. stituencies are moving beyond mere ward a "people's" diplomacy that The United Mineworkers of Amer anti-apartheid politics to positive targets local links with apartheid, ica recently set up a humanitarian support for the forces of libera like corporations, and supports fund to aid South African miners tion. The tour this fall of col more directly those fighting for jus and, this fall, sponsored a tour of US lege campuses by young people tice and freedom. The movement mines by South African minework from SWAPO, the ANC and the as a whole has long been involved ers. Nicaraguan students' union orga in fighting for divestment on cam With American television and nized on the theme Boycott South puses, in churches, trade unions and Africa not Nicaragua by the Amer state and local governments, but ac newspaper coverage of South Africa ican Committee on Africa and a tivists are looking for ways to bring sharply reduced by the introduction of rigid censorship by Pretoria in number of other central Ameri the masses of people mobilized by can solidarity organizations was one the Free South Africa Movement November, it remains to be seen whether the anti-apartheid move ment can keep the public focused E QbItK JE.. MV JUST ABOUT on the growing insurrection against iAEIT TgRoUGe4 M"lL apartheid. But there are some en couraging signs. C0iTICAL IOUR FOR The divestment campaign, for APOAEIJID. example, continues to pick up steam. Since July four states, nine cities and fifteen universities have adopted policies calling for at least partial divestment, according to a recent tally by ACOA, and similar legislation is pending at dozens of state and local governments across the country. But at least as impor tant in an age when Ronald Rea gan continues to score high in the polls while embroiling the United States in counterrevolutionary wars around the world, the movement appears to be inching toward a more comprehensive understanding of events in southern Africa, and in the world. If they succee4 in tak ing the American people with them, it will be a journey of historic and global dimensions.

Africa REPORT december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT tive. Solidarity work cannot be used starting from a theoretical frame Quebec Scene as a surrogate for political organiza work. Such a position is invalu tion; it has a purpose of its own. Nor able both for our relations with the (continued from page 17) should political support for strug South African organizations - ANC, These attempts at manipulating gles in the third world neccessar UDF, trade unions, student orga the growing anti-apartheidstruggle ily mean a blind acceptance of any nizations, churches, etc. - and for axe being more and more coun political position from the various the relations among ourselves, in the tered by the grassroots organiza African organizations. The mood vast spectrum of organizations and tions, which seek NOT to keep poli within Quebecois organizations is movements that are now acting in tics out of the solidarity dossier but to develop multiple relations, based the solidarity with the peoples of to keep political debates in perspec- on concrete projects, rather than Southern Africa.

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An African township comes to remen

december 1985 Southern Africa REPORT december 1985 ,Iv ~ty

JAN 14 1985

Raids against Crossroads people - September