Dissertation

Home , 2014 in Taiwan, Atomic Energy Council, Ketagalan Boulevard, Orchid Island, Taivoan people, Tao people

DISSERTATION

Titel der Dissertation „Governance, Empowerment, and Environmental Justice – the Indigenous Tao of Orchid Island“

Verfasserin Mag.a Rosa Enn

angestrebter akademischer Grad Doktorin der Philosophie (Dr. phil.)

Wien, 2015

Studienkennzahl A 784 307 lt. Studienblatt: Dissertationsgebiet Dr. Studium der Sozialwissenschaften, lt. Studienblatt: Kultur- und Sozialanthropologie Betreuerin / Betreuer: Mag. Dr. Hermann Mückler ao. Univ.-Prof.

Acknowledgments

I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to my informants and friends in Taiwan and Orchid Island. In particular I would like to thank my Tao family Lumai, Pace, Syaman Mifilang, Yaohsin, Ina, Zhang Haiyu, Dong Enzi, and Guo Jianping, for all their support and hospitality. Ina gave me the Tao name Si Togoren, meaning “although we come from different parts of the world our souls are connected”. I can very much identify with this name. Meeting my Tao family was a lucky coincidence that has developed into something of great high value, not only for my research, but also for personal reasons as our friendship has become strong and sincere and keeps me coming back to Orchid Island.

Furthermore, I would like to thank my supervisor and professor Hermann Mückler from the Social and Cultural Anthropology department of the University of Vienna. He has always supported my undertakings and research projects and kept me motivated when I got lost in the course of writing my dissertation.

In addition, I thank Dr. Astrid Lipinsky, my dear professor from the Sinology Department at the University of Vienna. Her engagement and enthusiasm had a great influence on my academic career. Dr. Lipinsky invited me to contribute to several workshops, conferences, and miscellanies with articles developed from my research. I am convinced that we will have many more interesting opportunities to work together in the future.

I would like express my sincere appreciation to my Taiwanese professors, Huang Shu-min, Awi Mona, Sasala Taiban, and Peter Chang. All of them shared their expertise regarding indigenous issues, governance, and life in Taiwan with me and have been of great value in terms of expanding my knowledge as well as supporting my dissertation. Peter Chang in particular has been very supportive of my research and he is one of the initiators of the National Health Research Institute research project being launched on Orchid Island to find out whether radioactive contamination pollutes the environment and if the worrying health situation among the Tao people is connected with the nuclear waste repository. I am very glad that such a survey is going to be undertaken thanks to Professor Chang’s efforts and his dedication to the most vulnerable.

In the course of my doctoral studies I was fortunate to obtain a Research Fellowship offered by the Taiwanese Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Center for Chinese Studies, and the Taiwanese National Central Library in order to conduct seven months of field research in Taiwan. The Ethnology Department of Academia Sinica was my affiliated institution through several field stays and Director Huang Shu-min kindly supported me in realizing my undertakings. I also obtained the Marietta Blau Scholarship from the Austrian Agency for International Cooperation in Education and Research (OeAD) and this funded ten months of field research in Taiwan. From the University of Vienna, I obtained various smaller grants for my doctoral studies. I am very thankful for the opportunity to undertake fieldwork and complete my project with the financial support of these parties.

Last but not least, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my family and all my dear friends in Taiwan, Austria, Switzerland, and around the world for their love, patience, motivation, inspiration, and encouragement. Certainly, without them, my way would not have been the same great adventure.

我想在這裡向我的台灣和蘭嶼朋友們表達由衷的感謝。特別是來自 Tao 家的 Lumai, Pace, Syaman Mifilang, Yaohsin, Ina, Zhang Haiyu, Dong Enzi, and Guo Jianping，謝謝你們一直以來的支持和無微不至的照顧。Ina 幫我取了一個很有意義並且適合我名字 Si Togoren，代表著“即使來自世界不同的角落，我們的心依舊緊緊相連”。我覺得自己很幸運，能夠遇到 Tao family。他們賦予了我的人生更高的價值，不僅僅是因為他們幫助我完成了我的調研，更是因為這份珍貴的友誼本身。感恩上天，讓我們有緣相遇相知。即使我現在並不在台灣，我也能深刻的感受到這份強烈且真誠的牽掛，催促著我再次回到這個美麗的地方。

最後，我想再次表達我對所有朋友們發自內心的感謝，不管你們是在台灣也好還是在奧地利或者瑞士，謝謝你們一直以來給我的愛，包容，支持和鼓勵。缺少了任何一部分，我的人生之旅都不會像如今這樣完美。

Contents

Acknowledgments...... 3 Introduction ...... 8 Research Interest – Why the Tao on Orchid Island? ...... 10 Research Goals and Remarks on Methodology ...... 11 Indigenous Peoples, Human Rights, and the Environment: an Anthropological Approach 12 Chapter Outline ...... 14

PART ONE Indigenous Peoples in International Law ...... 16 Chapter 1 Defining Indigenous Peoples ...... 16 1.1 Governing Indigenous Peoples ...... 20 Chapter 2 Indigeneity – the Rise of Global Concern ...... 22 Chapter 3 The United Nations and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ...... 24 3.1 The United Nations Human Rights System ...... 24 3.2 The Recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights in International Law ...... 27 Chapter 4 Environment, Human Rights, and Indigenous Peoples ...... 31 Summary ...... 33

PART TWO Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island ...... 34 Chapter 5 Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples ...... 34 5.1 Austronesian Indigenous Peoples ...... 34 5.2 The 16 Indigenous Groups ...... 37 5.3 Anthropological Research ...... 44 5.4 The Legal Position of the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan...... 45 Chapter 6 The Anthropology of the Tao of Orchid Island ...... 49 6.1 Origin of the Tao ...... 51 6.2 Geography and Demography ...... 55 6.3 Social and Family System ...... 58 6.4 Political Organization ...... 60 6.5 Ownership ...... 61 6.6 Subsistence Economy ...... 62 6.7 Material Culture ...... 68 6.8 Spiritual Beliefs and Animism ...... 77 6.9 Festive Occasions, Ceremonial Life, and Rituals ...... 80 6.10 Traditional Ecological Knowledge ...... 81 Summary ...... 84

PART THREE History: Colonialism and Assimilation ...... 86 Chapter 7 The Portuguese and Dutch ...... 87 Chapter 8 Koxinga ...... 88 Chapter 9 Qing Dynasty ...... 88 Chapter 10 The Japanese Colonial Period ...... 92

10.1 Japanese Anthropological Research ...... 95 10.2 The Japanese on Orchid Island ...... 96 Chapter 11 Missionaries ...... 98 11.1 Missionary work on Orchid Island ...... 99 Chapter 12 The Kuomintang ...... 102 12.1 The KMT’s Governance of Orchid Island under Martial Law ...... 104 Summary ...... 105

PART FOUR Exploitation, Nuclear Waste Management, and Environmental Justice ...... 107 Chapter 13 Environmental Exploitation of Orchid Island ...... 107 13.1 Prison ...... 108 13.2 Destruction of Traditional Houses ...... 109 13.3 Bomb Testing ...... 111 13.4 Development Projects ...... 111 13.5 Reforestation and Exploitation of Natural Resources ...... 112 13.6 The National Park Project ...... 114 Chapter 14 Nuclear Waste Disposal on Orchid Island – the Local Perspective ...... 115 Chapter 15 Nuclear Waste Management in Taiwan ...... 122 15.1 Management of Nuclear Waste ...... 124 15.2 Low-Level Radioactive Waste on Orchid Island ...... 125 15.3 Procedure for Selecting a Final Disposal Site for Low-Level Radioactive Waste 130 15.4 Not in My Backyard ...... 135 Chapter 16 Environmental Justice ...... 135 16.1 An Attempt to Define Environmental Justice ...... 136 16.2 The Origin of Environmental Justice ...... 142 16.3 Environmental Racism – Indigenous Peoples as Target Groups? ...... 145 16.4 Anthropogenic Intervention in the Territories of Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples ... 147 Chapter 17 Dumping Nuclear Waste – Environmental Injustice on Orchid Island ...... 149 Summary ...... 151

PART FIVE Social Movements, Empowerment, and Democratization ...... 153 Chapter 18 Civil Movements ...... 154 Chapter 19 Indigenous Peoples’ Movements ...... 155 Chapter 20 Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples Going Global ...... 168 Chapter 21 Democratization, Political Transition, and Legal Recognition of Indigenous Peoples ...... 169 Chapter 22 Transitional Justice and Reconciliation ...... 176 Chapter 23 Affirmative Action ...... 182 Summary ...... 183

PART SIX Dilemma, Achievements, and Challenges...... 185 Chapter 24 The Dilemma on Orchid Island ...... 185 24.1 Transformation to Modernity ...... 186 24.2 Benefits ...... 189

24.3 The Issue of Money and Compensation Management ...... 190 24.4 Land Issues and Urban Planning Projects ...... 198 24.5 Mistrust in Politics and the Tao Elite ...... 203 24.6 Radiation and Health ...... 207 24.7 Vulnerable Environment ...... 212 24.8 Migration ...... 215 24.9 Human Rights ...... 217 Chapter 25 Achievements and Challenges ...... 221 25.1 The Youth ...... 223 25.2 Tourism and Income Opportunities ...... 226 25.3 Cultural Revitalization ...... 230 Summary ...... 233

PART SEVEN Discussion, Outlook, and Concluding Remarks ...... 235

PART EIGHT Methodology ...... 241 Chapter 26 Research Questions ...... 242 Chapter 27 Research Design and Project Procedure ...... 243 27.1 Phase I: Initial Planning ...... 244 27.2 Phase II: Field Research in Taiwan I ...... 245 27.3 Phase III: Field Research in Taiwan II ...... 246 27.4 Phase IV: Finalization and Defense ...... 247 Chapter 28 Empirical Data Collection ...... 248 28.1 Literature ...... 249 28.2 Field Research ...... 249 28.3 Qualitative Data Collection ...... 252 28.4 Quantitative Data Collection ...... 255 28.5 Challenges in the Field ...... 258 Chapter 29 Analyses ...... 259 Chapter 30 Reflecting on Anthropological Research Methods ...... 261 Chapter 31 Collaboration and Budgeting ...... 262

References ...... 264 Appendix ...... 281 Abbreviations ...... 281 Table of Figures ...... 283 List of Interview Partner ...... 285 Abstract ...... 289 Abstrakt ...... 290 Curriculum Vitae ...... 291

Introduction

My doctoral thesis addresses the transformation of a traditional indigenous community who live on Taiwan’s offshore Orchid Island to a modern Taiwanese society. I explore their empowerment, but also their struggles and advantages as they are incorporated in Taiwan’s modern society. Furthermore, I investigate nuclear waste management during martial law, when the Taiwanese government was needed to find a storage site for low-level radioactive waste, which was stored on Orchid Island. Human rights issues that are of concern as a result of anthropogenic intervention in indigenous lands is a further matter I will look at.

The indigenous Tao (達悟) community lives on Orchid Island, a small island in the outermost western Pacific, part of the Republic of China (RoC) alias Taiwan.1 They migrated around 800 years ago from the Batan Islands in the northern Philippines. Nowadays, 4,200 people live on Orchid Island (or Lanyu, 蘭嶼, in Chinese). The Tao language occupies a special position in the philology of Taiwan due to their shared history with the Batanese peoples with whom they have common roots. The Tao are also called Yami or Yamei in Chinese, although Yami has no literal meaning. ‘Tao’ is the name the islanders use to refer to themselves. In their language it means human being. Pongso no Tao are the people of the island. In European sources the name Botel Tobago for Orchid Island was used, for example, Inez de Beauclair refers to Botel Tobago in her studies of Orchid Island in the 1950s. Throughout this thesis I will use the term Tao when referring to the islanders. Also, I will use the traditional indigenous names of local villages instead of the Chinese ones. In this thesis, Pinyin is used for the Chinese transcription; in case of common names (like Chiang Kai-shek) the original transcription (Wade Giles) is used. When Chinese characters are used, they are in traditional Chinese.

The remote location and isolation of Orchid Island from Taiwan became of great interest to the government in the 1970s. Appropriated land on Orchid Island’s southern tip was to be used to store nuclear waste and solved the government’s problem of finding a convenient and, in in their opinion, an appropriate storage site. The Tao claim that they were neither informed nor included in the decision-making processes regarding this undertaking. Hence, environmental injustice toward the Tao had taken place. This assertion is one of my hypotheses which I will verify or not with the findings of this thesis. From 1982 to 1996 the toxic waste of Taiwan’s three nuclear power plants was brought to Orchid Island. The deliverers, Taipower and the government claim, that the waste was supposed to be stored for intermediate-term only. Besides the establishment of the nuclear waste repository, the Tao also had to deal with a number of other threats to their human rights during the time of Chiang Kai-shek’s martial law. Among these were the destruction of the traditional houses, the establishment of a prison to accommodate up to 3,000 prisoners from Taiwan, general environmental exploitation, and structural discrimination against their ethnic identity and ethnicity in terms of forced assimilation into the Han Chinese society. These are just some of

1 Throughout this thesis I will refer to Taiwan instead of Republic of China in order to avoid confusion with the People’s Republic of China. This choice is free from any political meaning. Introduction

the human rights violations the Tao had to face during the Kuomintang’s (KMT) authoritarian regime. As the islanders were considered primitive people, the state wanted to “civilize” them through so-called development Because of these, and in particular the nuclear waste facility, the Tao have had to deal with environmental and social injustice ever since Taiwan’s period of martial law (1949-1987).

The 1980s were a decade of social movements in Taiwan. These movements were led by human rights and environmental activists, as well as by religious institutions, in particular the Presbyterian Church. The demands of people who took to the streets and protested against the authoritarian government were to gain more social, political, and civil rights and participation for all Taiwanese citizens, including indigenous peoples. The Green activists demanded the conservation of a healthy and clean environment, and sustainable development. The women’s emancipation movement fought against forced prostitution of indigenous female minors. The indigenous peoples campaigned for the return of indigenous land, more self-determination, respect of indigenous cultures, and the protection of their identity, in terms of being allowed to bear traditional names. In the context of social movements, the Tao began to empower themselves through collective learning strategies along with support from the Christian churches and other activists who declared their solidarity with the Tao. The indigenous movement in Taiwan was strongly influenced by the empowerment of First Nations and Native Americans in Canada and the US, as well as by the environmental justice movement that emerged in the course of black empowerment in the US. The activists pressured the government to protect and respect the fundamental rights of people and to enforce multicultural governance with equal opportunities. The bottom-up approaches and grassroots movements were necessary to improve the indigenous peoples’ political, legal, and social status within society. Along with international pressure on Taiwan’s authoritarian rule this finally led to the lifting of martial law in 1987 when democratization was officially introduced. Under President Lee Teng-hui, the foundations for pluralistic and multicultural governance were laid. In the 1990s and 2000s, the government implemented top-down strategies to strengthen and enhance indigenous peoples’ rights with the enactment of additional protocols in the constitution and the introduction of the Indigenous Peoples Basic Law (IPBL), as well as affirmative action in the course of transitional justice.

The successful empowerment of the Tao led to the cessation of the delivery of nuclear waste barrels to Orchid Island in 1996. In addition, the islanders managed to obtain monetary compensation and were provided with free electricity and other benefits. However, due to having had the dump for more than 30 years and then enjoying the respective compensation, the people had little incentive to develop a self-sufficient economy which created jobs and income possibilities. Consequently, a certain dependency exists nowadays and some people are even prepared to keep the nuclear waste as long as they get compensation in return. Currently, the dump site with around 100,000 barrels containing low-level radioactive waste remains on the island. A challenge of environmental governance for the Taiwanese state is to identify a new potential permanent site to store the nuclear waste in agreement with the local population there.

Introduction

Besides the impact of the compensation on the Tao’s socio-economic structures, rising tourism, the concern of environmental contamination, and increasing cancer rates have become major concerns on the island. In particular the younger Tao generation puts effort into maintaining empowerment and participates in protecting the environment. Due to the experiences of the past, the Tao mistrust government and the locals oppose most governmental undertakings. Taiwan as a democratic state adopted national and international human rights instruments that may support the Tao’s empowerment and their the goal of a transparent study to elaborate whether the low standard of public health on Orchid Island is related to contamination from radioactive material potentially leaking from the waste site.

In the context of this thesis I look at indigenous peoples’ rights, indigenism, nuclear waste management, and social and environmental justice while focusing on the indigenous Tao of Taiwan’s Orchid Island.

Excerpts of this thesis were already published as articles in miscellanies and in international peer-reviewed journals. A publication list is attached at the end of this thesis.

Research Interest – Why the Tao on Orchid Island?

My personal history with the Tao began in 2007 when I first visited Orchid Island. Shortly after my arrival on Orchid Island, I met Lumai and Syaman Mifilang two brothers who invited me to stay in their house in Imorud village. Back then, the brothers lived together with their mother Ina in a one-family household. A few years ago, the first floor was developed into a guest room and ever since Lumai and his girlfriend run a homestay for tourists. During my first visits to Orchid Island (2007 and 2008), I was particularly interested in studying human rights developments in Taiwan, and therefore I learnt about the Tao’s situation, the nuclear waste repository, cultural assimilation, and the many other issues this indigenous community had to deal with. Taiwan became the research field for my Master’s thesis which I completed in 2009. My interest in Taiwan and my friendship with my Tao ‘family’ made me return to conduct further fieldwork for my doctoral thesis. In October 2011, I started actively researching again in Taiwan. In the following three years I spent half of the time in Taiwan and Orchid Island. In the course of actually living in Taiwan with a permanent address (in Taipei with friends in an apartment, and on Orchid Island with the family of Lumai and Syaman Mifilang, I gained deep insights into the governance of indigenous peoples, by the state and other institutions, and the issues faced on Orchid Island and in Taiwanese society.

Within my Tao family I experienced a very harmonious life in a very interesting arrangement. My Tao mother, Ina, is around 70 years old, and her two youngest sons are Lumai and Mysun. Mysun’s name changed to Syaman Mifilang when his baby boy was born and named Mifilang. His wife is Yao-hsin, a girl my age from Taipei. Lumai’s partner is Pace, from Kaohsiung. Together with their mother Ina they live in one house on the ground floor, the

Introduction

upper floor is to host guests. Ina still speaks the Tao language as her mother tongue whereas all the others speak Mandarin Chinese to each other. Syaman Mifilan works at the airport, Yao-hsin raises their baby, Pace is busy with several social projects on the island and running the homestay. Lumai is a tourist guide and he takes care of the house and Ina. A recent family project is to build a new house for Syaman Mifilang and his family and a traditional Tao dwelling for tourists. In my first years on Orchid Island, Ina used to go to her fields and gardens almost daily except on Sundays. As she got older, work in the fields became more and more exhausting for her. So during my last visits on Orchid Island, she generally only went to the fields when she felt too bored at home. From the very first moment, the family treated me as a member and there was a mutual exploration and learning from each other. We developed a very interesting relationship due to our different cultural backgrounds. Knowing this family, experiencing their acceptance, their warm and generous spirit made me feel very happy on the island. My role within the family was certainly not that of a researcher, but of a friend and family member and the reverse is also true. Ina gave me the Tao name Si Togoren, meaning something like ‘even though we come from very far apart, our souls found each other and are ever since connected.’ I am very thankful for getting to know this family. I truly feel loved by them. My research undoubtedly would have not been the same without their support and friendship.

Orchid Island offers a fabulous research environment. Isolated on an island, the indigenous community seldom had contact with outsiders until missionaries and the Japanese arrived in the early 20th century. The transformation from a traditional society, living from gardening and fishing, to a modern society as part of Taiwan can be traced over the last 100 years. Orchid Island served as object for several governmental pilot projects, never with the consent of the locals. Arbitrary governance left its mark on the Tao, leading to an imbalanced society based on exploitation of the indigenous people in the name of development. However, the Tao’s distinctive culture and the homogeneity of Orchid Island’s population meant it still kept its unique characteristics. A unique symbiosis between modern influences and traditional knowledge was formed that lead to interesting “survival strategies” by the Tao which allowed them to benefit from both.

Research Goals and Remarks on Methodology

The aim of the research project is to illustrate the changes on Orchid Island from Japanese colonial times until the present. Over this period several governmental projects were forced on the Tao without their inclusion in the decision-making processes.

I investigate the impacts of the nuclear waste repository and the consequences of the compensation on the Tao’s economic, social, and traditional structures. In addition, the project elaborates the issues the Tao have to struggle with, but also the empowerment strategies they have used to develop a local economy with their own cultural features, while at the same time, allowing a revitalization of traditional customs. Data was gathered through

Introduction

quantitative questionnaires and qualitative interviews attempting to identify the problems and alternative income possibilities on the island.

The aim of the methodology is to provide an authentic picture of the subject (Beer/Fischer, 2000; Bernard, 2000). The research languages were Chinese and English. The data collection is based on ethnographic field work. The methodology is inspired by social scientific methods that are common in anthropological research. Besides participating in systematic and informal observations, qualitative data was collected through interviews (21 experts, 14, Tao, 7 NGO, 3 governmental agencies, 1 missionary, and 4 others; in sum 50). Eighty complementary quantitative questionnaires were answered by Tao. The semi-structured and expert interviews, quantitative questionnaires, participatory observations and literature research formed the main research methods. Quantitative techniques complemented the qualitative methods in the form of open questions. Informal conversations are important and necessary in so far as they provide essential information for the researcher. Qualitative content analysis, concepts and procedures developed by Gläser and Laudel (2006), Bernard (1998), Mayring (2000), and Schmidt (2005) are applied. The basic requirement for all kinds of research is literature research. In this, source criticism is important and essential, as documents from diverse stakeholders may be aimed towards a specific goal and may therefore be biased and non-representative. Literature and online research shall guarantee a complete list of international and national specialized literature dealing with the topics of investigation.

Literature research took place in all relevant institutions, which deliver information for the researched topic including; libraries in Austria and Taiwan, newspapers, archives, ministries, other governmental and non-governmental institutions, and a wide range of online sources. A continuous interaction between theory, data collection, analysis, and revisions of the conducted field researches took place. The data collection was carefully documented with ethnographic field notes (field dairy, field protocols), protocols of formal and informal conversations, transcription of records, and copies of researched literature, photos, and digital files and media.

Indigenous Peoples, Human Rights, and the Environment: an Anthropological Approach

This thesis looks at the rise of indigenous empowerment on the international scale within the United Nations network. Being ignored, discriminated, and marginalized, indigenous peoples had to suffer collectively under colonizers and authoritarian regimes. Exclusion is not only a concern of the past but still exists in other forms, such as environmental injustice. The Tao, being considered politically and economically powerless, are exploited due to the siting of toxic material close to, or even on, their traditional land. Even though they have gained legal security and protection of their rights, they often lose out to economic and political interest. Nevertheless, the Tao began to use legal strategies to resist exploitation and abuse of their

Introduction

fundamental rights at the time of social movements. Researchers, the indigenous lobby, and affected indigenous people have become more and more powerful, raising their voices and contributing to international and national decisions, as well as in lawmaking processes, in order to demand justice and reparation. Furthermore, consciousness of environmental crimes, such as dumping toxic waste on a land without the peoples’ approval has emerged, and international and national regulations condemn such undertakings. One such successful cases happened in Ecuador. The US oil extraction company Texaco, now subsumed by Chevron, dumped eight million gallons of toxic wastewater in the Amazon forest on indigenous land inhabited by the Cofán, Siona, Secoya, Kichwa, and Huaorani. Amazon Watch reported the result as “widespread devastation of the rainforest ecosystem and local indigenous communities, and one of the worst environmental disasters in history. Due to Chevron's toxic contamination of their soil, rivers and streams, and groundwater, local indigenous and campesino communities continue to suffer an epidemic of cancer, birth defects, miscarriages, and other ailments” (Amazon Watch, 2014).

When the company ceased operations in Ecuador, in 1992, it allegedly left behind hundreds of open pits full of malignant black sludge. The harm done by Texaco, the plaintiffs contended, could be measured in cancer deaths, miscarriages, birth defects, dead livestock, sick fish, and the near-extinction of several tribes; Texaco’s legacy in the region amounted to a “rain-forest Chernobyl” (The New Yorker, January 9, 2012).

Since 1992, a group of experts and environmental and human rights activists has struggled against Texaco’s environmental destruction. An Ecuadorian court has ordered Chevron to pay US$ 19 billion in reparations to the affected people living in this region due to the contamination of large areas of Amazon forest. However, the opposition and a court in New York claim that this verdict was influenced by corruption and fraud and is therefore unenforceable. This decision in turn is criticized as being a product of corruption. Therefore, the case is still ongoing and has become the biggest environmental lawsuit ever. Although, in 2011 the indigenous peoples and their lobby seemed to have won this legal case, the outcome of this struggle has not yet been determined, the case remains important in order to motivate other victims of environmental injustice to stand up for their rights.

Environment, human rights, and indigenous peoples are topics that are not necessarily intertwined but often appear together. Environmental injustice disrespects fundamental human rights, especially collective rights. Indigenous peoples mostly live in remote areas that are often rich in natural resources or are attractive for exploitation or industrial intervention, such as dumping nuclear waste. Anthropology deals with this intersection, as these anthropogenic interventions in indigenous territory have wide-reaching impacts on the social, economic, and ecologic structures of a society. Anthropology and social science investigate such impacts on a community and culture which are largely defined by a close relationship with nature and Mother Earth. This thesis addresses the issue of an indigenous community’s transformation due to modernization and development projects introduced by the government,

Introduction

the dumping of nuclear waste and its far-reaching impacts on the community, and how legal instruments may be applied in order to gain environmental and social justice.

Chapter Outline

The thesis is divided into seven parts, according to theme and subject. The parts are sub- divided into chapters, 31 in total.

Part One (Chapters 1 to 4) contains a the general discussion of indigenous peoples and indigeneity. Firstly the notion of indigenous peoples is analyzed. The rise of indigeneity as a global concern is investigated. Then, in the third chapter, I elaborate the development of the acknowledgement of indigenous peoples’ rights in international law. The United Nations’ human rights system is outlined in brief, focusing on the role of collective indigenous rights.

In Part Two, I present Taiwan’s 16 indigenous groups and their history in terms of the migration and expansion of the Austronesian language family. Furthermore, I address the current political and legal position of indigenous peoples in Taiwan. Chapter 6 gives a comprehensive description of the traditional life of the indigenous Tao community on which I focus on throughout this thesis.

Part Three, (Chapters 7 to 12) focuses on the history of Taiwan and its indigenous peoples. The most significant events are the arrival of the first European seafarers, the influence of Chinese rulers such as Koxinga, a defender of the Ming Dynasty, and later the rule of the Qing Dyansty over Taiwan. The Japanese colonial period is an important one in terms of indigenous history, as these was the first regime to govern the whole island and its indigenous peoples and impose a policy of cultural assimilation (except for Orchid Island, as is explained in Chapter 10). Missionary work and its impact on the Tao community are investigated in Chapter 11. The Kuomintang’s authoritarian policies under martial law are tackled in the last chapter of this part.

Part Four looks at development projects introduced on Orchid Island by the government. The establishment of the nuclear waste repository is of main focus here. Furthermore, the government’s nuclear waste management system is elaborated. In Chapters 16 and 17 I analyze whether the government’s anthropogenic interventions Orchid Island constitutes environmental injustice.

Part Five looks at the variety of civil movements that emerged in the late 1970s in Taiwan. Demands made by women, environmental activists, and most importantly, indigenous peoples are investigated. The empowerment of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples peaked during the 1980s, the decade when martial law was lifted and transition to democracy realized. Transitional justice, reconciliation with the indigenous peoples, and affirmative action policies are explored in Chapters 22 and 23.

Introduction

Part Six is an evaluation of the current situation on Orchid Island. It elaborates the dilemmas and challenges faced by the Tao nowadays, but also emphasizes the achievements of the younger generations, gained through their motivation and empowerment. Part Seven discusses the findings of the thesis and gives my concluding remarks on the conditions of the Tao on Orchid Island.

Part Eight (Chapters 26 to 31) presents the methodology used for this research. Social scientific research methods common in anthropology were used. Field work and empirical data collection took place in Taiwan and Orchid Island. Qualitative data were complemented by the results from quantitative questionnaires to give a unique picture of the situation in which the Tao find themselves nowadays.

Indigenous Peoples in International Law

PART ONE Indigenous Peoples in International Law

Part One addresses the development and empowerment of a legal body for indigenous peoples’ rights. The term Fourth World is intentionally avoided due to the implication of a fourth level in a hierarchical division. In the first chapter, I elaborate the definition of indigenous peoples. Chapter Two looks at the rise of indigenism on a global scale. The third chapter discusses the progress made at the United Nations in safeguarding indigenous peoples’ rights and implementing the respective instruments. The last chapter of this part addresses the growing significance in the discourse of a safe and sound environmental development with the urgency of including indigenous peoples in decision-making processes if planned undertakings affect indigenous territories.

Chapter 1 Defining Indigenous Peoples

Throughout this thesis I will apply the term indigenous peoples. Other commonly used terms are ‘natives’, ‘first nations’, ‘indios’, ‘tribal people’, and ‘aboriginals’. Depending on the historical and geographical context, none of these terms necessarily encompasses an assessment or has a judgmental connotation. For instance, ‘aborigines’ is the general name for Australia’s native peoples. In Taiwan nowadays the indigenous peoples are called yuanzhumin (原住民). The literal translation of the Chinese word yuanzhumin is ‘aboriginal peoples.’ The name aboriginal is not considered a negative or discriminatory term among scholars in Taiwan. In this thesis, the term indigenous is used because the informants slightly prefer such nomenclature. Actually, the indigenous interview partners did not care too much about terminology, apart from a preference to be called by their traditional name, which means more or less ‘human being’ and this is how they want to be considered, as human beings, not classified in any regard or due to their ethnicity.

The International Labor Organization (ILO) was the first international body to address indigenous issues. The ILO was established under the League of Nations in 1919, as a part of the Treaty of Versailles after World War I (WWI). Its constitution aims for social justice, protection of workers from exploitation, protection of laborers’ rights, and permanent peace of the world. The areas for improvement listed in the preamble still remain relevant today. Regarding the exploitation of vulnerable groups such as indigenous peoples, women, and children, the above-mentioned issues are yet to be fully integrated in praxis in order to eliminate labor slavery, which is a known common phenomenon in countries where minorities and disadvantaged people are often exploited. However, the term indigenous did not appear in the early conventions and treaties of the ILO. In 1921 the ILO published its first report on indigenous workers “revealing the deplorable conditions experienced by indigenous people” (Hsu, 1999:129). Since then, the ILO has passed a series of conventions to safeguard the working conditions of indigenous peoples. However, only in the middle of the 20th

Indigenous Peoples in International Law

century and after World War II (WWII) did indigenous peoples gain international attention, protection, and equal treatment. The legal term ‘indigenous peoples’ was first used in the International Labor Organization Convention No. 107, Concerning the Protection and Integration of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries from 1957 (ILO Convention 107), which is the first document forming a framework for the legal basis of indigenous peoples’ rights. The terms mentioned in the ILO Convention 107 are indigenous, tribal and semi-tribal populations. The name semi-tribal is defined as “groups and persons who, although they are in the process of losing their tribal characteristics, are not yet integrated into the national community” (ILO Convention 107, Article 1:2). The ILO Convention 107 emphasizes its application to:

(a) members of tribal or semi-tribal populations in independent countries whose social and economic conditions are at a less advanced stage than the stage reached by the other sections of the national community, and whose status is regulated wholly or partially by their own customs or traditions or by special laws or regulations;

(b) members of tribal or semi-tribal populations in independent countries which are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the populations which inhabited the country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at the time of conquest or colonisation and which, irrespective of their legal status, live more in conformity with the social, economic and cultural institutions of that time than with the institutions of the nation to which they belong (ILO Convention 107, Article 1).

The convention was ratified at first by 18 countries.2 It is conspicuous that some states with very high indigenous populations, such as Canada, Australia, and the United States, did not take this opportunity to agree and approve it. The document was drafted in the decades of decolonization and this political climate is reflected in the document: “[indigenous peoples] are at a less advanced stage than the stage reached by the other sections of the national community” (ILO Convention 107, Article1a). The general consideration was to integrate indigenous peoples into mainstream society and this meant cultural and social assimilation.

From 1950 until 1970, the international community considered indigenous issues as assimilation issues […] the indigenous peoples had no right to self-determination because international law excluded them from people who can practice self- determination (Awi, 20133*).

Indigenous cultures were seen as “lower on the evolutionary scale than those of European origin […] it [ILO Convention 107] advocates largely assimilation goals” (Hanson, 2012). Niezen states that according to the ILO Convention 107, the aim is not so much cultural

2 ILO Convention 107 was ratified by following states: Angola, Bangladesh, Belgium, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Egypt, El Salvador, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, India, Iraq, Malawi, Pakistan, Panama, Portugal, Syria, and Tunisia. Nine further states ratified Convention 107 as a result of the subsequent ratification of ILO Convention 169. 3Names marked with * refers to citations that are based on interview partners. The interviewees are listed at the end of this thesis.

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pluralism, but rather the development of people with ‘primitive cultures’ through assimilation and integration into the majority society.

The first piece of international legislation to specifically address indigenous peoples thus reflects the prevailing political and philanthropic attitudes of the time, in which assimilation of “backward” societies into a nation state was seen as the first necessary step for the prosperity and liberation of their individual members (Niezen, 2003:28).

Nevertheless, ILO Convention 107 is widely regarded as the pioneer document on the subject of indigenous issues. The government of Taiwan signed ILO Convention 107 in 1962. Adopting this document, legally binding for those states that ratified it, gave indigenous peoples the status of a political body with rights under international law (Ku, 2012:95). A critique is that this convention addresses only indigenous peoples in independent countries. Some Pacific islands with indigenous populations, such as Samoa and Fiji, were not yet independent in the late 1950s and therefore excluded. However, governments that still had colonies in Asia, Africa, and the Pacific did not ratify the convention.

In the years following the adoption of ILO Convention 107, its effectiveness came to be questioned and its limitations became evident, because indigenous peoples were still suffering threats such as exploitation, land loss, and discrimination of ethnic identity. The consciousness of indigeneity grew and indigenous peoples began to become empowered and participate in international forums, such as the United Nations Working Groups on Indigenous Populations (UNWGIP). They called for new international standards, prompting the ILO to begin work on revising the convention. The point of discussion was a debate on replacing ‘populations’ in Convention 107 with ‘peoples.’ Some states were strongly opposed to the use of ‘peoples’, as the term ‘peoples’ is associated with self-determination (Ku, 2012:95). Furthermore, in international law ‘peoples’ would require the right of independent statehood (Anaya, 1996:48; Niezen, 2003:38). In 1989, Convention 107 was revised and renamed Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (No. 169).

Like its predecessor, ILO Convention 169 outlines the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples and the obligations of Nations that ratify it. But rather than support an archaic colonial endeavor like ‘integration’ C169 takes the more reasoned approach that the existing cultures and institutions of indigenous peoples should be respected. It also presumes the right of Indigenous Peoples to continued existence within their national societies, to establish their own institutions and to determine the path of their own development (Schertow, 2012).

Major differences between Conventions 107 and 169, as well as the most important provisions for the latter are:

• ILO Convention 169 adds to the definition of indigenous peoples those: “living in historical continuity in a certain area, or before others ‘invaded’ or came to the area.”

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• Removing the former “assimilationist” ideology (Hsu, 1999:130). ILO Convention 169 considers indigenous peoples as permanent societies and not temporary societies who are destined to disappear with modernization Convention 107 encourages integration of indigenous peoples in the mainstream society whereas Convention 169 calls for recognition of, and respect for, ethnic and cultural diversity. • Referring to ‘peoples,’ instead of ‘populations.’ However, it states in Article 1, paragraph 3 that “the use of the term peoples in this Convention [169] shall not be construed as having any implications as regards the rights which may attach to the term under international law.” • Self-identification as indigenous as a fundamental criterion for determining memberships of the groups. • Adoption of special measures for safeguarding the persons, institutions, property, labor, cultures and environment of indigenous and tribal peoples (ILO Convention 169, Article 4). • Recognition and protection of the social, cultural, religious and spiritual values of indigenous peoples, and respect for their relationship with the lands or territories that they occupy (ILO Convention 169, Article 5, 13). • Consultation with indigenous peoples through appropriate procedures (ILO Convention 169, Article 6). • Indigenous peoples may decide their own priorities for the process of development and to exercise control over their own economic, social, and cultural development (ILO Convention 169, Article 7). • Recognition of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands that they traditionally occupy (ILO Convention 169, Article 14).

Besides that in ILO Convention 169, the most commonly used definition of the term indigenous peoples in international discourse was developed by the Mexican human rights specialist Jose R. Martinez Cobo. He was the Special Rapporteur and coordinator of the Sub- Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities for the UNWGIP in 1986 (Anaya 1996:5; Niezen, 20013:19-20).

Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems (UN Report on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, 1986).

Even though Martinez Cobo’s definition is the most cited one, it has been criticized and “does not apply unfailingly to all situations in which people claim indigenous status and protections” (Niezen, 2003:20). Jose Martinez Cobo’s definition (UN Report on Prevention

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of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, 1986) and ILO Convention 169 both emphasize that indigenous people’s identity and cultural practices are fundamentally based on the soil and the land of their ancestors. The World Bank developed a working definition for indigenous peoples:

The term ‘Indigenous Peoples’ is used in a generic sense to refer to a distinct, vulnerable, social and cultural group possessing the following characteristics in varying degrees: (a) self-identification as members of a distinct indigenous cultural group and recognition of this identity by others; (b) collective attachment to geographically distinct habitats or ancestral territories in the project area and to the natural resources in these habitats and territories; (c) customary cultural, economic, social, or political institutions that are separate from those of the dominant society and culture; and (d) an indigenous language, often different from the official language of the country or region (World Bank, 2013).

To conclude the discussion on the characterization of indigenous peoples, there is some general consensus among the attempts at defining indigenous peoples. These are (ILO Convention 169):

• indigenous peoples represent themselves and are defined as collective identities who share the same characteristics with clear cultural and linguistic contours • they originally inhabited regions that were conquered and colonized • they are distinguished from the ‘others’: the colonizers and mainstream societies • they require collective goals, such as recognition, respect, and self-determination • there are boundaries to indigenous membership and one can only be integrated by the identification with common aims and visions that are given by birth and indigenous education and socialization • therefore, indigenism sets a social group and network apart from the others in a global ‘we-they’ dichotomy • indigenous peoples consider themselves distinguished in terms of identity from the dominant majority society.

1.1 Governing Indigenous Peoples

The matter of governing indigenous peoples has international significance, as the people used to live in lands that European powers were to colonize. Treaties between the natives and the conquerors, 4 did exist, however these often served as a tactic to justify the procedure of expropriation of land and exploitation of natural resources. Even though agreements were signed and indigenous peoples were acknowledged as such, they were never considered as equal. When the new settlers immigrated, the indigenous populations were decimated

4 e.g. the William Treaties between Canada and the First Nations of 1923, or the Treaty of Waitangi between the British Crown and the Maori of New Zealand of 1840.

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(intentionally and accidentally) through disease and increasing military action. Besides marginalization of indigenous communities, assimilation was a successful and frequently used policy toward the minorities. With a lack of respect, ratified treaties were violated, and exploitation of indigenous land and resources continued.

The many challenges faced by indigenous peoples usually includes a denial of their right to control their own development based on their own values, needs and priorities, a lack of – or very poor – political representation and a lack of access to social services. They are often excluded or poorly represented in decision-making processes on matters that directly affect them and are often not consulted about projects affecting their lands or the adoption of administrative or legislative measures which may affect them. Indigenous peoples are often displaced from their ancestral lands as a result of ventures such as the exploitation of natural resources (UN, Vulnerable Groups).

Martinez Cobo emphasizes the two relevant elements in defining indigenous peoples. One is the relationship with the ancestral land and the other is self-identification as indigenous. An indigenous person therefore is someone who belongs to these groups through their consciousness and self-identification. In order to actively protect the rights of individual indigenous persons, it is necessary to acknowledge their collective rights as a group (Hsu, 1999:127). The purpose of collective rights is to protect the rights of individuals belonging to certain groups, such as indigenous peoples. The preamble to the United Nations Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognizes that “indigenous peoples possess collective rights which are indispensable for their existence, well-being and integral development as peoples” (UNDRIP, Preamble 22).

Individual and collective rights are criticized by opponents who reasoned that an indigenous person obtains two kinds of rights, individual and collective. Supporters argued that indigenous people often have poor living conditions, endure higher levels of poverty, and have less control over their lives and territories, and therefore the UN and the World Bank consider indigenous peoples to be the most vulnerable groups and that there should therefore be protective instruments to safeguard their cultural survival and collective rights. The debate about collective versus individual human rights contributed to the slow development of a declaration for indigenous peoples as it took time for the different states to reach consent. Nevertheless, the standardized interpretation of collective rights is “certain individual human rights that can only be enjoyable ‘in community with others’, which means that for human rights purposes the group involved becomes a rights-holder in its own right” (Stavenhagen, 2013:153). The individual and fundamental human rights are applied to every single person, whereas collective rights for indigenous peoples are an addition dedicated to strengthening and protecting their rights as a community. Stavenhagen argues that “here the rights holders are not only individual members of indigenous communities but the collective unit, the group, the indigenous peoples as living societies, culture, and communities” (ibid.).

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Chapter 2 Indigeneity – the Rise of Global Concern

Indigenous peoples did not enjoy any kind of legal protection until the end of WWI. They were neither considered as part of human society nor as human beings per se. The first international peace treaty, the Hague Convention of 1899, did not recognize indigenous people as equal with other people. Even more, it gave this distinction legal legitimacy. Historian Kiernan (1998:157) noticed that “the Hague Convention banned the bullet from civilized warfare, but left it to be used against wild animals or wild men.” After WWI, when the League of Nations was established, it was US president Woodrow Wilson who promised self-determination for native peoples and the protection of minority rights. This was the first opportunity for serious discussion and international consideration of the rights of indigenous peoples. Deskaheh, chief of the Canadian Younger Bear Clan and representative of the Six Nations of the Grand River Land in Ontario made an historically important effort at the League of Nations in Geneva in the 1920s. He obtained a hearing to discuss the issue of tribal self-governance with the Canadian government. His presentation was a significant event in the beginning of the international indigenous empowerment movement. However, Deskaheh’s efforts were not rewarded as he wished. His struggle for self-governance ended with his return to Canada due to bad health (Niezen, 2003:31-32).

The debates surrounding indigeneity and indigenism became of importance in the course of the international human rights discussions after WWII and in the time of decolonization. Anthropologist Robert Niezen (2003) links indigensim to the empowerment of indigenous peoples in order to gain global recognition of indigenous and collective rights. Indigenous people seek a wider solidarity with other native communities, globally, regionally, but also locally within states. The common features of the identity of indigenous peoples are their collective experiences, such as a common history of colonization, a similar way of life depending on a subsistence economy, a homeland and spiritual beliefs that predate the arrival of colonizers and missionaries, and a language that expresses their distinct life, culture, and their place in the universe. Niezen (2003:23) continues: “most importantly, they share the destruction and loss of these things. […] They also share the corresponding commitment to find stability and restorative justice – even if it means using the very tools of literacy and law that, in other hands, are responsible for their oppression.”

The indigenous empowerment movement arose on an international level and global scale in the late 1970s and 1980s. In 1974, Native Americans established the International Treaty Council, which, three years later, obtained “formal consultative credentials” (Hsu, 1999:126) from the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). Representatives from indigenous communities in Canada, North America, South America, Northern Europe, and finally, Asia and Africa engaged in the discussion of recognition of their ethnic identity, indigenous peoples’ rights, and reparative justice. In these decades, a number of social movements emerged, many with their origin in the US. Peoples of color, minorities, and others who were stigmatized, impoverished, and discriminated against began to take to the streets in order to demand equal rights and equal justice as part of the same civil society. One such movement

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which emerged was related to environmental justice, which is further elaborated in Part Four of this thesis.

The international movement of indigenous peoples is an emerging form of political resistance […] [It] stands apart from the twentieth century’s most exalted freedom struggles: decolonization, anti-apartheid, and civil rights.[…] The most common goals of indigenous peoples are not so much individual-oriented racial equality and liberation within a national framework as the affirmation of their collective rights, recognition of their sovereignty, and emancipation through the exercise of power (Niezen, 2003:16-18).

Transnational networks with similar ideals and demands were transformed into indigenous organizations. Their collective motivation led to the emergence of local associations that become more and more important and started to cross borders attaining a transnational character. Representatives from indigenous communities met at international forums to discuss strategies in order to empower indigeneity and to liberate people from marginalization and assimilation. Intensive collaboration between indigenous peoples emerged. Even though they came from different parts of the world, they shared collective experiences, such as structural discrimination and victimization.

There was a lack of awareness among indigenous groups of the widespread, almost global nature of the crises they faced, a situation that changed significantly only through an expansion of indigenous organizations and networks of communication between them in the 1960s and 1970s (Niezen, 2003:30).

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have ever since played a crucial role in the rise of indigenism and representation at international level. “National, regional and international NGOs are fertile sources of information” (Human Rights Research Center, 2005). To empower indigeneity, NGOs became the mouthpiece, voicing the concerns of indigenous people at the United Nations. Consequently, the indigenous movements have acted largely through NGOs and vigorous activity within international organizations. “Because the great majority of states are in principle unlikely to proactively affirm the rights of indigenous peoples, the latter do not carry out direct negotiations with governments, finding it easier to arouse public opinion in the wider international context, as well as to raise their demands with international organizations which bring greater pressure to bear on states” (Hsu, 1999:126). In 1968, the NGO International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IGWIA) was founded in Copenhagen. “The aim was to establish a network of concerned researchers and human right activists to document the situation of indigenous peoples and advocate for an improvement of their rights” (IGWIA, 2014). IWGIA became one of the most important instruments for indigenous peoples. Its network consists of indigenous representatives from all over the world.

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Chapter 3 The United Nations and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

This chapter provides an overview of the machinery of human rights and how it has been developed to create a legal basis for the collective rights of indigenous peoples. The acknowledgment of indigenous peoples’ rights in international law and their protection is “sometimes seen in contemporary legal thought as a part of a ‘third generation’ of human rights, developed after the 1948 Universal Declaration and the International Covenants” (Niezen, 2003:127).

3.1 The United Nations Human Rights System

The Commission on Human Rights was established in 1946 as a functional commission of the ECOSOC as required under Article 68 of the UN Charter. The general function of ECOSOC is to “make or initiate studies and reports with respect to international economic, social, cultural, educational, health, and related matters and may make recommendations with respect to any such matters to the General Assembly, to the Members of the United Nations, and to specialized agencies concerned” (Charter, Article. 62). Since its creation, the Commission on Human Rights has received complaints submitted by individuals and organizations from around the world concerning allegations of ill-treatment by governments or state representatives (Human Rights Resource Center, 2005). After the Commission was established, the idea of an international Bill of Human Rights was able to be realized. It contained three parts: a declaration of moral principles, treaties containing legally binding obligations for states that ratified them, and measures of implementations. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on 10 December, 1948. It was a major achievement of the UN in protecting fundamental human rights. It is the first universal and international acknowledged corpus juris to define human rights, which include economic, social, cultural, political, and civil rights. The UDHR represents the recognition that human rights and fundamental freedoms are applicable to every person in every part of the world. For the first time in history, the international community adopted a document considered to have universal value. It was translated into 360 languages. Former Secretary-General Kofi Annan stated in 1998, the year of the fiftieth birthday of the Declaration:

Human Rights are foreign to no culture and native to all nations; they are universal. One cannot pick and choose among human rights; whether civil, cultural, economic, political, or social, human rights are indivisible and interdependent. And as this century’s bloody history has taught us, the absence of human rights is more than a denial of human dignity; it is also at the root of the poverty and political violence that plague our world (Annan, 1998:v).

The preamble of the UDHR recognizes the inherent dignity, and the equal and inalienable rights of all human beings as the foundation of freedom and peace in the world. Article 2 emphasizes that every person “is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this

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Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.” The UDHR is based on the goodwill and moral values of the state and, as a declaration, it must be acknowledged by all member states, although as soft law it imposes no legally enforceable obligation. In light of the cruelty of WWII, global awareness arose regarding the challenge of preventing human rights violations emerging through racism and discrimination. Minorities should be protected from discrimination and urgent measures had to be undertaken to prevent further genocide.5

The human rights system consists of ten human rights treaty bodies. These are committees consisting of independent experts that monitor implementation of the core international human rights treaties. Every state that has ratified a treaty is obliged to submit periodic reports to the relevant treaty body on how the rights are being enforced and implemented. The first human rights treaty to be agreed on was the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). It was adopted by the GA in 1965. It refers to the phenomenon of racial discrimination that is defined in Article One of the convention as:

Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has he purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedom in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.

With the ratification of this convention, the state has legally binding duties. According to the UN Treaty Collection, 176 member states have ratified the ICERD. In 1966, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) were adopted by the United Nations. The General Assembly decided on two conventions on human rights, one concerned with civil and political rights and the other with economic, social, and cultural rights. These two instruments have a similar structure and some of their articles are identical, such as the preambles and Articles One, Three, and Five. The preambles acknowledge that “everyone may enjoy his civil and political rights, as well as his economic, social and cultural rights, […] all peoples have the right of self-determination [and] international economic cooperation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law.” The difference between the two covenants is in particular referred to in Part II of each document regarding the obligation of states. First, the immediate obligations are defined under ICCPR and the progressive obligations under ICESCR. Second, under ICCPR the state is bound to assure remedy for violation while ICESCR does not contain any such obligation. Third, obligations defined under ICESCR are weaker and more general in nature. ICCPR’s Article 27 tackles the rights of ethnic minorities:

In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the

5 In this regard, the Convention against Genocide 1948 was adopted by the General Assembly in 1948.

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other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language (ICCPR, Article 27).

However, indigenous peoples criticized being put in the same category as other minorities. Furthermore, they argued that ethnic minorities have an integrated status in a national setting, which is incompatible with the right of self-determination, in particular the right to determine their own political status, to pursue their own economic activities, and to maintain and develop their distinct cultures and forms of social organization. The Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (1992) has accepted and inhered this distinction demanded by indigenous peoples.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, together with the ICESCR and its two Optional Protocols, as well as the ICCPR and its Optional Protocol, are known as the International Bill of Human Rights. The ICCPR and ICESR “give the force of treaty law to the Universal Declaration […] The Universal Declaration, however, is unquestionably the foundational document of international human rights law” (Donnelly, 2013:26).

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) was created in 1993, as an outcome of the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, in order to strengthen universal and fundamental human rights. It serves as the secretariat of the Commission of Human Rights and its treaty bodies, and is the focal point for all human rights activities in international law. The Commission on Human Rights was replaced by the Human Rights Council in 2006. The former Commission on Human Rights was under the administration of ECOSOC; after the revision, however, the Human Rights Council became independent from ECOSOC and has ever since been a subsidiary organ of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This has elevated the status of human rights within the UN system. The Human Rights Council’s tasks are to:

• address violations of human rights • undertake a Universal Periodic Review (UPR) • accomplish Special Procedures, including the appointment of a Special Rapporteur on indigenous peoples’ issues • prevent human rights violations • serve as a forum for dialogue on thematic issues on all human rights • make recommendations for further development of human rights in international law • work in the field of human rights in close cooperation with governments, regional organizations, national human rights institutions and civil society • promote the full implementation of human rights obligations • promote human rights education and learning • promote constructive international dialogue and cooperation • transparent, fair and impartial work.

Of particular interest are the special procedures focusing on indigenous issues. These procedures consist of either independent human rights experts, called special rapporteurs or

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independent experts, or a working group composed of five members, one from each of the five United Nations regional groupings: Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, and the Western group. They are appointed by the Human Rights Council (HRC) with mandates (of a maximum of six years) to report and advise on human rights from a thematic or country-specific perspective. As of July 1, 2014, there are 37 thematic and 14 country mandates. The Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is currently Victoria Lucia Tauli-Corpuz from the Philippines. She is the third Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, after Rodolvo Stavenhagen (2001-2008, Mexico), who was the first to hold this position and James Anaya (2008-2014, United States).

3.2 The Recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights in International Law

After WWII, the focus of international politics shifted from hegemony and assimilation to more liberal governance. Decolonization processes were under way and the United Nations drafted documents in order to support colonies in achieving self-governance and to “justify the pursuit of self-determination” (Niezen, 2003:41). The protection of the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities was an especially challenging topic to deal with, as some member states, particularly Latin American countries but also China and India, claimed that they did not have minority populations and were unwilling to recognize the rights of indigenous peoples. Others, such as the United Kingdom, France, and the USA, were reluctant to recognize equal rights for such groups as these countries had still colonies or practiced a policy of racial segregation (Ramcharan, 2006). A number of international conventions and declarations were adopted by the UN, emphasizing the need to protect the most vulnerable groups, such as indigenous people, migrant workers, refugees, and especially children. Even though most of them refer to elimination of discrimination and disadvantage on the basis of ethnic origin, and emphasize strengthening the rights to ethnic identity, none of them explicitly mention indigenous peoples.6

In the 1970s the indigenous movement and the call for recognition of indigenous rights within international law became a global issue and a voice which could not be ignored anymore. The years from 1973 to 1982 were declared by the United Nations as the first Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. Niezen (2003:44) emphasizes that within this decade the first significant opportunity for international

6 The International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) (1969) reaffirms in its preamble “that discrimination between human beings on the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin is an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations among nations and is capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples and the harmony of persons living side by side even within one and the same State.” The Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981) “promote[s] and encourage[s] universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.” The Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (1992) emphasizes “the constant promotion and realization of the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, as an integral part of the development of society as a whole and within a democratic framework based on the rule of law.” Although these treaties emphasize rights for all without distinction as to race and ethnic identity, indigenous peoples are not explicitly mentioned.

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representation of indigenous peoples occurred. The International NGO Conference on Discrimination Against Indigenous Populations in the Americas, held at the Palais des Nations in Geneva in September 1977, was a milestone in terms of indigenous empowerment and representation on an international level. According to Niezen, representatives from more than fifty international NGOs, and members of sixty indigenous nations, as well as delegates from UN agencies, and observes from UN member states attended the conference. Issues such as the exploitation of natural resources, land rights, and repression were the main discussion points. This was the first opportunity for indigenous peoples to voice their concerns at the United Nations and in front of the international community. The chair of the conference described the significant development of the “emerging ability of the indigenous peoples, in a number of regions, to organize themselves, to make their situation know and to state their needs and aspirations through their own spokesmen to the national and international communities” (Niezen, 2003:45). The second UN NGO Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination took place the following year, and a third on Indigenous People and Land in 1981. Even though the number of participants and representatives increased at each gathering, most of the indigenous spokespeople came from Canada and the US. Although South America and New Zealand were represented, no delegates from indigenous communities in Asia, Africa, and Europe were present on those international stages. The UNWGIP was created in 1982 as an outcome of these conferences, under the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities administrated by ECOSOC. Annual meetings were introduced and the number of participants increased year by year. The forum gave indigenous peoples the opportunity to speak about their situations, experiences, and struggles, and to make known to state violations of their human rights. The UNWGIP became the largest international forum for indigenous peoples to discuss human rights issues.

The Second Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination was announced in 1983. Its Programme of Action particularly refers to the apartheid system in South Africa and the status of migrant workers. Indigenous peoples are not explicitly mentioned. The Third Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination was introduced in 1994. Unlike to the former periods, the document of the Third Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination (1993-2003) refers to indigenous people as such and even stresses its “particular attention to the situation of indigenous people” (Part 1, Para. 9). The preamble emphasizes that it is “acknowledging that indigenous people are at times victims of particular forms of racism and racial discrimination“.

The year 1993 was important in the history of human rights development because the World Conference on Human Rights took place in Vienna. 171 UN member states adopted the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action. Furthermore, in the same year, the International Year of the World’s Indigenous Peoples was announced by the UN. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action welcomes in its preamble “the International Year of the World's Indigenous People 1993 as a reaffirmation of the commitment of the international community to ensure their enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms and to respect the value and diversity of their cultures and identities”. In Part 2 (Para. 28-32), the

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UNWGIP is urged to complete the drafting of a declaration on the rights of indigenous people. Additionally, the First International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People was announced, to begin in 1995 and last to 2004. The theme for the decade was Indigenous People: Partnership in Action. The main objectives were to strengthen international cooperation in dealing with the issues and threats faced by indigenous peoples in such areas as human rights, the environment, development, education, health, and culture. In 2000, following a decision made at the Vienna conference, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) was established. Kofi Annan opened the first session in 2002 in New York saying: “you [indigenous peoples] have a home at the United Nations” (Dialogue between Nations, 2002).

The UNPFII is an advisory body and subsidiary organ of ECOSOC with a mandate to discuss indigenous issues, such as economic and social development, culture, environment, education, health, and human rights. The duties of the forum are to provide expert advice and recommendations on indigenous concern to ECOSOC, raise awareness of and promote the integration and coordination of activities related to indigenous issues within the UN, and to prepare and disseminate information on indigenous topics. The UNPFII meets annually for ten days at the UN headquarters in New York every May. The forum compromises 16 independent experts, who each serve for a term of three years. Eight members are nominated by governments (through ECOSOC) and eight are nominated directly by regional indigenous organizations. Seven socio-cultural regions give broad representation to the world’s indigenous peoples. Each annual meeting has a focus from the theme of strengthening indigenous rights and participation in decision-making processes.

In 2001, the Commission of Human Rights appointed Rodolfo Stavenhagen to be the first Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. He works closely with the Expert Mechanism and the UNPFII. His mandate was to examine ways and means of overcoming existing obstacles to the full and effective protection of the rights of indigenous peoples; to exchange, formulate, and promote best practices; to develop a regular cooperative dialogue with all relevant parties, including governments and relevant United Nations bodies; and, since 2007, to promote the implementation of the UNDRIP.

Stavenhagen’s attention was drawn to seven cases that concerned land rights, the difficulty of ensuring legal empowerment and enforcement of law, displacement due to regional development, victimization in times of civil war, militarization, and rebellion, discrimination and deprivation of indigenous identity, and exclusion from economic and social welfare. The Human Rights Council (Res. 2003/56) was “deeply concerned about the precarious levels of economic and social development that indigenous people endure in many parts of the world and the disparities in their situation in comparison to the overall population, as well as about the persistence of grave violations of their human rights.”

In 2004, the Second International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People was introduced. The decade’s main objectives include: full and effective participation of indigenous peoples in decisions which directly or indirectly affect them, considering the principle of free, prior

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and informed consent; the urgency to draft a declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples; and the implementation of legal, policy, and operational frameworks for the protection of indigenous peoples (UNPFII, 2004).

The Expert Mechanism on the Right of Indigenous Peoples was established in 2007 as a subsidiary body under the HRC. It consists of five independent experts who are appointed by the HRC. The Expert Mechanism took over the work of the UNWGIP and provides the HRC with thematic advice, in the form of studies and research regarding the situation of indigenous peoples, and has held annual sessions since the first meeting in 2008. The Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples works beside the UNPFII and the Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples, and is therefore one of the three UN bodies that is mandated to deal specifically with indigenous issues.

In September 2007, after 30 years of negotiation, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The UNWGIP began to draft the declaration in 1985. It became “the longest and most hotly debated human rights instrument in UN history because the expansion of Indigenous rights is intrinsically related to issues of state authority over territory” (Picq, 2014:30-31). With this document the rights of indigenous peoples have been globally recognized.

In 2007, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People was formally adopted by the United Nations as a comprehensive international standard on human rights. The Declaration emphasizes the collective rights of indigenous peoples. It elaborates upon existing international human rights, norms and principles as they apply to indigenous peoples. It catalogues the kinds of violations that have historically plagued and, sadly, continue to plague indigenous peoples such as attacks upon their culture, their land, their identity and their own voice. In short, the Declaration lays out minimum standards for the survival, dignity and well- being of indigenous peoples (Malezer, 2008:526).

The UNDRIP elaborates how existing international human rights, norms and principles apply to indigenous peoples and emphasizes their collective rights. As in every region of the world, the well-being and survival of indigenous peoples is threatened by persistent violations of their fundamental human rights, this declaration is dedicated to the protection and survival of indigenous peoples. The UNDRIP was adopted by 143 UN members that voted in favor of the Declaration. There were four against (Canada, USA, New Zealand, Australia), and 11 abstentions from voting. The UNDRIP contains 46 articles, including 6 articles that refer to the protection of indigenous land and the natural environment. The Declaration stands beside ILO Convention 169 as the most relevant human rights document for indigenous peoples, although, in spite of holding considerable moral authority as a declaration, it is not legally binding. Nevertheless, it establishes minimum standards for the treatment of indigenous peoples and guidelines for government and state institutions in order to ensure representation of the indigenous populations: legal integration, respect for indigenous identity, and the promotion of their dignity, survival and well-being as a community. The UNDRIP applies to the unique situations of indigenous peoples around the world, particularly their rights as

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peoples to self-determination. This is especially important for indigenous peoples who have been nations without a country ever since colonialism. The UNDRIP preamble underlines this:

[We are] Convinced that control by indigenous peoples over developments affecting them and their lands, territories and resources will enable them to maintain and strengthen their institutions, cultures and traditions, and to promote their development in accordance with their aspirations and needs.

In practice, the UNDRIP increasingly operates as a benchmark when reviewing a state’s human rights performance in relation to its indigenous peoples. The challenge now, for all parties involved, is to successfully implement the declaration from top to bottom.

Chapter 4 Environment, Human Rights, and Indigenous Peoples

The environment, human rights, and indigenous peoples have a crucial connection to each other. As elaborated in the definition of indigenous peoples and further discussed in the next chapter on the anthropology of the Tao, the characteristic feature of an indigenous community is the strong link to their natural environment and hence this relationship is of inherent importance for the survival of indigenous communities. The Kyoto Protocol illustrates the failure of the international community to decelerate climate change and greenhouse gas reduction. So far, there is no explicit human right to a clean and safe environment. Nevertheless, regulatory schemes indeed exist. The Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, or the Stockholm Declaration (1972), was the first document to recognize that the enjoyment of basic human rights can be jeopardized where people and their communities do not enjoy a proper, safe and healthy environment. The ICESCR tackles the environment in Article 12:

The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health […] (b) The improvement of all aspects of environmental and industrial hygiene;

The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development (1992) was the output of the second global environmental conference, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, or Earth Summit. Principle 10 refers to hazardous materials and Principle 22 recognizes the important role of indigenous peoples and their capacity to contribute the discourse on environment.

Principle 10: Environmental issues are best handled with participation of all concerned citizens, at the relevant level. At the national level, each individual shall have appropriate access to information concerning the environment that is held by public authorities, including information on hazardous materials and activities

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Principle 22: Indigenous people and their communities and other local communities have a vital role in environmental management and development because of their knowledge and traditional practices. States should recognize and duly support their identity, culture and interests and enable their effective participation in the achievement of sustainable development.

The Stockholm and Rio Declarations both emphasize a human-centered approach. The Rio Declaration’s and its action plan, Agenda 21, were adopted by 178 governments. Chapter 26 of Section III is dedicated to the role of indigenous peoples and, in summary, Agenda 21 aims to recognize indigenous peoples’ land, values, traditional knowledge, and resource management practices. Enhancement of capacity-building for indigenous communities and strengthening active participation in the formulation of national policies, laws, and programs relating to resource management and other development processes that may affect them, are further recommendations.

However, both declarations are soft law: they have a high moral value but do not imply a human right to the environment. The Convention on Biological Diversity (1992) highlights the role of indigenous peoples’ traditional ecological knowledge and their protection of threatened populations. A number of documents adopted by the UN refer to indigenous peoples’ rights and aim to counter their vulnerability. Environment, health, and indigenous rights play an increasingly important role in the human rights discourse. The most significant organization and documents are:

• The UN Forest Principles (1992) reaffirm the importance of sustainable forest management and indigenous communities living in and depending on the forests concerned. • The World Health Organization and its Geneva Declaration on the Health and Survival of Indigenous Peoples (1999). • UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (2001). • The United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (1992): a number of provisions in this convention are relevant to intellectual property and indigenous peoples’ intellectual property in particular. • The World Bank, in its Operational Manual for development programmes “recognizes that the identities and cultures of Indigenous Peoples are inextricably linked to the lands on which they live and the natural resources on which they depend” (WB: 2013). • The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) emphasizes that “development strategies must be designed to overcome marginalization and ensure the rights of indigenous peoples. This can only be achieved with the full participation and consent of indigenous communities and it must be recognized that the nature of their aspirations for development, resources and services may be fundamentally different from those of other peoples” (UNDP website). • The Asian Development Bank has a number of policies which strengthen sustainable and sound environmental development in ways compliant with the need to safeguard

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and respect indigenous peoples’ identity, dignity, human rights, livelihood systems, and cultural uniqueness.

Indigenous peoples’ rights are nowadays deeply embodied not only in the human rights discourse, but also in those regarding environmental and sustainable development. The international community has not yet agreed on the right to a clean environment. However, it is particularly in the environmental protection and justice movements that indigenous peoples play a crucial role, since they are strongly connected with their natural environment.

Summary

Until WWII, general policy tended to be to assimilate indigenous peoples into the national majority societies. Indigenous movements and the call for indigeneity and respect for their ethnic culture then developed and reached its peak in the social movements of the 1970s and 1980s. The first relevant and legally binding documents safeguarding the rights of indigenous peoples were ILO Convention 107 and ILO Convention 169. Martinez Cobo, as special representative of UNWGIP and a number of NGOs, emphasized the importance of acknowledging indigenous peoples’ rights, and the protection of their collective rights as vulnerable groups, in the context of human rights. In response to the indigenous peoples’ empowerment, significant normative instruments were developed and human rights standards specifically concerning indigenous peoples were developed and applied. UNPFII, the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the Special Rapporteur, which are three bodies with mandates functioning under the Human Rights Council in order to address indigenous issues were established. Currently, the UNDRIP is the highest-level and most valuable document for the protection of indigenous rights. Nevertheless, it is a soft-law instrument and imposes no legally binding obligation. In the last decades, the discussion has shifted from the recognition of indigenous peoples to a broader view encompassing the environment, health, and human rights alongside the survival of indigenous peoples. A human right to a healthy environment does not yet exist within the framework of international human rights and environmental law. Declarations have highlighted that indigenous survival is strongly linked with the conservation of the natural environment and although there is no human right on a clean environment per se, important steps towards recognition of the particular needs of indigenous societies in relation to the environment, and to their territories and resources, exist. Therefore, when dealing with anthropogenic rights to the environment, indigenous peoples cannot be left out. Despite all the positive developments, the implementation of the UNDRIP, and many other human rights and environmental instruments and treaties created in order to protect indigenous peoples’ welfare, remains a challenge for states.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

PART TWO Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Part Two aims to introduce the indigenous peoples of Taiwan and describe their legal status within Taiwanese national law. Their origin, and the importance of being part of the Austronesian language family, is a particular element of indigenous cultures in Taiwan. Since the focus of my thesis is the Tao community on Orchid Island, I will focus particularly on elements of their culture. In order to understand the transformation processes on Orchid Island, it is essential to be familiar with the Tao’s origin, customs, and habits. Part Two looks in detail at their traditions, social and political organization, material culture, spirituality, and cosmology.

Chapter 5 Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples

Taiwan is home to 16 officially recognized indigenous groups with a population of 533,601 (260,616 male, 272,985 female), which is a bit more than two percent of the whole Taiwanese population (MOI, 2013). The Indigenous Peoples Basic Law (IPBL) of 2005 defines Taiwanese indigenous peoples as follows:

The term “Indigenous Peoples” means peoples, under the State’s jurisdiction, who usually live within (or maintain attachments to) geographically distinct ancestral territories; who tend to maintain distinct social, economic, and political institutions within their territories; who typically aspire to remain distinct culturally, geographically and institutionally rather than assimilate fully into national society; and who self-identify as Indigenous Peoples (CIP, 2009).

It is noticeable that the IPBL mentions only 12 indigenous groups. This is because the IPBL was promulgated in 2005 and since then four additional indigenous groups have been officially recognized: the Sakizaya were acknowledged by the government in 2007, the Sediq in 2008 and, in 2014, another two groups, the Hla’alua and the Kanakanavu.

5.1 Austronesian Indigenous Peoples

The indigenous peoples of Taiwan have inhabited the island since at least 3,000 BC and were therefore the first settlers (Bellwood, 2011). They all belong to the Austronesian language family which is spread from Easter Island in the east to Madagascar in the west and New Zealand in the south. Its speakers used to have a maritime trade system which had tremendous networks covering almost two thirds of the aquatic world. The Austronesian language family represents the widest dispersal of humankind before the eras of European

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imperialism and expansion began. Taiwan’s indigenous peoples belong to the Proto- Austronesian group which divided into several primary Austronesian subgroups unique to Taiwan, whereas all Austronesian languages outside Taiwan belong to the single Malayo- Polynesian language subgroup (Ross, 2012:1254). Archaeologists and linguists suggest that the Proto-Austronesian language initially split into a number of dialects and then these dialects eventually diversified into separate languages. In Taiwan, only the settlers of Orchid Island speak a Malayo-Polynesian language as they migrated from the Philippines northwards to Orchid Island at a later stage (Bellwood, 2011).

Figure 1 Primary Austronesian subgroupings according to Blust (1999) (taken from Ross, 2012:1272)

According to archaeologist Peter Bellwood, “the Austronesians were the most widely dispersed ethno-linguistic population anywhere in the pre-Columbian times. Today they number some 270 million speakers of related languages spread throughout Taiwan, the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysian, in parts of southern Vietnam, Madagascar, and all the Pacific islands” (Bellwood, 2009:336). Anthropologist David Blundell (2011:78-79) adds that Austronesian languages number about 1,200 and represent 20% of the world’s total. The 270 million speakers are mostly island-based, in a region that extends across the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Many of those languages are in danger of extinction (ibid.).

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Figure 2 Distribution of the Austronesian language family and major subgroupings (Blundell, 2009:343)

Anthropologists and human migration studies experts suggest that the settling of the Pacific Ocean and parts of southeast Asia took place via Taiwan by Austronesian peoples. Austronesia is a concept that was conceived in the context of colonialism. Efforts to categorize and analyze human languages resulted in the construction of ‘language families’ as one of a variety of ways of talking about the diversity of human languages. The concept ‘Austronesian’ refers to such a theoretical language family – one which is currently most valuable in academic investigations of the ancient history of human dispersal in the region of insular southeast Asia and Oceania. Bellwood considers Taiwan to be one of the earliest settlements of Austronesian languages, or conceivably the Austronesian homeland and center of dispersal (Bellwood et al., 1995:21). He illustrates his assumption with the following stages of Austronesian distribution (Bellwood 2009:345):

1. Pre-Austronesians move to Taiwan from Southern China.

2. A period in Taiwan to allow the Taiwan Austronesian languages to develop.

3. Rapid movement through the Philippines, Indonesia, and Oceania to as far as Samoa.

4. Pause in expansion in western Polynesia.

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5. Eastern Polynesian dispersal: according to archaeology, New Zealand was finally reached less than 1,000 years ago.

The great majority of Taiwan’s native languages split from each other at very early stages. Compared with the other Austronesian languages outside Taiwan, such as those of the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Melanesia, Taiwanese languages demonstrate a great time depth in their split from Proto-Austronesian (Li, 2009:61). The tracing of language is particularly essential when dealing with people without written records (Anderson, 2009:284), as is the case for the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. Since the classification of the Austronesian languages has been successfully accomplished, their distribution and subgrouping offers the migration history of the people (Li, 2009:61). The stages of Austronesian dispersal suggested by Bellwood are essentially based on linguistic reasoning. Archaeology and material remnants, but also DNA analyses, provide evidence for dating the population dispersal process. Details of the material culture, such as design of pottery, housing, and canoes, as well as economies like fishing and agriculture, deliver scientific proof of Austronesian migration and settlement. More recently, however, this has been approached and complemented by biological analyses and cultural definitions (Anderson, 2009:284; Bellwood, 2009:345). Specific cultural characteristics that the Austronesians share as a common heritage and intellectual property are navigation skills and maritime cultural features such as boat building.

We could probably be justified in speaking of a common maritime culture, including boat building and fishing methods, calendar and ritual cycle throughout the island world where Austronesian languages are spoken, in which the details vary, but where the basic themes are usually the same (Barnes 2001:160).

The population of insular southeast Asia and the islands of the Pacific could only have taken place with excellent knowledge of maritime navigation developed by the indigenous communities living on the sea shores (ibid.).

5.2 The 16 Indigenous Groups

In the Qing Dynasty, the native inhabitants of Taiwan were considered barbarians as they lived on the edge of the Chinese Empire. The indigenous peoples were classified into two categories, which are the sheng-fan 生番 – living, untamed barbarians – and shou-fan 熟番 – ripped, tamed barbarians. The sheng-fan head already contact with the colonialists and were therefore considers as nearer to civilization whereas the shou-fan lived far in the remote mountains and in isolation. They refused cooperation with the invaders. “The division turned later into the categories mountain tribes gaoshanzhu, and lowland, plains tribes, pingpuzhu (Faure, 2009:110; Teng, 2004:131; Sasala, 2008*) as the indigenous communities originally lived in the mountainous and coastal areas. This administrative distinction was also adopted by the Japanese in 1885 for political matters. According to Faure, the practical difference between the two in terms of governance was one of tax status (Faure, 2009:110). I will look

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at these topics more in detail in the chapter focusing on the colonial history of Taiwan. By 2014, the Taiwan government recognized 16 indigenous groups that live on the east coast and the mountain range. There is only one group that claims a whole island as their own: the Tao of Orchid Island. Until the Japanese government set up a police and research center in the early 20iest century, they were left to themselves. Except for the Tao, all the indigenous groups of Taiwan practiced headhunting in the past. Headhunting is an important practice for a community that lives by hunting and faces conflict with others. Besides the Tao, all the indigenous groups of Taiwan practiced slash-and-burn cultivation as well as hunting. Millet, taro, sweet potatoes, and betel nut were the main crops cultivated and pigs and chicken were widely domesticated over the whole island. All the indigenous groups have a cosmology which includes ghosts and spirits and a belief in an ‘upper-world’ where the ancestors live. Nature, animals and plants, even rocks, may be inhabited by spirits and are therefore either worshiped or greatly feared. The people’s life is dominated by taboos and strongly connected with their spiritual world.

The aborigines attribute the natural calamity and good or ill luck to the supernatural beings. Natural phenomena and daily occurrences are interpreted by means of various superstitious beliefs, which have been handed down from the forefathers. Taboos are strictly observed above all things. When there appears some boding phenomenon, divination and incantation are practiced. The superstitious beliefs, which are of a great variety, are grouped under several heads according to the various tribes (Baudhuin, 1960:425).

In general, indigenous communities are characterized by their particular, and often unique, understanding of a spiritual world and culture. Nature and the environment play a crucial role in their spirituality, as natural objects possess souls, and spirits inhabit non-human entities. This kind of worldview, spirituality, and cosmology of traditional societies such as indigenous peoples is referred to as animism. Spirits and other entities dominate the traditional indigenous belief. Benedek recalls in his ethnographic work on the Tao (1991:96) “that the inherent strength of any belief system is that it is believed. No matter how apparently illogical or seemingly self-deprecating an action may seem to non-believers, people will perform it if they believe they must, or that the consequences of not doing so are worse than those of completing the action. This is the basis of traditional ritual practices and taboo. Something is believed ‘because it is true.’ And what makes it true? The fact that it is believed and that everyone believes it.” Animism encompasses the structures that a society is based on as it creates taboos and duties for its people. Therefore, indigenous peoples worship their natural environment and ecological knowledge becomes an essential characteristic of indigenous populations. Franz Steiner defines taboo in this way:

Taboo is concerned (1) with the social mechanisms of obedience which have ritual significance; (2) with specific and restricted behaviour in dangerous situations. One might say that taboo deals with sociology of danger itself, for it is also concerned (3) with the protection of individuals who are in danger – and therefore dangerous – persons […] Taboo is an element of all those situations in which attitudes to values

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

are expressed in terms of danger behaviour (Steiner, 1967:20 cited in Benedek, 1991:97).

As I will demonstrate hereinafter, the Tao’s spirituality and cultural features are strongly dominated by the fear of the evil spirit anito. The following listing gives an overview of Taiwan’s 16 officially recognized groups. Several of the indigenous groups – the Bunun, Tao, Tsou, and the Thao – have names meaning ‘human being’ or ‘man.

Figure 3 Distribution of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples

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Figure 4 Ethnological map of Taiwan (Blundell, 2009:182)

Amis 阿美

The Amis is one of the few matrilineal groups in Taiwan. Matrilineal kinship means descent is reckoned through the mother or the female line. Patrilineal societies, on the other hand, consider kinship and heritage through the male lineage and rule is by a patriarch who is of the male gender. The Amis is the largest indigenous community in Taiwan with a population of around 177,000 people (CIP, 2014). The traditional area of the Amis stretches along the eastern coast. The Amis hold grand ceremonies and are passionate dancers and musicians.

Atayal 泰雅

The Atayal live in particular in northern Taiwan and in the northern central mountain range. Its population numbers around 81,000 (CIP, 2104). The Atayal are famous for horizontal facial tattoos on their cheeks and mouth. The tattoos protect them from evil spirits and help

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the deceased to cross the rainbow bridge into the spirit world, where the ancestors live. Today there are only very few women who bear these facial tattoos.

Bunun 布農

The Bunun are located in the central mountain range, living over 1000 meters above sea level. They count around 50,000 people as members. The Bunun are famous for their colorful feather headdresses which denote their status within the society and their hunting skills.

Paiwan 排灣

The Paiwan live in the southern central mountain range and have a population of around 86,000 people. They used to have a strict political hierarchy based on family lineage. An important feature in their culture is the frequent representation of snakes in ornaments and as a totem. The Paiwan share cultural similarities with the Rukai group.

Tsou 鄒

The Tsou, a community of around 6,500 people, live around the Ali Shan area in central Taiwan. They are proud hunters, wearing headgear made of leather and precious bird feathers. The Tsou are divided into the Southern and Northern Tsou by their kinship customs.

Rukai 魯凱

The Rukai live in the southern central mountain range and have a population of around 11,600 members. They are know for having the lily flower as their traditional symbol. The Rukai have a strict traditional social structure which is divided into two hierarchies – the nobles and the commoners. The nobles enjoy privileges such as ownership of lands and other economic privileges. Common people can elevate their social status by developing individual leadership, increasing harvest production, and through marriage (CIP, 2014). The Rukai had a practice of killing one infant in cases of multiple birth. This is a similar custom to the Tao and the Bunun (however the Bunun would kill all infants of a multiple birth).

Puyuma 卑南

The Puyuma had intense contact with the Han Chinese, and even made alliances with the Chinese and Japanese hegemonies fighting for them and using their forces in return when fighting against other tribes such as the Bunun due to their long lasting rivalry. This divide- and-rule strategy was commonly used by colonizers during the time of conquest.

Saisiyat 賽夏

The Saisiyat live in northern Taiwan and are related to the Atayal. Their numbers are rather small, with only 5,300 people in the group. Their cultural customs especially are influenced by the Atayal; like them, the Saisiyat wear facial tattoos.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Kavalan 噶瑪蘭

The Kavalan live on Taiwan’s east coast and they are estimated to be 1,100 people in number. The Kavalan have a matrilineal kinship structure and female shamans who used to have special status within the society. They were officially recognized by the government in 2002.

Sakizaya 撒奇萊雅

The Sakizaya tribe lives on the plains of Hualien, on the east coast. Their population is very small with only about 335 members. Fishing and hunting are their traditional way of life. Their social organization is based mainly on the matrilineal system. The Sakizaya were recognized by the government in 2007. German sinologist Michael Rudolph did extensive research on this indigenous community, in particular focusing on cultural revitalization.

Sediq 賽德克

The Sediq live in the mountainous area with a population of 10,000 people. The Sediq became well-known due to their revolt against the Japanese colonial rule in the Wushe Incident in 1930. The movie Sediq Bale tells the story of the resistance and fight for independence against Japanese dominance. The Sediq’s uprising in the mountain villages was led by the clan chief Mona Rudo. The group was officially recognized in 2008.

Thao 鄒

The Thao is the second-smallest group in Taiwan with a population of 530 members. The group was recognized as distinct from the Tsou in 2001. They live in the high mountains around Sun Moon Lake in central Taiwan.

Truku 太魯閣

The Truku inhabit the central mountain range and live along the Liwu river valley down to the east coast. They number around 24,000 people. Although the Truku split from the Sediq group, they share some cultural features with the Atayal, such as facial tattoos. They were officially recognized by the government in 2004.

Tao/Yami 達悟 - 雅美

The Tao are focus of this thesis and, therefore, I will look at their anthropology and current situation in detail in the next chapters. Nevertheless, in order to complete the list of all indigenous groups of Taiwan I will use the Taiwanese Council for Indigenous Peoples description to present the Tao (CIP website):

The Yami tribe is located in the offshore Orchid Island of Taitung [Taidong]. It is the only tribe of oceanic culture in Taiwan. They have a population of about 3,500, spread over six villages on the island. Due to their isolated living environment, their

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culture is still kept relatively intact. Yami tribe has no leadership system. When disputes occur, the clan families and relatives are called upon to negotiate a settlement. The social affairs are administered by the male heads of the household, and by the community’s fishing groups. The creations of art and culture are abundant, such as the wood carving boats, silvery utensils, pottery, and mud dolls. Traditional houses are built underground to keep warm in the winter and cool in the summer. Tribal ceremonies are held according to the activities relating to capturing the flying fish. The flying fish is regarded as sacred. Hair dancing by Yami women is a special tribal performance, unique among Taiwan’s indigenous peoples. Men’s warrior dance is used to display the strength and beauty of the body

Orchid Island was annexed to Taiwan in 1877. Outsiders paid little attention to the small island before then and no western colonial powers wanted to occupy the island and colonize the Tao.

The Chinese have paid little attention to the small island, and it was annexed to Formosa only in 1877. Since the Spanish also did not extend their domain beyond the Batan Islands, Botel Tobago remained a no-man’s-land for a long time. When the Japanese established their authority over Formosa in 1895, Botel Tobago became exposed to Japanese influence. However, the Japanese protected the inhabitants against exploitation and forced modernization, and also did not permit any missionary activities (de Beauclair 1986:107).

Considering the late invasion on Orchid Island, the Tao were able to live their traditional life for quite a long time without interruption in comparisons to the other indigenous communities in Taiwan. They, therefore, were excluded from early assimilation policies from Chinese immigrants and Japanese colonialists.

The Hla’alu (Saaroa) 拉阿魯哇 and the Kanakanavu 卡那卡那富

The Hla’alua became officially recognized in June 2014 as Taiwan’s fifteenth indigenous tribe. They number around 400 people, living in the greater Kaoshiung area. They were previously considered as a southern branch of the Tsou with whom they therefore share some cultural customs; however they also differ from them in cultural characteristics such as language, traditions, and rituals.

The Kanakanavu was the sixteenth and last officially recognized tribe in Taiwan. Similar to the Hla’alua they were previously classified as a southern branch of the Tsou people, but with the support of researchers, the group proved that their language, cultural traditions, and ritual ceremonies are distinct from those of the Tsou. The Kanakanavu live in the greater Kaoshiung area and number around 600 people. According to a linguistic study at Taipei’s Academia Sinica, the Kanakanavu have only eight native speakers left and their language is therefore one of the most endangered in Taiwan (Ross, 2012).

These two newly recognized groups, the Kanakanavu and the Hla’alua, were originally considered branches of the Tsou. In former times, some communities became integrated into

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a larger community in order to obtain protection from outside forces, in particular the Japanese colonists. As land was under increasing pressure due to the conquest of foreign forces, such as the Dutch, Chinese, and Japanese, conflicts emerged and some indigenous groups were forced to migrate to the more remote mountainous regions where they were pushed closer together, resulting in the integration of their cultures (this happened, for example, to the Saisiyat and Atayal, the Kavalan and Amis, and the Tsou and Thao). Decades later, when the Taiwanese government introduced democratic governance and indigenous peoples’ ethnic identity was acknowledged, some groups came out of these confederations in order to gain legal status as their own indigenous community. In 2001, the Indigenous Peoples’ Identification Act was promulgated and recognizes a group as independent if it has its own ancestry, naming, and other factors. Research supported the right of these communities to be identified as independent groups distinct from others because of their ethno-lingual, anthropological, and historical distinctions. Members of a community officially recognized by the Taiwanese government as an independent indigenous group are entitled to certain rights and affirmative action policies. Since 2001, the indigenous Thao (2001), Kavalan (2002), Truku (2004), Sakizaya (2007), Sediq (2008), Hla’alua (2014), and Kanakanavu (2014) have been acknowledged.

In contrast to the indigenous mountain tribes, the indigenous communities of the plain were assimilated almost entirely into mainstream societies and cultures, first by the Japanese and later by the dominant Han Chinese. Fauvre (2009:108) outlines how “during the Japanese occupation, indigenous communities on the plains lost much of their character as indigenous communities, while indigenous communities in the mountains, as a result of various policies culminating in the attempt to incorporate them into Japanese culture [fought and this led to them retaining their distinct characters].” Nevertheless, some scholars stress that the plains communities still have traceable roots and remnants of their traditional languages.

5.3 Anthropological Research

The first people to show particular interest in the culture of the indigenous peoples were Japanese anthropologists. During the Japanese occupation, linguistic studies were promoted and research carried out during in this era has shaped many of our current perceptions. . These scholars did considerable work in studying the Austronesian language and culture. Nine ethno-linguistic groups were identified. The classification into nine indigenous tribes is therefore based on linguistic studies. This notion became a political necessity during the Japanese colonization and has remained politically useful for the Chinese KMT government (Anderson, 2009:185). The organization of the indigenous communities into nine groups was used as a political tool to enable the Japanese colonialists to more effectively govern the tribes in Taiwan.

Noting language variation was the first step to imposing a hegemonic policy of social and cultural change. The Japanese government had to learn enough Austronesian languages in order to implement their policy of destruction of the traditional ways

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and imposing conformity to the Japanese way, forcing acquisition of Japanese language (Anderson, 2009:285).

In order to study the various spoken indigenous Austronesian languages, most of them were written and transcribed using the Japanese katakana syllabary system. The transcriptions of the local languages into Japanese is as questionable as the transcription into Chinese. Therefore, later missionaries put effort into romanizing the indigenous languages. Besides languages, the customs, religion, and social as well as political organization of indigenous communities were studied by the Japanese.

Figure 5 Formosan languages (Blundell, 2009:46)

More anthropological research is described in the following chapter.

5.4 The Legal Position of the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan

Indigenous peoples are subjected to the stereotypes of being considered either a noble savage or a primitive creature far away from culture and development. The noble savage is an idealized being who has an unconventional life, untouched by colonization and civilization, living harmoniously with nature – a very romantic picture. The counter-image is the wild

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

lawless cannibal that would eat another man’s head. (It should nevertheless be noted that headhunting practices have nothing to do with nutrition or cannibalism, but with spirituality.) This dichotomy has always underlain perceptions of the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. On the one hand they were idealized and adored, especially for the liberality of the women. On the other hand they were feared and treated as barbarians. Acts of vengeance perpetrated by colonizers “against uncontrollable ‘savages’ took place, whom the civilized colonial powers could not find it within themselves to treat as human. These savages were outside the boundaries of human society” (Blusse, 2009:138). These stereotypes were held by the various dominating powers in Taiwan, such as the Japanese and Chiang Kai-shek’s KMT. Even after the democratization process and with the existence of a national policy that recognizes and respects the rights of indigenous peoples, the heritage of the structural discrimination against them continues to have an impact. Anderson (2009:298) explains:

Austronesians in Taiwan inevitably confront the mainstream stereotype of “aborigines” as backwards barbaric “mountain people”. If not dealing with ostensibly “indigenous” issues as defined by the mainstream, Austronesians in Taiwan are forced to become invisible. Thus, asserting an Austronesian identity in Taiwan necessarily leads to cultural and political stigmatization.

The indigenous peoples are still stereotyped by mainstream Taiwanese society that considers them “free and vehement”, as they sing and dance, but also as “drunkywards” and lazy (informal talks with Han Chinese Taiwanese). Several waves of immigration, especially those from mainland China, mean the indigenous peoples of Taiwan have been continuously decimated and stigmatized. In 2012, they constituted only 2% of the whole Taiwanese population. During martial law, the nine indigenous tribes were grouped into lowland and mountain tribes. In the course of democratization, the Council of Aboriginal Affairs was established under the Executive Yuan7. These governmental organizations were responsible for the indigenous peoples are illustrated in the next table (taken from CIP, 2007:8).

o Central Government Aboriginal Organizations o 1987 – The Mountain Administration Section was established under the Department of Civil Affairs, Ministry of Interior o 1994 – Mountain Administration Section was renamed Aboriginal Administration Section o 1996 – Establishment of the Council of Aboriginal Affairs (CAA), Executive Yuan o 2002 – The CAA was renamed Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan

7 Government structure: Taiwan is a republic with a president and vice-president, and five branches of government, known as ‘Yuan’: the Executive Yuan (consisting of 29 cabinet-level agencies, including the Ministry of Justice) , Judicial Yuan (exercises the power to interpret, adjudicate, and administer justice), Legislative Yuan (Parliament), Control Yuan (branch of government investigating allegations of abuse of power by government organizations and civil servants) and Examination Yuan (TAHR, 2013).

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

The details of the developing recognition for indigenous peoples after the lifting of martial law, and their stipulated place in the Taiwanese constitution is further elaborated in part five hereinafter. With the establishment of the Council of Aboriginal Affairs (1996), later renamed the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP), the native population of Taiwan had, for the first time, a representative body at central government level dedicated to indigenous affairs and promoting indigenous peoples’ welfare. The CIP has five sub-organs:

• Department of Planning

• Department of Education and Culture

• Department of Health and Welfare

• Department of Economics and Public Construction

• Department of Land Management

• The Secretariat.

In Chen Shui-bian’s first presidential period, a new partnership with the indigenous peoples was inaugurated. In his second tenure, Chen promoted Taiwan as a Human Rights Nation, focusing on its multicultural composition. Therefore, the years between 2000 and 2008 were especially important for the legal empowerment of the indigenous peoples. A number of acts and regulations define their legal status in Taiwan and their rights to social welfare and affirmative action. These are:

• Council of Indigenous Peoples Executive Yuan Organization by Law (2002) • Organization Regulations for the Bureau of Cultural Parks (2002) • Indigenous Peoples’ Identification Act (2001) • Indigenous Peoples’ Education Act (1988) and its Implementation Procedure (1999) • Indigenous Peoples’ Employment Rights Protection Act (2001) and its Implementation Procedure (2002) • Employment Service Act (2003) • Full Name Registration Law (2001) • Provisional Regulation for Indigenous Peoples Senior Citizens Welfare Living Allowances (2002) • Indigenous Peoples‘ Language Skill Certification Procedure (2002) • Mountain Slope Conservation and Utilization Law (2000) • Indigenous Peoples’ Basic Law (IPBL) (2005) • Local Administration Law (1999) • Status Act for Indigenous Peoples (2001) • Protection Act for the Traditional Intellectual Creations of Indigenous Peoples (2007).

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

All the regulations and acts are very important in that they improve the situation of indigenous peoples in Taiwan in terms of their legal, social, and economic welfare and status. For instance, since the promulgation of the Indigenous Peoples Identification Act, seven additional indigenous groups were officially recognized as independent groups. The Mountain Slope Conservation and Utilization Law of 2000 entitles indigenous persons to ownership of land which has been cultivated by them for more than five years. The IPBL is the most comprehensive act promoting indigenous peoples’ welfare and rights. The document is based on the draft of the United Nations Declaration for Indigenous Peoples. Even though the IPBL contains legally binding obligations, it is very difficult to enforce because of conflict with other laws. A representative (CIP, 2014*) from CIP explains the Basic Law:

It is a special law, which was passed in 2005. It is legally binding, but to enforce it in practice is difficult, because this act came out late in 2005. And the current Chinese government at that time already had a lot of laws. For example, if you want to use indigenous land, you need to have the people’s consent. Let’s say the Ministry of Defense are going to build a base on indigenous territory, you need to get that consent. But they also have their own regulations, so that would become an argument between the effectiveness of these laws: the Basic Law and the Ministry of Defense law. And many times when they have this argument, the Council of Indigenous Peoples will send some representatives to debate at the Executive Yuan, and of course the Ministry of Defense or the Forest Bureau also have their own representatives to argue, and many times they win. The Basic Law is too weak; it does talk a lot about principles, but does not specify actions.

The implementation of the IPBL has so far turned out to be difficult when the economic interests of the government stand in its way. Nevertheless, it is a positive step in the direction of multicultural governance and respect of indigenous peoples. The constitution of Taiwan protects the rights of its indigenous peoples in the additional amendments. The several constitutional revisions and the rise of status of indigenous peoples is elaborated more in detail in chapters 21 to 23. The current position of the indigenous peoples in the constitution is stipulated in the additional amendment of 2000. Article 4 states that four members of the 225 seats in the Legislative Yuan should “be elected from among the lowland and highland aborigines.” Article 10 says:

The State affirms cultural pluralism and shall actively preserve and foster the development of aboriginal languages and cultures.

The State shall, in accordance with the will of the ethnic groups, safeguard the status and political participation of the aborigines. The State shall also guarantee and provide assistance and encouragement for aboriginal education, culture, transportation, water conservation, health and medical care, economic activity, land, and social welfare. Measures for this shall be established by law.

Since 1971, when Taiwan, as Republic of China, withdrew from the UN, the People’s Republic of China has taken Taiwan’s seat in the United Nations. The PRC has a permanent seat at the Security Council, which will hinder any attempt Taiwan makes to become a

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

country independent from the PRC and an independent member state of the UN. Not being a member state of the UN means that Taiwan has no access to its human rights machinery. Nevertheless, the country is aiming to be a constructive partner in the human rights community (MOJ, 2013:3). After President Chen Shui-bian announced Taiwan as a Human Rights Nation, the Dr. Chen Wen-Chen Memorial Foundation wrote (2004:163):

Forced to withdraw from the United Nations in 1971, Taiwan was also cut off from the international human rights regime. […] The formation of policies and action plans to realize the goal of building a “human rights nation” sends a very clear message to the world community, that Taiwan, despite being isolated internationally, is still a member of the global village and is willing to take action to shoulder her rightful responsibility in the protection and realization of universal rights.

Taiwan has indeed adopted and ratified some human rights treaties into domestic law and established a process of regular review, analysis, recommendation, and improvement. The ICCPR and the ICESCR were signed by the government of the Republic of China in 1967, when it still held a seat in the UN. Furthermore, the ILO Convention 107 was signed in 1962 (although not ratified). In 2009, the Legislative Yuan ratified the two human rights treaties (ICCPR and ICESCR). With the Legislative’s approval to the Act Governing Execution of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the Implementation Act the two covenants imposed legally binding obligations on the government of Taiwan.

[…] as a result of the Implementation Act, the provisions of the two covenants are part of Taiwanese law and prevail over inconsistent domestic laws other than the Constitution (MOJ, 2013:Article 14).

The two covenants, together with the UDHR, form the International Bill of Human Rights. The UDHR was also recognized as a universal juridical document by the Republic of China, as a member of the UN, at its adoption in 1948. Taiwan, additionally, ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In 2013, an independent expert group was invited to Taiwan in order to examine the human rights situation and the successful implementation of the ratified human rights treaties. In their report’s section referring to the rights of indigenous peoples, concerns about land issues and rights, inclusion and participation in decision-making processes affecting indigenous peoples, such as development plans are stressed. Furthermore, it criticizes the fact for not granting recognition to the lowland indigenous tribes.

Chapter 6 The Anthropology of the Tao of Orchid Island

In this chapter I focus on the anthropology of the indigenous Tao community. There are manifold reasons for the Tao’s cultural uniqueness and exceptional position within the indigenous groups of Taiwan. The cultural traditions of the Tao are recognized as being

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

among the best preserved of those of all the indigenous groups in Taiwan. This is due to their history and the remote geographical location that isolates the islanders from Taiwan. This peripheral location means that contact with outsiders was more difficult and they were not influenced by mainstream societies to the same extent as the other indigenous groups of Taiwan (Enn, 2009:75). There were further historical reasons for the preservation of the Tao culture until the era of the KMT regime. Taiwanese anthropologist Chiang Bian carried out research on the Tao’s traditional dwellings and architecture in the 1970s and 80s. In an interview, he said (2014*):

At that time, especially compared to other indigenous groups in Taiwan, Lanyu was the one place where you did not [have to] dig into people’s minds to see what tradition is. In the late 1970s and 80s, with the most of the indigenous groups in Taiwan, you walk into the village, sometimes you see traditional buildings, and if the time is right, you get to see a ritual, otherwise you just see people living their daily life. Basically, in a way not very different from any other part of Taiwan. If you want to know something about tradition you have to talk to the older people, because it is not visible anymore. But this is different on Lanyu. On Lanyu, you walk into the village and the tradition is still everywhere, the way they catch their fish, the way they cook, traditional clothing, and the taro fields, and in two villages [Ivarino and Iranmeylek] you have the traditional houses still there. So, it was like a paradise for anthropologists.

The Tao’s unique cultural customs, spiritual beliefs, and exceptional traditional knowledge attracted many researchers, such as linguists, anthropologists, archaeologists, and biologists. Nevertheless, compared to other Austronesian communities in the western Pacific, the Tao were very late in being discovered and researched. Natural resources are scarce on the island; this might be the reason that nobody was interested in colonizing and conquering it until the Japanese colonial era. Jackson Hu, a Taiwanese anthropologist and ecologist, investigated the traditional ecological knowledge among the Tao. He states that “as early as the end of the 19th century Lan-Yu [Lanyu] began to attract biologists and anthropologists interested in its abundant biodiversity, unique boat-fishing culture and their primitive subsistence economy […]. During the Japanese occupation, almost all anthropologists working in Taiwan paid some attention to Yami studies” (Hu, 2008:54). The first Japanese anthropologists landed on Orchid Island in the very late 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century after Taiwan became a Japanese colonial territory. They did magnificent studies on the Tao’s language, material culture, and mythology. An Illustrated Ethnography of Formosan Aborigines, Vol. 1 The Yami, is an anthropological masterpiece on Orchid Island published by Japanese anthropologists Tadao Kano and Kokichi Segawa in 1956. Over 456 pages, with more than 1000 pictures, the scientists describe their findings on the anthropology of the Tao, after having conducted intensive field research. They give a detailed description of the Tao’s unique cultural and traditional habits, as well as their physical features and material culture. However, the first edition of the monograph was published in 1945. Shortly after, Dr. Tadao Kano disappeared in North Borneo while engaged in field work. Japanese linguist Asai’s dissertation (1936) on Tao philology used to be the foremost work on indigenous languages of Taiwan. Other Japanese linguists had been working on Orchid Island as well. They

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

collected lexical and sentence data from all the Batanic languages, including the Tao language, in order to clarify the position of the Bashi Channel between Taiwan and the Philippines in the evolution of the language family (Tsuchida, 2009:75). Only a few western researchers conducted field work and studied ethnography on Orchid Island; important among them are Inez de Beauclair and Dezsö Benedek. Sir Edmund Leach was the first European anthropologist to conduct a short field study on Orchid Island. His focus was mainly on kinship and on the discussion of Claude Levi-Strauss’ structuralism. Inez de Beauclair, a German anthropologist, did extensive research on Orchid Island and the Batan Islands. Her 1957 field notes and later publications are of extraordinary value in understanding the social structures of the Tao before missionaries and Japanese anthropologists influenced their traditional life. A student of Inez de Beauclair describes her research on Orchid Island:

[H]er work on Lan Yü [Orchid Island] and the Batanes assumes unequaled significance as the only extensive and reliable body of information on non-material or sociological aspects of Yami culture. Moreover, she collected it under severe conditions and just in time before missionary work and other forms of acculturation changed life on Lan Yü (Kaneko, 1982:93).

Dezsö Benedek is an American/Hungarian anthropologist and linguist. In the early 1980s, he conducted a comprehensive ethnographic study on Orchid Island and the Batan Islands. His book, The Songs of the Ancestors – a Comparative Study of Bashiic Folklore, “presents evidence from a comparative study of oral narratives to support the theory that the peoples of the Bashiic culture area, a territory which compromises the islands on opposite sides of the Bashi Strait in the Pacific Ocean, are not only culturally related, but in fact share a common origin” (Benedek, 1991:xi). The last wave of research (since the 1980s) and contemporary investigation of the Tao’s cultural and ecologic particularities, have mainly been undertaken by Taiwanese researchers. Of importance are Chi Chun-chie, who looks at exploitation of Orchid Island; Jackson Hu, who investigates the Tao’s traditional ecological knowledge and how environmental conservation can be achieved with the integration and participation of local people; and Chianan Lin, a very dedicated researcher who explores several development projects on the island and supports the education of the Tao in order that they may better understand the projects inititated by the government.

6.1 Origin of the Tao

The first comprehensive studies of the Tao were conducted by Japanese scholars in the early 20th century. These researchers considered the island and its inhabitants an attractive research field, because it remained one of the societies least changed by outside influence in southeast Asia (Benedek, 1991:13). The first anthropological study on the Tao undertaken by the Japanese scholar Torii in 1899 refers to the Tao as Yami. The name Yami is of ancient Austronesian origin and means north. Therefore, Benedek assumes that the name Yami comes from other indigenous tribes, “because they were the ones who had reached the

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

northernmost islands of the archipelago […]. It has been speculated that Torii mistook the word Yami, which means ‘we’, for the name of the people. ‘Yami’ designating the inhabitant of Botel Tobago must have been in use for a long time but not among the inhabitants themselves” (Benedek, 1991:9-10). It is argued that the Tao were given the name Yami by the natives of the Batan Archipelago with whom they share a common ancestry. The name Botel Tobago for Orchid Island has a European heritage and first appeared in western sources. Anthropologist Inez de Beauclair refers to the place as Botel Tobago in the 1950s. Later, the Chinese immigrants started to call the island Lanyu, meaning island of orchids. During the history of contact between the Tao and foreigners, several names were used for Orchid Island; for instance, it was known as Tabacco Shima in the early 17th century by the Japanese. On a French map of 1654 it was marked as Tabaco Xima, the Chinese called it Hongtou Yu (red- head island), and later, during the Japanese occupation, it was known as Kotosho (Benedek, 1991:10). Since the KMT regime under Chiang Kai-shek, the Taiwanese have called the island of the Tao Lanyu. Nowadays the locals too speak of Lanyu when talking about their homeland.

The maritime culture of the Tao is unique in Taiwan, but has similarities with that of other Austronesian peoples in the Philippines and the Pacific region. The Tao used to live as fishermen. Ogawa and Asai (1930:332) even discovered a kind of fishing organization among the Tao which does not appear in other indigenous communities in Taiwan. The Tao’s culture and lifestyle draws its character from the ocean. The sea, fish, and the whole maritime ecosystem formed the Tao’s life as they adapted to the prevalent ecological features. Fishing, in particular for flying fish, is probably the strongest feature of the Tao culture. Kano and Segawa (1956:172) point out:

As fishing people, the Yami are unique among the Formosan aborigines. They depend upon agriculture as well as fishing, but they rely heavily on the annual catch of flying fish […] The Yami believe the fish to be quite sacred since it has the power of flight. The catching of the fish is such a significant aspect of their economy that it affects even the structure of their society.

Spirituality and animism play an important role in the Tao’s daily life. The belief in spirits and the souls of the ancestors dominate all actions, from fishing to funerals and healing. This traditional knowledge was learnt from the ancestors and used to be delivered to the next generation orally. Depending on the village, the story of the Tao’s origin varies. One of the myths is that of the Fish God. The creator of the Tao people is a fish, the Fish God. The myth says that the fish was like a man; he gave the people all their knowledge and traditions. Another is about a big stone and a bamboo which each gave birth to a man (Mabuchi, 1956:3).

[…] God saw the flat ground and said: “Good is the island of Yami!” He dropped a large stone on Ipaptok [a plant]. The stone burst and gave birth to a human being. The human being ate Ipaptok as there was no other food. He went down toward the sea. A bamboo split open and gave birth to a human being. […] The two met in a miscanthus grove. “What is our name?” said the one. “We are Tau [Tao - human beings]” replied the other (Del Re, 1951:39).

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

The Tao migrated around 800 years ago from the northern Philippines. They came by sea from the Batan Islands where their cultural relatives, in anthropological terms, live and, going back far enough, we find the ancestors of the indigenous community. Archaeological relicts, cultural similarities, and a common language confirm the Tao migrated from the south, taking advantage of the northbound currents and the convenience of the chain of islands from Luzon to Taiwan. The Tao belong to the Austronesian language family, as do all the indigenous groups in Taiwan. However, the Tao are distinguished from the other peoples by having migrated from the south and they therefore have common roots with the native population of the Batan Islands. The archipelago is located in the northern Philippines in the Luzon Strait and the Bashi Channel. The northernmost island of the archipelago, Orchid Island, has been influenced by Japanese colonialism and Chinese acculturation and, although it has always been politically treated as a part of Taiwan ever since, the Tao’s cultural and archaeological roots are to be found in the northern Philippines. The native inhabitants of the Batan archipelago are linguistically classified as belonging to the Ivatan language group, a subgroup of the Malayo-Polynesian branch (Blundell, 2009:404). Since the term Ivatan is usually only used to refer to the speakers of the northernmost languages of the Philippines, not including the people of Orchid Island, anthropologist Benedek suggests classifying the people of the Northern islands in the Bashi Channel, including the Orchid Islanders as Bashiic. This term was first used by the Japanese linguist, Yukihiro Yamada. He used Bashiic as a collective name to designate the speakers of the language of the islands north and south of the Bashi Chanel, including the islands south of Taiwan (Benedek, 1991:5).

Figure 6 Map of Bashi Channel (Benedek, 1991:6)

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

The similar culture of the Bashiic communities is reflected in how people adapt to their natural environment, in their language, and the distinguishing habits reflected in their maritime, spiritual, and material culture. Evidence of common roots of the Tao and their neighbors in the south can be found in archaeological research (Blundell, 2009:405, de Beauclair, 1986). Besides glass beads, jar burials are the archaeological finds that prove a common culture and the affiliation of the Bashiic speakers. Jar burials use pots made from burnt clay to inter the deceased. Pottery shards are found during construction work on Orchid Island in the process of works such as road building and excavations. Some of the earthenware jars found still contained bones. Radiocarbon dating gave a date of 780 AD (Stamps, 1980:183). Although the jars and their contents were in very poor condition, the oral tradition gives evidence that the jars were used primarily for burial purposes.

The individuals were flexed and placed in the jar as they were breathing their last gasping breaths. The flexed jar burials allowed the digging of smaller holes for interment of the dead. […] However, the size, shape, construction, and placement of the jars themselves are informative in attempting to develop cultural continuities both internally on the island and externally with other islands [of the Batan archipelago] (Stamps, 1980:183-191).

Beads and several kinds of metal, including gold and silver, are further artifacts which demonstrate a common history and contact between the people of the southern side of the Bashi Channel and Orchid Island. Metals were used for jewelry, tools, and as an exchange item. It was not unusual to give grave goods to the deceased. Precious materials like gold, porcelain, and glass have been found on the island and in jar burials. Glass beads were given to the corpse when it was buried. Beads also played a crucial role in spiritual life and as an exchange item. According to de Beauclair, these must have arrived on the island by sea:

We have to return to the assumption that these treasures represent spoils from a shipwreck that must have occurred before the Ming period. Memories of stranded ships and their treasures survive in the Yami’s folklore (de Beauclair, 1972:175).

When spoken to elderly people informally, many admit that silver and other valuable materials were taken from stranded ships or washed ashore by the sea. Stamps reaffirms this in his research on jar burials (1980:191):

there are several unanswered questions about the context of the finds […] and the sampling of the total range of artifacts. No excavation notes were made by the workers (many of whom were prisoners kept under military guard) and no real control over artifact recovery was maintained. During my stay in 1977 a local merchant displayed his collection of beads from the Yayu [Yayo] excavations. Therefore, from these sites the full range of artifacts recovered and percentages of each will probably never be known.

Inez de Beauclair (1972:170) concluded that contact between Orchid Island and the Batanes may have a long history of which only the last chapter is known and that it came to an end during the middle of the seventeenth century.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

6.2 Geography and Demography

Orchid Island is 75 km from Taiwan’s South coast and 110 km north of the Batan Islands. There are two main roads on the island that connect all six villages. The prisoners who were kept in detention on the island during the period of martial law (see Chapter 13.1) were involved in the construction of these roads. One goes along the coast and circles the island; the other leads over the island and connects Imorud village on the west coast with Ivarino village on the east coast.

Figure 7 Aerial view on Orchid Island (Enn, 2008)

Orchid Island has an area of 46 km2 and the circling coast road can be traveled by scooter in approximately two hours. It is covered by tropical forest that largely remains intact and has a hilly topography. The island mainly consists of a mountain chain with at least two extinct volcanoes (Benedek, 1991:17). Eight mountains with steep hillsides and slopes rise more than 400 meters above sea level. The climate is sub-tropical to tropical and humid. The mountain range, which is partly covered by primary forest, is viewed by the Tao as wilderness. Due to their fear of spirits who inhabit this area, the islanders avoid going too deep into the forest. They do so only when lumber is needed.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 8 View from the lighthouse (Enn, 2013)

Figure 9 Taken on the way to Tianchi Lake (Enn, 2008)

Orchid Island is exposed to the Pacific climate system. Typhoons hit the island regularly, in particular from August to October. Winters are cold and humid and summers are hot and also humid. The weather station on top of the mountain is a heritage from Japanese colonial times. It is still in use today. The Tao follow the lunar calendar. It regulates fishing, pottery making, and certain farming activities.

The first published census of Orchid Island was undertaken in 1906 and numbered the Tao population at 1427 (729 male, 698 female) and 219 households. The highest count during the Japanese occupation was in 1932 and 1933, with a total of 1702 individuals (855 male, 747 female) and 397 households (Kano & Segawa, 1956:17). According to de Beauclair (1957:102), the census of 1956 states that the Tao population on Orchid Island was 1550. The Tao used to have a high mortality rate and therefore a slow population growth. This is attributed to “poor sanitation, poor or non-existent medical facilities, and epidemics of infectious diseases which swept the island from time to time” (Department of Health, 1991:251). Scholars working on Orchid Island in the early 20th century reported epidemics

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

and dysentery. In the 1920s the Spanish influenza reached the island and markedly reduced the population (ibid.). After WWII, a cholera epidemic was reported, “which, together with malaria, might have killed many people on the islands (the population in 1947 was 1273, the lowest since 1906)” (ibid.). The KMT government initiated a malaria eradication program in 1953. One year later, malaria was practically eradicated and, since that time, the population growth has shown linear progression (ibid.). In 2013, around 4000 people lived on Orchid Island of whom about three quarters were indigenous Tao and the rest of the population is constituted of Han Chinese immigrants and other indigenous persons. Imorud, where I lived while carrying out my fieldwork on Orchid Island, is the village that has been most influenced by outsiders, because the administration and police station of the relevant dominant power has always been located there. In Japanese sources from the colonial time, the native Tao names were used for the villages. Imorud was the administrative center. Later, the first hotel and only clinic on the island, both run by Taiwanese, were located in Imorud.

The largest unit of social and political order is the whole Tao community itself. The inhabitants are divided into the six villages and into six tribes. Some of the tribes’ oral histories differ from each other (Limon, 2002:7). There are no settlements in the forest interior of the island. The villages are geographically isolated from each other and have different creation myths. Beginning in the north and continuing in a clockwise direction, the names of the villages are (Tao language/Chinese): Iraraley/Langdao, Iranmeylek/Dongqing, Ivarino/Yeyin, Imorud/Hongtou, Iratay/Yuren, Yayo/Yeyou.

Figure 10 Map of Orchid Island showing the six villages (Indigenous Pristine website, 2008)

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

In Kano and Segawa’s ethnography, seven villages were documented. Besides the six villages listed above, there is an additional one called Iwatas. It was located on the western coast near Yayo. This village was evidently buried by a landslide a long time ago, according to Tao informants. The Japanese anthropologists emphasized that villages were always erected near a freshwater source and a sandy beach.

As a rule, the settlements are located close to the shore, where there is an adequate supply of drinking water and near a sandy beach providing ready access to boats through channels between the coral reefs. Without exception, the Yami have mass- type or clustered settlement (Kano & Segawa, 1956:32).

Every village has a burial ground and, nowadays, a primary school. There is only one secondary school, in Yayo. The island has one coal-fired power station which has been in operation only since 1982, when the nuclear waste repository started to operate. Today, several small markets are located around the island to supply the locals with food and other consumer goods. In October 2014, a 7/11 grocery store opened. In small stores, tourists find souvenirs, handicrafts, and handmade jewelry.

6.3 Social and Family System

Each village and its respective tribe is the largest community that consists of several lineages. Families live together and form the basic unit in daily life. A family consists of four to five people. The chief in the house is normally the father, following a patrilineal societal system. He has the right to rule the family and to represent it when dealing with outsiders. The family chief takes charge of property, but also has a duty to support and take care of his family. The male children have priority in the order of succession. Usually, the oldest son inherits the house. His duty is also to take care of parents and he lives with them. The daughters move to their husbands’ homes after marriage. If there is no son to succeed the headship, it is taken over by the oldest daughter or by her husband, who is married into the family (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:363). Male descendants inherit the house from their father; the wet-taro fields are divided among the sons. Although the Tao have a patrilineal system of descent and residence it was not very strict, for practical reasons, as anthropologist Chiang Bian* emphasizes in an interview:

I discovered that it’s not entirely accurate to describe the Tao as patrilineal society, because to them the main concern is was not really of a patrilineal ideology, but rather of practical arrangement. The concern was basically who would take care of the old parents […] From that point of view, it’s not the continuation of the male line that is their main concern, but to make arrangements to take care of the old people and who will carry the dead body on his back to the burial ground. And this is closely related to the property. Whoever shared a responsibility of taking care of the old couple will have a share in their property […] and this person could be the son, and if there is no son involved in doing that, it could be anybody, and so it’s a property relationship.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

The Tao are monogamous, although divorce is considered very liberally and is not an issue either for men or women. Marriages are mostly arranged by the parents when those to be engaged are still of childhood age. Ogawa and Asai state in their work of 1930 that “[a]bout 70% of the engagements are made by the parents while the parties are still in childhood – from 4 or 5 to 10 years old. If no suitable girl is found during this period, a spouse is looked for after attaining the marriageable age” (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:389-390). The marriageable age is around 20 years. After the marriage, the woman can divorce her husband freely and can get married a second and third time. This is also the case when the husband dies; a widow is allowed to find a new husband. In my Tao family, Ina got married twice. Her first husband died from cancer, and many years later, when she was in her late 60s, she was married again to an elderly man from the same village. However, the marriage was not of long duration; after only one year she got divorced, giving as reason that she did not like him anymore, because he was bothering her with his rude language. Taking this as an example, divorce is not a big issue. This was already noticed by Ogawa and Asai (1930:390) in the early 20th century: “it is not rare to see a woman who has changed her husband several times.” Among the Tao, strict incest taboos exist: one can only marry from the third cousin on. Intra-village marriages take place, as well as those between people from different the villages. According to the police station statistics of 1938, 331 couples got married on Orchid Island that year. In 239 cases, the wife was from the same village as her husband (Mabuchi, 1956:12).

With regard to gender and segregation of duties, Inez de Beauclair and Liu Ping-Hsiung observe, in their studies on the Tao the social system of the 1950s, that:

The division of works depends strictly upon the natural categories, of the sexual differences, age-groups, and seasonal arrangements. Every important task is emphasized by a series of ceremonial performances. Most of the Yami’s constructive work is carried out by groups. Those which are connected with land utilization are performed by lineage groups. Reciprocal ceremonial practices are usually executed by cognatic groups, consisting of bilateral relatives (Liu, 1962:283).

Beside genetic relatives, close friends can also be considered as cognatic. Often they play a more important role in one’s life than remote kin relatives. People with close affiliations are very important in the social life of the Tao. Construction work in a village, for instance to set up a wall to protect the crop terraces from high waves and typhoons, is undertaken by the people of the village. When necessary, they support each other and work together on the project.

The way in which the Tao indicate whether they have children or not is a very interesting feature of their culture, because this status affects the names of parents and grandparents. When the first child is born, the parents will change their name to the same name as their child. For instance when the first-born is called Mifilang, the father will change his individual personal name to Syaman Mifilang, the grandfather becomes Siapun Mifilang. The prefix Siapun is used for both sexes by all grandparents. When a woman gives birth to her first child, she will be renamed (following the example) Sianan Mifilang. In this regard, it does not

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

matter whether the first baby is a boy or a girl, the parents and grandparents will nevertheless change their name to that of the child plus the respective prefix. According to Kano and Segawa (1956:422) a Tao woman’s major ambition is to have many children. For practical reasons, boys are especially desired, because only a man is allowed to fish. If a family is without male offspring, it “cannot share in the catch of flying fish, a participation so important in Yami life” (ibid.).

When a Tao dies, the occasion is always strongly connected with the evil spirit anito and particular taboos. After a person has died, it is considered by the Tao that she or he has just left the island. In order to not attract the evil spirits, the name of the decedent will never be mentioned again, especially not in the presence of their relatives and close friends. This is a taboo; if it is not adhered to, it may provoke Anito to visit the dependents and cause fear, and things might turn out badly for the people. The dead body is carried on the back of a man and buried at the graveyard. The tradition of jar burials had already disappeared decades ago. I could not find anyone to interview who was able to give information about, or share their experience of, jar burials. However, Inez de Beauclair (1972:168) investigations state that:

At present the Yami dispose of their dead by interment, for which purpose each of the six villages uses a special burial ground in the jungle close to the seashore. Those who have died by accident or who possess no close relatives to undertake the laborious task of digging the deep grave are placed between coral rocks; infants are wrapped in cloth and put into an earthenware bowl which is deposited in the vicinity of the burial ground […]. The Yami remember that their ancestors practiced jar burial more generally in the past, but that this custom had been given up about eleven generations ago.

The souls of the dead have crucial impact on the Tao’s daily life, because they become evil spirits calledanito. As I will explain later, the islanders used to live in constant fear of these spirits, as the Anito could harm them and bring misfortune and illness. Thus, the strongest taboos are related to funerals, burial grounds, and death(Benedek, 1991:34). For instance, if someone one goes to the graveyard, a dead man’s soul will possess him/her and the person will get sick and might die (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:546). Therefore, burial grounds are strictly avoided.

6.4 Political Organization

The Tao have an egalitarian (although patrilineal) political organization. There is no evidence for a strict defined concept of chieftainship among the Tao and the society’s structure does not include a hierarchy of different social classes. Benedek (1991:29) notices: “[the] Yami recognize neither unitary authority of the local group nor permanent chieftainship. It is true, however, that some principles of leadership are recognized, like gerontocracy – the principle of seniority, priesthood of the fishing ceremony combatant heroes and chiefs of fighting groups. Also, the rich men of the village are informally recognized in the same category.”

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Kano and Segawa emphasized that something like an “informal village council consisting of old men or of men with influence seems to exist, but it is not […] clear just to what extent such a council is constitutionalized” (Mabuchi, 1956:12). In my own studies, I found out that when, for instance, a bigger boat is to be constructed, the most experienced man or the most influential one leads the project.

Traditionally, conflicts are resolved within the family and the kin groups of both parties. A temporary council of village elders can be introduced as a kind of juridical institution to mediate the situation. However, violent and serious conflicts rarely emerge among the Tao. As Ogawa and Asai point out:

The tropical abundance of products and natural birth-adjustment provided them with good conditions for life. The villagers lived without anxiety. Their simple social system was enough to maintain peace and order. They enjoyed their life on the principle of liberty and equality (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:299).

Due to the remote location of Orchid Island, conflicts with outsiders rarely emerged. Living on an isolated island, the Tao did not need to develop specific strategies for war but they do have basketwork fishing-helmets worn on special occasions and bamboo spears for self- defense against enemies and evil spirits (Del Re, 1951:21; Enn, 2012:155). A distinct disparity between the Tao and all the other indigenous groups of Taiwan is that the Tao never practiced headhunting.

In spite of their imposing armour and effective spears, life among the Yami is peaceful in both intra-village and inter-village affairs; the weapons and protective devices serving largely as ceremonial attire or for use against evil spirits and not against human enemies (Mabuchi, 1956:12).

The Japanese occupiers of Orchid Island established a rudimentary chieftainship for organizational affairs. Ogawa and Asai explain that “[the] Yamis had their chief for the first time, when October 7, 1916, for the convenience of administration and education, a chief and vice-chief were appointed to each of the seven villages by the authorities. The chief is chosen from among the able and popular villagers by the authorities […] the chief has no special right over the villagers. He [is in charge of] the village affairs, deals with other villages’ representatives, acts as adviser to the villagers or as arbitrator between quarreling villagers, and also has the duty to communicate governmental orders. He has no absolute right or duty” (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:299).

6.5 Ownership

Ownership is obtained through heritage and taking care of the elderly as described above in the section on the social and family system. Land can only be someone’s property when it is cultivated for agriculture. Nature itself is inhabited by the spirits and the supernatural powers

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

and cannot be possessed by human beings. Anthropologist Liu Pin-hsiung (1962:283; Benedek, 1991:29) describes the concept of ownership as being divided into four categories:

• the communal possessions of the village units and lineage groups, such as land and big boats • individual ownership of the fields, houses, small boats, and private possessions • the natural resources in the sea and the fields that belong to the Tao in common • the dry land and irrigation system that are administrated by the patrilinear groups

Ownership in Orchid Island is rather simple. When gathering fuel for cooking, for instance, a man (it is a male duty) walks into the forest and cuts down a tree with a hand-axe. The felled tree is left on the spot to dry and when it has done so it will be picked up by the man. To indicate ownership of the tree, there is usually some sign of possession left near the felled tree (Kano & Segawa, 1956:232). Land that is tilled and land on which houses are located belongs to the family. The gardens and fields are owned by families and individual persons, but can also be for common use by the village community. Kano and Segawa (1956:148) write about ownership: “according to Yami customary law the right to ownership of dry farm land is limited to the period of immediate tillage. Consequently a farm can be used freely by someone else after it has been abandoned by its previous cultivator.” A Tao elder explains how someone is defined as the owner of a piece of land:

When I guide the water from the deep mountain, everybody will know this land is mine, because I use much time to arrange it. Especially the taro, it is not easy to guide the water down and a long time ago we had no pipe. There are different kinds of taro and the water taro is like an insurance, it needs water and care. The dry taro is not enough. We plant some trees to define the border of the land, such as betel nut trees (Zhang, 2014*).

Kano and Segawa find that each village has its own land under its control. In these areas, the villagers have the right to harvest and cultivate the land. Outsiders are excluded from this right. The boundaries between the villages are traditionally defined. Even though offshore fishing grounds have been divided among the villages, only some are owned communally by two villages (Mabuchi, 1956:11-12). So land which is only covered by forest or is grassland it belongs to nobody. As soon as some action takes places on the land it becomes property. This kind of land management becomes an important issue to be dealt with when the government is aiming to initiate its urban planning projects in order to develop Orchid Island (see Chapter 24).

6.6 Subsistence Economy

The Tao have a maritime culture, meaning they have precisely adapted their lifestyle to the natural environment and the characteristics of their ecological setting, such as the ocean, the seasonal typhoons, and the hot season. Traditionally, the Tao lived in a subsistence economy

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

including agriculture and fishing. Before the Japanese, and later the Chinese, arrived on Orchid Island, there was no cash economy or money trade. Women gathered crops and vegetable from the fields daily, collecting as much as was required for immediate use; the same was true for catching fish and seafood from the ocean. Some families raised pigs and chickens. It is principally, the women who take care of the pigs that are kept in a stone-walled enclosure. Pigs are important for festivals, and therefore, a valuable good. In general, meat was seldom eaten by the Tao, and its consumption was always surpassed by that of fish. Traditionally, meat was only eaten on rare occasions, most linked to some ritual and feast. Goats live freely around the island on the rocks and the steamy hills, but they are sometimes also kept in enclosures. Although it seems that the goats live wildly, they do belong to families. Goat meat is not eaten often, only at festive events. Goat hair is used for manufacture of items such as ornaments. Chicken forms part of the diet of the Tao, however it is more significant in terms of its use for magical purposes (Kano & Segawa, 1956:166- 169). There are a lot of traditional rules and taboos related to nutrition and food, as I will elaborate in more detail later.

Agriculture

Agriculture is primarily women’s work. They are responsible for harvesting, weeding, and other work that is required on the fields. The men construct and arrange the fields. Agriculture consists of small gardens and wet fields with irrigation systems to plant taro, yams, and other root vegetables. The water is transported from the mountain through bamboo pipes, ditches, and canals to the fields and gardens.

Figure 11 Wet-taro field (Enn, 2013)

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 12 Harvested taro and sweet potato (Enn, 2012)

Taro, in particular wet-taro, is the most important vegetable for the islanders and has a spiritual significance. There are more than ten different types of taro on the island which can be planted and harvested all year round. As a root crop, it is very resistant to the harsh and windy climate of the island. The importance of wet-taro, and the esteem for it, is reflected by its role in ceremonies and spiritual life. Crops are also used in rituals such as the boat launching ceremony, which is for good luck and safety at sea. Millet is not so plentifully available that it has become a staple food for the Tao. However, it is indispensable for ceremonial occasions, as well as for use in medical treatments.

Taro is cultivated also in dry fields, but the Yami prefer the wet-grown varieties and consider them one of the most important crops: wet-taro is easily distinguishable from dry or land-taro by its flavor which is considered much superior (Kano & Segawa, 1956:141).

The construction of wet fields is difficult and a man’s task. Since wet-taro cultivation requires effort and a long growing period, other kinds of taro, and vegetables that require less labor and grow easily on slopes, such as sweet potatoes, yams, and other tuberous vegetables are cultivated. Sweet potato is the second most important vegetable after wet-taro. Sugar cane, ginger, a kind of melon, and other fruits such as banana, are native to the island and consumed by the locals. When the women return from their fields, the harvest is carried in a pack-basket using a head band to stabilize the weight. Farming tools are of different styles and include a digging stick, a knife, and a sickle. Some sticks are important in ceremonies and have carved ornaments in the wood. The traditional rule requires that women do most of the work in the field, but this has changed more and more with the influence of Christianity and transformations due to the impact of modernity.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 13 Taro field (Enn, 2014) Figure 14 Wet-taro field (Enn, 2013)

As among most other indigenous communities in Taiwan and southeast Asia, betel nut chewing is a common habit among the Tao. Therefore the cultivation of betel nut trees is important. The nut is split in two halves and, together with a piece of gaud vine and some lime juice, put in the mouth and chewed until the salvia turns red when it is spat out. Both women and men like to chew betel nut.

Fishing

Fish and seafood constitutes the non-vegetarian part of the Tao diet. Traditionally, the Tao practiced fishing with spears, harpoons, lines, and nets. Most fishing is carried out collectively. Tao men are expert divers and some are able to stay under water for several minutes. Harpoon fishing requires very good skills in terms of pace and precision. In addition, the knowledge of the different fish types is very important, because some fish may not be eaten, some can be eaten only by men, others only by elders, and others are exclusively for pregnant women because of taboos. Later in this chapter I will elaborate more in detail what this is all about, and why some fish are good and others are bad, possessed by anito, the spirits that keeps the islanders in suspense. There are two ways of catching fish with a net. Both methods are based on driving schools of fish into a U-shaped net that is fixed to the ocean bottom at an average depth of two to four meters for small nets, and six to eight meters in the case of large nets. Benedek, who lived almost two years with the Tao in the early 1980s, describes net fishing as follows (1991:19):

For large net fishing the divers are equipped with fish–driving instruments that consist of several ponytail-like bunches of the leaves of a tropical plant, which are

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

tied on a string. The strings are weighted at the end, and the diver knocks the ocean bottom with them to scare the fish. […] A diver group, which numbers between twenty-five and forty participants, approaches the open end of the U-shaped net in a formation resembling a half-circle. At the beginning of the drive, this half-circle may be as wide as three hundred meters. If the group succeeds in moving a school of fish into the center of the formation, it will drive the fish all the way into the net. […] While driving the fish as if they were cattle, the divers keep their eyes fixed on them at all times, and those divers who do not use snorkels lift their head out of the water only when they have to breathe.. Having an extraordinary lung capacity, some of the divers can keep their faces under water, when in a floating position on the surface, for three to four minutes. […] The two open ends of the net are quickly tied together and the whole net, with the trapped fish in it, is lifted slowly into the single boat that accompanies the diving group. […] Usually a good catch brings in five to six hundred fish.

The difference between large and small net fishing is that the small net fishing does not require a boat, the depth of the dive is less, the number of divers is smaller (usually four to eight people), and consequently the catch is smaller too. Due to the different depth of fishing spots, there is quite a diversity in the species of fish caught. A fisherman may know some hundred different kinds of fish with their name and their characteristics.

Another method of catching fish is torch fishing. A fire torch held by a fisherman on his boat attracts the attention of flying fish and it follows the light therefore becoming an easy catch for the fisherman.The Tao are in particular known for their exceptional flying fish culture. The most important season for fishing was, and still is, the flying fish season from February to June when the flying fish migrate northward on the Kuroshio Current in large numbers (Limond, 2002).

After men return from the sea, the fish are scaled and the catch is then shared among the divers. The women gut the fish and cut down the middle along the dorsal line. It is then strung and hung on a bamboo stick in the sun for a few days until it has dried. How it is cut and hung depends on the kind of fish and the in which it has been caught. A special delicacy is flying fish eggs. These are one of the favorite dainties of my Tao mother Ina. During the flying fish season, no other kind of fish should be caught in order to give them time to recover and breed. The aim is to catch enough fish for the whole winter. The Tao have developed a kind of fishing organization that consists of relatives and friends, but always men. Ogawa and Asai (1930:332) notice that the Tao’s fishing cooperation is unique among the various indigenous groups of Taiwan:

The fishing organization consists of six to ten people – relatives or friends. Each organization constructs a fishing boat with a crew of six to ten. Each boat has a skipper who [is in charge of] all the affairs concerning fishing. The fishing organization performs rituals of worshiping flying fish with the skipper serving as a priest. The ritual is performed separately by each fishing organization. Other tribes have no Fishing Organization.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 15 Dried flying fish (Enn, 2012)

The Batan islanders share the flying fish tradition with the Tao. Why the flying fish is so precious to the Tao will be explained later, however, it is sufficient to say here that the flying fish is related to myths and spirituality and therefore it holds an extraordinary position for the Tao. Fishing is, in general, a man’s duty; nevertheless the women prepare the flying fish for drying, they gather shells, crabs, seaweed, and small fish that can be caught in the water holes on the shore and in the corals. The fishing tradition is accompanied by a lot of taboos and spiritual rules.

Modernization and assimilation have not left the Tao unaffected. In the last 20 years, the traditional way of fishing from Tatala eg has almost vanished. It has been displaced by new fishing tools, modern equipment, and new technology, as well as with the adoption of a modern lifestyle and the growth of the tourism industry. In the 21st century, only rudiments of the subsistence economy remain, and the dependency on the harvests of root crops and fish belong to the past. However, agriculture and gardening is still important for the elderly. In my Tao family, Ina still goes to her taro and sweet potato field to work almost every day. Every day she eats the crops from her field with soup and fish. However, she also likes to eat Chinese food when one of her sons or her daughter-in-law cooks. For the younger generation, modern food, such as Chinese food, has entirely replaced the traditional diet. Local markets offer a variety of vegetables, meat, rice, and other items for daily consumption. Besides being food, the crops still have a significant spiritual role for the older people. Once, when I left the island, Ina gave me the most beautiful sweet potato she harvested that day. She cleaned it and was very proud that she could give me such a beautiful sweet potato, pinkish in color, symmetrical in shape, fresh, and healthy. She told me I should bring it back to Taiwan to cook and share with my friends.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

6.7 Material Culture

The material culture of the Tao includes boats, houses, tools, clothing, ornaments, crafts, weaving, and the construction of earthenware pots. Earthenware pots have disappeared and only a very few women still practice weaving. Therefore, the heritage of this traditional knowledge is in danger of extinction.

Clothing

Tao women and men both wear clothes made of plant fiber. The men wear only a small loincloth to cover their genitals. A sleeveless short jacket of woven banana fiber was worn for work by both sexes. Another type of jacket, worn only by men for working and visits, was made of rattan and some kind of grass or coconut-palm bark. The Tariri is a short sleeveless jacket made of some particular grass and woven in a cross-striped design, which was worn only by men on ceremonial occasions. There are several kinds of headgear which vary in material and design, depending on purpose and use (ceremonial, sun protection, fighting, etc.). Mostly of the headgear is made of wood or rattan.

Women wear a linen skirt from the age of five or six years and a piece of cloth to cover their breasts. However, pictures from as recently as the 1970s show women, especially elderly women, who were topless and wore only a skirt. With the arrival of the Japanese, cotton became readily available and it replaced the earlier raw materials for women’s clothes. When women work in the fields, they wear a Sakon, which is a sunhat made of wild taro or rowan leaves. It serves as protection from sun and rain. Women also wear other types of headgear for working in the fields and for ceremonial purposes that are made from coconut-palm bark, some kind of leaves, or carved wood. The female ceremonial dress consists of the skirt, the Ayub (a piece of cloth made of wild ramie and worn diagonally over one shoulder), and large breast ornaments and necklaces. Women wear also a comb to arrange their hair and as ornament. Combs can be made of wood, bamboo or even bone. Women are very proud of their long black hair; therefore they decorate it with jewelry. The wearing of jewelry has underlying taboos and rules; for instance, one method of arranging the hair is restricted to unmarried women. Women groom their hair with special oil made a tree seeds. Men cut their hair once a month; it is uniformly bobbed around the head (Kano & Segawa, 1956:99-131).

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 16 Tao girl in traditional festive clothes (Kano & Segawa, 1956:106)

Helmets, Knives, and War Costume

Silver helmets are unique pieces of headgear worn only at ceremonies or in warfare. For instance, if a child dies in the house, then the men of the family would wear such a helmet to scare the spirit anito away. The helmets are usually passed on from father to son. Today, these helmets are still worn in protests and when the Tao have some reason to demonstrate their anger. Swords, and other weapons such as daggers, are carried mostly as protection from evil spirits. The dagger is always worn when the men leave the house. The Tao men have a special kind of armored jacket that is made of magasagas fish skin or woven rattan. Spears vary in size and shape; they are of different materials and up to two meters long. Like daggers, spears serve as weapons for scaring away evil spirits. Generally speaking, the Tao are a rather peaceful people. However, conflicts can emerge within or between villages. Using someone’s land without permission, or complaints from individuals can lead to conflict and fights. However, in the first anthropological sources dealing with Orchid Island, warfare and serious conflicts are rarely reported.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 17 Tao man wearing silver helmet, Obai, and silver bracelets (Kano & Segawa, 1956:95) Figure 18 Tao man with hanging dagger and armor (Kano & Segawa, 1956:133)

Boat Building and Launching

Boat building is one of the most important parts of the Tao material culture heritage. It is still practiced nowadays, and boat launching ceremonies attract many tourists every year. The boats are simply constructed from planks. The small ones are called Tatala (up to 18 planks) and the bigger fishing boats are known as Chinurikuran (made of 24 planks) (Kano & Segawa, 1956:357). Usually they are three to seven meters long. Traditionally, although the Tao did not use any nails or spikes, the boats were very seaworthy. Boat building requires a lot of traditional knowledge about wood, appropriate seasons, and other technical details. It is connected to spirituality and is restricted by taboos and rules. Every man should build his own Tatala at least once in his life. The knowledge of how to do so is passed from father to son. In the case of my Tao family, the father passed away when the oldest son was a teenager. He did not get the chance to build a boat with his father. In such a situation, because of the high value placed on boat building, an uncle would take the father’s place. If a man never builds his own boat, he will never inherit one, neither is he able to teach this tradition to his own children.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

A boat is decorated with several ornaments, most of which have spiritual meanings that resemble the ones from other Pacific islands. The colors black, white, and red appear everywhere on the island. Mostly they are used in combination. The symbols on a boat or other decorated items illustrate human beings and eyes.

Figure 19 Boat building (Enn, 2013)

Figure 20 Tatala (photographer unknown)

Similar symbols and ornaments, such as the eye ‘mata,’ are found throughout the Pacific maritime cultures and indicate a common heritage.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

The boat inauguration is an important ceremony for the Tao that is celebrated with huge effort and elaborate diligence. The whole village gathers and celebrates at the festive dedication ceremony. Wet-taro and millet, as well as the slaughter of an animal (goat, chicken, or pig) play an inalienable role in the ritual. The boat is carried by the men to the shore. Before launching the boat, the men rush into the sea, jump in the water, churn and splash it in order to drive away evil spirits (Kano & Segawa, 1956:348). The spectacle of a boat launching ceremony is always accompanied by many visitors from other villages and, nowadays, by tourists. Taboos state that he boat must not be touched by women otherwise the catch will be poor.

Housing

The traditional Tao dwellings can be divided into three different styles that are very distinctive in shape, appearance, and purpose: the Tagakai, a pile-raised rest-platform; the Wagai or main dwelling; and the Makaran, a workshop. Every family owns a Wagai and Makaran. Most of the buildings have a terraced arrangement.

Figure 21 Ivarino village (Enn, 2008)

The Tagakai is built on stilts with a high straw roof and a few wooden planks around the elevated platform which is up to three meters above the ground. It is the place where people relax, meet to chat, and observe the ocean. Almost every family owns such a resting platform which is erected in front of the main dwelling (Kano & Segawa, 1956:70).

The main dwelling, the Wagai, is built in a trench, which is lined with stone slabs. The house is almost completely surrounded by stone walls so that only the roof pokes out of the ground. This construction suits the cold season and provides protection from the typhoons that periodically hit the island bringing heavy rain. The inside of the house is divided into three

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

rooms by planked walls. The dwellings and their architecture are a unique cultural heritage of the Tao tradition (Del Re, 1951:24).

A characteristic feature of the Yami dwelling, and one that is not found elsewhere in South East Asia, is that the vertical section of the interior is terraced from the first, or the upper room, down to the third (Kano & Segawa, 1956:38).

The main dwelling serves as sleeping and cooking area, as well as providing storage for personal belongings.

The Makaran is the workshop for men pursuing their duties, such as making baskets, fishing nets, and other articles. The house has two levels, the lower being an unfloored cellar which is below ground level and serves as a lumber room which is also used by women. The building has long sides, is relatively small, and its front and back can both be opened. In front of the house, two or more stones are erected. The Tao used them to lean on. Furthermore, they have a symbolic meaning. The two stones represent the man and the woman of the house. If one dies, one stone will be overturned. Pater Martinson saw these traditional dwellings in 1971 (2007:5):

We approached a village, which was divided into two sections. The first part was old and very beautiful. There were stilt houses topped with thatched roofs, and children dangled their legs freely from the wooden-planked floors. And there were houses almost buried from view – only their roofs peeking shyly above the ground. There were other dwellings, built of wood and rock, scattered mosaically on the slope. The green backdrop of mountains was highlighted by the walls of white stones and the armies of purple flowers marching up their sides. This was the old section of the village.

New houses are most often erected when a newly married couple moves out of the parents’ house in order to found their own family. Usually, when the oldest generation and the head of the family pass away, the children tear down the old building and replace it with a new one. If the material is still usable, it will be divided among the children, since collecting the building material requires an enormous amount of time and labor which demands the help of other villagers and family members. To construct the house, tools such as hand axes, chisels, and gouges are needed. A head-protector (Sansan) made of coconut bark or miscanthus leaves is worn when carrying heavy things around. The thatching of the houses consists of grass, straw, and rattan. As the preferred vuchid grass did not grow close to the villages, it was generally brought by boat from the distant grassland and dried on the sandy beaches (Kano & Segawa, 1956:53). The construction of a new house is traditionally carried out in July and must be completed in August. Evidentially the construction of a house is related to plenty of traditional rules, taboos, and rituals. When the main dwelling is completed, wet-taro is collected by the women and put on its roof, while the men catch pigs or goats for the feast. The taro symbolizes good fortune, productivity, and protection for its inhabitants. Early in the morning of the festival day, the men gather at the new house wearing their ceremonial dresses

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

and silver helmets in order drive the evil spirits’ powers away. Later on, when the feast starts, taro and meat are prepared be distributed among helpers and others who attend.

The Wagai is the area where a family has its private life and serves as its own microcosm of society, as Chen Yumei outlines: “a Yami [Tao] house is at the same time a microcosm of the living world and a representation of the spouse relationship […] the house represents not only the personal life-history of the owner but also a dichotomy and complementary male and female elements in the Yami culture” (Chiang, 2009:222-223). Besides, the three different houses that every family possesses, there is also a special birthing hut in which women give birth. This hut protects the newborn from malignant influences. In the fifth month of pregnancy the pregnant woman moves into the delivery hut. Two months before the baby is born, a long bamboo pole is erected outside the birth hut. A midwife helps giving birth and the umbilical cord is cut with a special bamboo knife. The afterbirth is buried under the main house. The bamboo pole serves as protection for the woman and guard against Anito when the mother leaves the house for the first time after birth. The birthing house is especially important following the recent death of an adult in the main dwelling. “It is feared that the lingering Anito may be harmful and the woman has to move into a small hut or the upper or lower part of the workhouse” (de Beauclair, 1954:112-113).

Those who cultivate millet, although it is rarely grown on Orchid Island, store the grain in granaries outside the main dwelling. The granaries are small huts build on four stilts, around one and a half meters above the ground, in order to protect the grain from animals such as rats (Kano & Segawa, 1956:68).

During the time of martial law however, the traditional houses were intentionally destroyed by the government and replaced by cement Taiwanese-style houses. Nowadays, due to tourism, the traditional houses have experienced a revival, particularly in Ivarino village. These dwellings are seldom used as accommodation, but serve as museums to illustrate the traditional lifestyle of the Tao. Nevertheless, there are some elderly people who still live in traditional houses.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Figure 22 Traditional house in Iratay (Enn, 2012)

In an interview, anthropologist Chiang Bian described his experiences of the housing tradition when doing field work in the early 1980s. At this time, during martial law, the development strategy of the KMT was already underway and the government were building the new Taiwanese-style houses in order to give the Tao ‘proper’ dwellings (i.e., modern housing), as the traditional dwellings were considered primitive and not adequate for the modern state Taiwan was supposed to be. Therefore, in the 1980s, both traditional and modern houses existed.

When the Tao have the choice, they use the new house for storage or as a guest house […]. And when the younger people in their 20s came – they have been to Taiwan and then come back – they prefer to stay in a modern house. It’s hard to call them modern, but [they are] concrete buildings (Chiang Bian, 2014).

The governmental housing policies are further elaborated in chapter 13.

Crafts and Tools

Several plants are used for crafts and tools. For instance, fishing nets are produced from several coarse plant fibers. Fishing net-making is a man’s task, whereas the women extract the fibers and process it to fine threads which are wound around a spindle. Clothes are then made with a hand loom. Kano and Segawa (1965:379) describe the Tao’s weaving skills:

The Yami weave surprisingly excellent fabrics which meet their needs quite adequately […] Simple white cloth is easily made, but figured cloth with an inwoven navy blue woof is difficult and requires a great amount of tedious labour to produce even a single span.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Rattan is another indispensable good for the Tao. It is used in many areas: for construction, in hunting and fishing tools, and for clothes, etc. Baskets, containers, and headgear are also made of rattan.

Figure 23 Rattan plants (Enn, 2012).

Silver and gold are highly prized among the Tao. Both reached Orchid Island from shipwrecks or from the Batan islanders in ancient times. Silver was used for helmet making, jewelry, weapons, and tools. With the Japanese, silver coins arrived on the island (Kano & Segawa, 1956:396). These were melted in an earthen crucible and further processed. When melting silver, the working place must properly be guarded with a fence and spears, because the evil spirit anito also like to possess silver.

The making of pottery from clay has disappeared entirely. Clay used to be collected from a clay mine in the forest. According to Kano and Segawa (1956:402) pottery making was only permitted in September and “the right of manufacture is reserved only for the men.” Water jars, cooking pots, and bowls, but also clay figures and toys, were produced. Natural fuel to fire the pottery was gathered in the form of logs from some special trees. Due to the sensitive and exact nature of the work of producing pottery, many spiritual rules had to be followed. The Tao are the only indigenous community that produced toys made of clay for children.

Wood carving is another characteristic of the Tao’s material culture. Tao men have proved to be very skilled and efficient wood carvers. The Tatala are often decorated with carved symbols.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

6.8 Spiritual Beliefs and Animism

The profound spiritual connection of indigenous peoples to their environment is reflected in many spheres of traditional life and customs. Traditional worldviews, such as animism, distinguish indigenous peoples from the mainstream population. Bron Taylor (2005:xii) describes the dynamic relations between human beings, their religions and spiritual beliefs, and the natural environment in his Encyclopedia of Religion and Nature:

In many indigenous societies, the elements or forces of nature are believed to be inspirited and in reciprocal moral relationships in which there are two-way ethical obligations between non-human and human beings. In the eighteenth century such perceptions were labeled, for the first time, nature religion and totemism (which postulated early religion as involving a felt sense of spiritual connection or kinship relationship between human and non-human beings). In the late nineteenth century the anthropologist E.B. Tylor [1871] coined the term animism as a trope for beliefs that the natural world is inspirited.

The Tao society was regulated by traditional laws in the form of social taboos held to be enforced by the evil spirit anito (Enn, 2012:167; Tang & Tang, 2009:4). An anito is the spirit of a dead person. When a person dies, his or her main soul flies to a place called White Island; the other bodily souls remain on Orchid Island and become anito – ghosts, evil spirits, or demons that try to cause harm to people. Thus the Tao used to live in a constant and uncontrollable fear of the dead (Benedek, 1991:34,85).

When a person dies, his main soul flies away to a different island, but evil spirits which can harm people remain. Thus strong taboos are related to the dead and especially funerals. The Yami, who respect these taboos, live in a constant, uncontrollable fear of the dead (Benedek, 1991:62).

Everything that is related to death, such as a graveyard, is strictly surrounded with precautions and taboos. Especially at funerals and in burial grounds, a lot of spiritual rules need to be respected. Even animals who reside near the graveyard, are considered to have evil powers. For instance, the birdwing butterfly likes to fly around the cemetery and is therefore is called pahapahad no Anito in the Tao language. Literally translated, this means “like ancestral spirits fly” (Hu, 2008:98). The Japanese anthropologists Kano and Segawa (1956:444) describe a burial:

No grave-marker is erected and once the body is deposited the place is never again revisited. A burial place is set aside above the seashore some distance away from the village in an untouched forest region. The Yami believe that when men die, they become evil spirits that inflict various ailments on mankind. Because of this, when they carry a corpse to the burial ground, they always go armed and after the body has been deposited, they drive away the Anito with their spears on the homeward journey.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Ogawa and Asai (1930:718) refer to the traditional rules and taboos related to death and funerals:

It is believed that when a man dies, his spirit will turn to be an evil one. So the dead shall be buried in the graveyard quickly. Those who undertake the burial shall wear helmets and armor, and carry spears. They perform the purification ceremony near the grave-yard, and clean themselves with water on the way home.

Still today, the graveyard is a place strictly avoided by the locals. The graves either remain unmarked or there is a stick put in the soil to demonstrate that there is already somebody buried in the spot. The names of the deceased will never be mentioned again in order not to awake their spirits.

In the Tao’s animism, anito the evil spirits that live in the deep forests of Orchid Island. Anthropologist Chi Chin-chieh describes anito as “the evil spirit-being that wanders in the mountains and in the forests. It is the source of all evil: death, sickness, accident, misfortune, and so on. It appears most often at night and in graveyards, and it tends to attack the weak, such as babies and pregnant women, especially when they are not protected” (Chi, 2001:144). If anito come into contact with the islanders they cause sudden illness and even death. Anito make good-hearted people turn bad, they may harm children, and even hurt their own relatives. Possession by anito is the islanders’ explanation for why people get sick or injured, or become mentally unstable. The Tao thus take great pains to keep Anito away. If somebody falls ill, the victim’s family moves him or her out of the house so that the Anito possessing him/her does not have a bad influence on other members of the household. Therefore, in the past, older people who fall ill were frequently moved out to die somewhere in the forest (Limond, 2002:11; Zhang, 2007*). A dagger is always carried by men outdoors as a means of exorcising evil spirits. The dagger is hung from the right shoulder to the underside of the left arm and serves also as an ornament (Kano & Segawa, 1956:133). The sole reason why the islanders carried around spears was to frighten anito away. Even in the fields and gardens, the Tao put a “magical device for scaring away and warding off evil spirits or Anito from a wet field” (Kano & Segawa, 1956:143). A young Tao woman told me that she does not have an indigenous name, only a Chinese one, because her mother was afraid of the evil powers of the anito and that they could take possession of the girl and cause harm. With a Chinese name, the mother thought the anito would have difficulty finding her daughter, and this is the motivation behind her decision. Bad spirits can do everything: they eat, they can build boats, they can walk on water, and they can fly.

The good spirits that left for White Island only come back to Orchid Island to pick up their donations from the Tao. Although they do not live on the island, they know and hear everything.

The Tao’s animism was an essential part of their everyday life, also dominating their daily actions and decisions in regard to their diet and food gathering because anito can also enter the bodies of animals and plants. For instance, the Tao would not eat eggs, their consumption

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

was considered to lead to becoming sterile (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:546). However, this rule vanished a long time ago and my Tao interview partners could not confirm this habit.

Besides the taboos related to locations, there are numerous restrictions involving food. Certain kinds of fish are taboo to men, others to women. Other taboos have to do with magic concept (de Beauclair, 1986:112).

The flying fish is the most important and precious fish for the Tao because anito cannot take possession of it. The fish jumps and can fly over the waves very fast and, therefore, it escapes the anito’s evil powers and remains pristine and clean for the Tao (Syaman Rapongan, Interview 2008). However, fishing itself required the following of a lot of traditional guidelines that were based on the Tao’s animism and local ecological knowledge (Tang & Tang, 2009:4). Ogawa and Asai (1930:496) outline some important taboos that are connected with fishing. These are:

1. during the fishing-time one shall not eat ginger, sea weed, mushrooms, eg., or the catch will be small 2. during the period of catching flying fish, no other kind of fish shall be caught and eaten, or one will get sick 3. during the fishing-time, women shall not come aboard the ship, or one’s life will be shortened 4. on the day when someone in the village dies, one shall not go fishing.

Food taboos have a crucial impact on the Tao’s nutrition. Some fish, for instance, may be eaten only by pregnant women, others are reserved exclusively for the elders; certain fish are for children, and men are allowed to eat most types of fish. There are a number of other fish and sea creatures which oblige traditional rules of consumption or avoidance to be followed. Eel for instance, is a kind of fish that the Tao will not eat because it is an ‘Anito fish.’ The sowing and harvesting of millet also requires rituals and taboos to be followed, as in many other indigenous communities. For instance, if one eats turtle, all millet crops will fail (Ogawa & Asai, 1930:519). The men pound the millet grain emotionally in a group ritual and “with every stroke a prayer is offered to the millet god to ensure a rich harvest in the following year” (ibid., 1956:15).

Nowadays the taboos have lost their significance; however they are not entirely forgotten. Eel is caught nowadays, even though it is an anito fish, because Taiwanese tourists like to eat it. In this case, the strictness of taboo has been loosened, but the Tao still will not eat it: it is only caught for the tourists’ consumption. Another taboo that has been abolished is that related to the consumption of alcohol. Traditionally, the Tao did not produce alcoholic drinks themselves. It was related to strict taboos, and it was forbidden to consume alcohol. When the Japanese colonists came to the island, they introduced alcohol to the locals. Benedek explains that “the Yami quickly developed an unusual gusto for the liquor that the newcomers brought along. At present [mid-1980s], while taboos concerning sugarcane and wine making are still

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

valid, the tribe is facing the severe problem of advanced, general, and chronic alcoholism” (Benedek, 1991:138).

Diviners and shamans used to play an important role when it came to exorcising anito and combating their harmful powers. They were able to diagnose a person’s problem, and heal them by removing them from the damaging influences of evil spirits. Anybody, in particular women, could be chosen to be a diviner and shaman; the person would just feel energy and healing power in her or his soul. The medicine woman/man or shaman would touch the painful part of the patient’s body and use tools, such as a sword, to exorcise Anito while chanting a spell (Kano & Segawa, 1956:442). Nowadays, the tradition of diviners and shamans has entirely disappeared with arrival of Christian beliefs. In ceremonial life, clothing and ornaments still occupy a special position. Ornaments and silver bracelets are worn by both men and women. Jewelry is made of glass beads, silver, wood, seeds, grass, berries, and sea shells, such as the nautilus shell. Women’s ornaments are very large and long, almost reaching the knees. Depending on the wealth of a family, beads are worn in large quantities. Ornaments are also worn on ankles and calves. Even today, Tao women like to wear long jewelry on Sundays and special occasions.

6.9 Festive Occasions, Ceremonial Life, and Rituals

Festive occasions are always a great pleasure for the Tao. Preparations are made with eager anticipation of enjoying the various delicacies that are served, like pork and goat meat, that are rarely eaten otherwise. “A highly prized dish is boiled millet which the Yami reserve for the most special occasions. On such days they also wear brand-new clothes made of wild hemp: the product of an immense amount of labour” (Kano & Segawa, 1956:430). For a festive occasion, men wear their Tahiri and the women long bracelets and breast ornaments. Festivals are held mostly in the spring and summer, during the flying fish season and when nature is at its most beautiful. Presents and gifts are always important when visiting others and participating in ceremonies such as boat launching. Boat launching ceremonies are very important. The men wear their festive costume, including the silver helmet. In order to exorcise evil spirit Anito, whom the Tao fear greatly, they parade around the newly-built boat with a furious face and fists clenched (Kano & Segawa, 1956:340). Weaving, for instance, also involves special taboos and rites which are difficult to reconstruct because traditional weaving has almost disappeared from the island. Actually, almost every daily action requires some kind of ritual and following of a spiritual rule. Some ceremonies, such as boat and house inauguration, are not restricted to a specific date; others are performed on fixed dates, like the opening of the flying fish season (Benedek, 1991:30). Fishing also requires many ceremonies and rituals to be performed and traditional rules and taboos to be stuck to. For instance, the period of night-time fishing for migratory fish, such as the flying fish, begins with the Mireiyon ceremony and ends with another ceremony. Ceremonies are important for successful fishing, bringing blessings and good luck (Hsü, 1982:5-7). Fishing for coral and

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

migratory fish, day-time and night-time fishing, all require ceremonies and compliance with taboos.

Dancing is common during festive occasions, but only unmarried and childless women dance. Men do not participate. Even though there are indeed some dance rituals performed by Tao male youngsters for the entertainment of tourists, they do not reflect tradition. There are different kinds of dances, like the Tomoto and Oidon dances. In the former, the girls bend forward until their hair is touching the ground. Kano and Segawa (1956:438) describe the Oidon dance.

The most unique of the Yami dances, the oidon, seems to be peculiar to the island of Botel Tobago. Up to ten women form a line with arms interlocked at the elbows and the feet stationary. With the hair let down and specially dressed for the occasion, they start singing and bending forward till the hair touches the ground in front. Remaining in this bent position the head is suddenly thrust back, with the knees flexing slightly in accommodation and the hair flung back into the wind. The backward and forward bending and thrusting is repeated until the participants are exhausted. Because of its fatiguing exercise, the dance is seldom performed.

Ceremonies and ritual have lost their importance with the increasing impacts of modernity. Traditional life and belief was affected by Christianity, the Japanese, and, later, by the Chinese/Taiwanese lifestyle. Nevertheless, some ceremonies still remain very important for the Tao, such as the boat launching ceremony and that at the beginning of the flying fish season.

6.10 Traditional Ecological Knowledge

In former times, before Orchid Island was affected by influences from outside, the Tao took all their goods – food, clothes, and everything they needed for life – from nature. Every feature of their culture and daily life was related to traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). Through the Tao’s oral history, information and understanding was passed from generation to generation resulting in the continuance of traditional knowledge. Spirituality and animism are strongly connected to the natural environment. Forest, flowers, rocks, mountains, and animals can be inhabited or even possessed by the celestial entities. Species may be ancestral embodiments and generate a bridge between the terrestrial world and that of the ancestors and spirits. Jackson Hu did essential work on ecological conservation and research into traditional ecological knowledge on Orchid Island. Referring to one of his field studies, he emphasizes that “ethnological ethnography recognizes indigenous genealogical institutions and mystical relation discourse, as it is being retold using the variety of scenes and species around landscape. The Yami cases […] illuminate how local actions provide a needed connection between ancestral spirits and the more recent emphasis of ecological knowledge containing emotional, moral, and economic meanings embedded within the local landscape” (Hu, 2008:48-49). He emphasizes that the Tao’s ecological knowledge has an intimate relationship

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

with natural objects. TEK plays also a crucial role in nutrition and healing. There are numerous medicinal herbs on Orchid Island, and many plants have magical properties (Kano & Segawa, 1956:441), an indication of belief in a spiritual world. TEK is a fundamental and strong characteristic of any indigenous community; it is part of their culture. As with the other traditional customs peculiar to the Tao, such as the boat building traditions, TEK is learnt from the ancestors and adapted to the natural environment. Berkes (1999:8) defines TEK as:

[…] a cumulative body of knowledge, practices, and beliefs, as evolved by adaptive processes and handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings with one another and with their environment.

An indicator of nature worship is attributing human characteristics to natural objects. Also rocks and other formations are identified by giving them names. Often these places have spiritual significance. An example is the sacred site Ji-Cavoawanan, where two rocks stand out of the water. The old names, however, have almost vanished as the government has renamed the sites to sound more attractive for tourists from Taiwan. Nowadays, the Ji- Cavoawanan is called Two Lions Rock. Jackson Hu (2008) elaborates the Tao’s TEK in an interview:

The Yami organize nature by their language, by their social institutions and relationships. Regarding fish naming: certainly all fish is nature, but put some social qualities into the fish. For example, some fish are shy, some fish are difficult to access, some fish are like human beings– they are cheating, they are smart. So this is very powerful, because they are making a metaphor and this metaphor refers tothe social society.

Berkes (1999) delivers a theory of TEK. Hu shares with him the opinion that TEK intertwines social organizations, traditional knowledge, and environment. Local tradition, management of natural resources, and ecological knowledge are analyzed by Berkes as occupying four interdependent levels.

Empirical Knowledge Institutional Knowledge Paradigmatic Berkes: Level 1 Berkes: Level 2 Berkes: Level 3 Knowledge Local Knowledge of Nature Territorial and Resource Social Berkes: Level 4 Management Systems Institutions Worldview

Figure 24 Scheme of analytical levels in TEK (Modification of Berkes, 1999:13)

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

The first level is defined as empirical knowledge acquired by practical experience. Berkes refers to it as “local knowledge of nature.” This is information gathered and passed through generations that has proven useful, or even essential, in certain situations in life. The second and third levels are the institutionalization of this knowledge. The gathered knowledge about ecology is embodied in in several areas of daily life; it is institutionalized in social behavior and customs. In this regard taboos are developed and enforced through traditional rules. Institutionalizing knowledge in resource management is reflected in human interactions and in the systematic use of a holistic social structure in a society.

We should not forget that management of natural resources is foremost a question about social relations, a means of regulating people’s access to these resources. We must therefore take a much broader approach and consider the socio-cultural dimensions (Kalland, 2000:324).

Environment and ecological knowledge therefore can be seen as pragmatic or scientific depending on the perspective of the beholder. Kalland (2000:326) defines paradigmatic knowledge as “the ways they [the people] interpret practical knowledge and construct coherent cosmologies” with this explanation:

A geologist might see a mountain as layered formations of minerals whereas a native (or indigenous resident) might regard it as a special place considered sacred, dangerous or in any other way infused with meaning that is derived from a local cosmology (or belief).

A Tao fisherman knows around 300 different types of fish by local names. The scientific biological classification, however, does not correspond with the knowledge of the Tao. They roughly classify all fish as edible and non-edible (Anito fish). Different species may be covered under one name, or the same species are given different names, depending on specific characteristics. Such a distinction, which is not based on science, is what Tsuchida (2009:85-86) calls folk taxonomy. Through experience, and by gathering further knowledge of nature, TEK is then institutionalized in resource management and embedded in social and cultural structures. Paradigmatic knowledge offers access to a broader context referring to Berkes’ level four: the worldview. In the Encyclopedia of Biodiversity (2001:109) he defines worldview as a “larger conceptual complex in which ethics are embedded. A. N. Whitehead called it the conceptual order, or one’s general way of conceiving the universe, which supplies the concepts by which one’s observations of nature are invariably interpreted. In general, worldviews limit and inspire human behavior, shape observations and perceptions.” Wilhelm (2005:25) notes in his study on TEK and Japanese fishing rites, that “religious traditions can surely have an indirect outcome, a qualitative impact on natural resource management” which is reflected in the anthropology and the different interconnected spheres of the Tao culture. “In some traditional societies, including many Amerindian groups, religion, worldview, and environmental ethics and practice are inseparable” (Berkes, 2001:110): a statement that is not only applicable to Amerindians, but also to the indigenous Tao on Orchid Island.

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

Land expropriations and arbitrary interventions on indigenous territories therefore have far- reaching consequences on the social, economic, and spiritual institutions of an indigenous community. With respect to environmental issues and anthropogenic intervention in nature, as well as climate change, indigenous peoples are recognized as being most vulnerable groups. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP, 2104a) points out:

[…] their [indigenous peoples] close relationship with the environment has made many indigenous peoples extremely vulnerable to changes and damages in the environment. Illegal logging, mining activities, pollution and climate change all pose increasing threats to indigenous livelihoods and their survival. UNEP recognizes the importance of Indigenous Peoples’ participation as well as the valuable inputs that these holders of traditional knowledge – gained through trans-generational experiences and observations - can contribute to environmental assessments and sustainable ecosystem management.

Indigenous identity is defined by cultural features. Culture and knowledge are adapted to the natural environment that is already inhabited by the ancestors. It is therefore to be worshiped and not exploited, since there is interdependence between people and their surroundings.

Summary

This part has presented the 16 indigenous groups of Taiwan. They all belong to the Austronesian language family. Experts assume that the dispersal of the 270 million Austronesian speakers in the Pacific and Indian Oceans began from Taiwan and that they therefore share common traditions and customs. In the process of Taiwan’s recognition of a multicultural society, indigenous peoples have become entitled to a number of special rights. The indigenous languages and culture have been extensively studied, particularly by Japanese researchers during the occupation.

The anthropology of the Tao has identified many cultural characteristics related to the natural environment of Orchid Island. Nature therefore has a significant status and importance for the Tao and their traditional daily life. In former times, the islanders were fully dependent on what nature gave them. Ecological knowledge was gained through practical experience and traditional knowledge learnt from the ancestors resulting in a nature-based livelihood which was sustainable and self-sufficient. Everything the Tao needed for survival was taken from nature and treated with worship and respect. The Tao’s sustainable use of natural resources can be illustrated by traditional rules. During the flying fish season, catching fish other than the flying fish is strictly forbidden and a taboo. Even though this rule is related to a spiritual understanding of the world, it also serves a purpose in resource management of ensuring sustainability: the fishing taboo allows the fish time to breed and nature time to recover. Without it, catching young fish would lead to a reduction of fish stocks and the depletion of fishing grounds, an issue I will address in a later chapter. The taboos and traditional

Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan, and the Tao of Orchid Island

knowledge developed, besides having spiritual significance, also have ecological value in ensuring sustainability.

History: Colonialism and Assimilation

PART THREE History: Colonialism and Assimilation

This part of the thesis provides an overview of historical events in Taiwan that affected the experience of its indigenous peoples. It is important to look at Taiwan’s colonial past, as a part of the Japanese Empire as well as the influence of the European colonial powers and the Chinese Qing Dynasty, in order to understand the contemporary history of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples.

During the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644), the Chinese had some knowledge of Taiwan and Orchid Island, however it was very vague. Taiwan was outside the imperial borders and therefore the people there were considered cultureless barbarians. The desire to incorporate Taiwan and its ‘wild people’ into the Middle Kingdom was therefore limited.

A “remote wilderness” beyond the seas, Taiwan was culturally and politically distanced from the center of Chinese civilization. For opponents of annexation, the images of barrenness and miasmas associated with Wilderness supported their contention that Taiwan was an undesirable acquisition (Teng 2004: 43).

The aspiration of ‘civilizing’ the native inhabitants of Taiwan came only later, during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). Japanese rule lasted from 1895 until the end of WWII in 1945. The Japanese era can be described as a harsh colonial period that was, on the one hand, defined by its strict assimilation politics, discrimination, and oppression of indigenous identity. On the other hand, the Japanese developed the country in terms of education, industrialization, and introduction of a health sector. The KMT under generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek dominated the political arena after 1947 and through the following periods under martial law. The regime ruled the country in an authoritarian way and did not respect Taiwan’s multicultural society which consisted of Han immigrants from the 16th/17th century, the Han Chinese KMT fellows, and the indigenous peoples. With the 2-28 Incident of 1947, the period of White Terror began. Structural discrimination during the White Terror was not aimed at the indigenous peoples in particular, but its purpose was to control the entire Taiwanese population through suppression and restriction of individual freedom.

The Tao on Orchid Island were not affected by external rulers until Japanese colonial times when anthropological studies and the establishment of a research center on Orchid Island contributed to cultural changes. Nevertheless, the Tao were not as discriminated against by introduced Japanization as the other indigenous groups in Taiwan. Missionaries came to Orchid Island in the mid-20th century and were quite successful in converting the locals from animism to Christianity. With the arrival of the KMT, a new political era began and the Tao suffered under the strict assimilation and development policies introduced on Orchid Island.

History: Colonialism and Assimilation

Chapter 7 The Portuguese and Dutch

Taiwan was for a long time a hidden place, being far beyond the borders of Europe and China. While there were some journeys of exploration to Taiwan, the interest in conquering it was minimal. In the times of European expeditions of discovery, in the early 16th century, the Portuguese began to explore the coast of China and the East Chinese Sea. Macao became a Portuguese settlement and an important international trading post. When sailors and adventurers were on their way to Japan, they suddenly discovered a place which was not on the map. According to history, the Portuguese were so fascinated by the beauty of the island that they shouted Ilha Formosa meaning beautiful island. Ilha Formosa appears in sources of the time as the name of Taiwan. Portugal did not set up a permanent settlement on Taiwan and so the Dutch were the first European colonial power to establish posts on the southwest and northern coasts of Taiwan. The Dutch tried to monopolize trade between Japan, China, and Jakarta (Batavia). The Dutch East India Company’s maintained a colonial presence on Taiwan from 1624 until 1661 (Blusse, 2009:139). The areas of Taoyuan and Tainan, as well as Kaoshiung, still bear many remnants of their Dutch heritage. Fort Zeelandia was built in the west, in a town nowadays called Anping. The aim of the Dutch occupation was to turn the island into an agricultural colony dominated by trade and commerce (Teng, 2004:81).

Figure 25 The island Formosa and the Pescadores, Johannes Vingboons ca.1640 Nationaal Archief, Den Haag (via Taiwan National Palace Museum, 2014)

The indigenous communities in the western plains had first contact with outsiders when the Dutch East India Company established their settlements. However, the Dutch did not follow a policy of colonization and conquest, but instead had economic interests. Attention was focused on land and trade in deer hides and rattan. One story is that the Dutch traded cow leather for a piece of indigenous land, which was then named Provinita. The Dutch focused on cultivating land for rice and sugarcane. Using the indigenous peoples for field work seems to have been difficult and was not of much interest to the Europeans. Consequently, male migrant laborers came to western Taiwan from China in order to work the fields. The Dutch

History: Colonialism and Assimilation

were the first to bring in large numbers of Chinese settlers for labor for the production of sugar, as colonial overlords could not easily convince enough aboriginal men to give up hunting and take up farming. The Ilha Formosa exhibition at the National Palace Museum (2014) describes the situation:

The aboriginal inhabitants of Taiwan were both physically and technologically incapable of meeting the demands of the capitalist system that the Dutch brought to the island. Instead, the Dutch turned to the Chinese. Large numbers of laborers were brought over from Fukien to set up farms on the plains of western Taiwan. Rice and sugar became the two primary agricultural exports of the VOC [Dutch East Indian Company]. Raw sugar was shipped to Japan, the Middle East, and Europe. Other important exports were the skins and meat of Taiwan's indigenous deer. The skins were shipped to Japan, while the meat was taken to China. Thus, Taiwan came to serve not only as a transshipment port, but also as an agricultural settlement.

Chapter 8 Koxinga

In 1661, the Chinese commander and Ming Dynasty loyalist, Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong) led troops to Taiwan with the idea of attacking and overthrowing the Dutch. An armed conflict between the two resulted. Koxinga took Fort Zeelandia and, after a battle of seven months, the Dutch East India Company was forced to withdraw from Ilha Formosa. Henceforward the destiny of Taiwan was to be in China’s hands. Koxinga tried to establish an independent kingdom in Taiwan and from there launch a resistance movement against the ruling Qing Dynasty on China’s mainland. Koxinga’s desire was to restore the Ming Dynasty from Taiwan. His entourage consisted of soldiers and whole battalions, as well as Chinese settlers who cultivated land in order to provide food for the soldiers. When Koxinga died, his son Cheng Ching succeeded him and continued to follow his father’s path and fight against the Qing Dynasty. However, with the rise of the Qing Empire, his plans were stymied and brought to an end. In 1683, Taiwan officially became a protectorate of the Qing Dynasty.

Chapter 9 Qing Dynasty

The Qing Dynasty made a conquest of Taiwan in the late 17th century after the defeat of Cheng Ching and the end of the Koxinga era. Exploration of Taiwan began: traveler and sailor Yu Yonghe, wrote in his travel diary in the winter 1697:

Taiwan lies far beyond the Eastern Ocean and has never, since the dawn of Creation, sent tribute to China. Now we have made Tainan the ninth prefecture of Fujian. By nature I am addicted to distant travel and I am fearless of obstacles and danger. Ever since Taiwan was put on the map, I have said that I would not be satisfied until I could see the place myself (Teng, 2004:1).

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The Qing Dynasty was interested in the incorporation of the island, but it was only one area subjugated in the expansion of the empire. The previous dynasty, the Ming, had had no intention of annexing Taiwan, due to their conception of China having natural geographic boundaries such as mountains, sea, river, and dessert. With this understanding, Taiwan lies far beyond the empire’s borders, as it is separated from the mainland by the Taiwan Strait (Teng, 2004:3). The Taiwan Strait was formerly called Black Trench. According to Teng, “[the] legacy of Qing imperialism for modern China has been profound: because the People’s Republic of China now claims sovereignty over virtually all the territory acquired by the last dynasty, the impact of Qing expansion continues to be felt by the people of Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan, and other former frontier regions” (Teng, 2004:6). The position of Taiwan shifted from a remote, isolated location, to a place within the Chinese Empire. In the eyes of the imperialists it meant the transformation from a savage wilderness into a civilized Chinese province. In 1684, Taiwan officially put on the map of the Qing Dynasty (Teng, 2004:44) and became a prefecture of Fujian province. The western plains and parts of northern Taiwan were under direct control of the Qing, the rest of the island remained untouched indigenous territory. Eastern Taiwan has long been regarded as ‘off the map’ as illustrated in Figure 26. It was only as late as the middle of the 19th century that a complete map of Taiwan was drawn. Taiwan achieved the official rank of a Chinese province in 1887 (Teng, 2004:235).

Figure 26 Carte chinoise de l’ile Formose d’après les travaux de Jesuites from C. Ibault-Huart, L’ile Formose – Histoire et Description (1893) (Teng, 2004:146)

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With the acquisition of Taiwan, structural migration from China began, in particular from the province of Fujian which is situated on the same latitude. The migrants were mainly Hakka and Holo speakers. They cultivated vast areas of land for commercial rice and sugarcane production. Taiwan became one of the most important producers of rice and sugar in southeast Asia. Thanks to Taiwan’s successful agricultural productivity and the increasing interest shown by China, it was considered less often as a wilderness, but came to be regarded more and more as a green farmland and a source of riches. A citation from 1720 illustrates the transformed perception of Taiwan:

The wilderness of monsters, the remote malarial land was turning into “a civilized place of clothes and caps, a rich and fertile paradise” (Lan, Dongzheng 1720, quoted in Teng, 2004:100).

The expansion of economic exploitation demanded an increase in the area of agricultural land. Therefore, land was appropriated and the indigenous peoples were pushed into the hinterlands. This provoked aggression, and the indigenous communities formed alliances to fight against their common enemy and invader. Rebellions are recorded in the 1770s and later in the 19th century. During the first period of migration from China, indigenous rights to land on the mountain slopes were acknowledged and respected. However, the new settlers quickly dominated the indigenous population and demanded more land. The indigenous had the choice of either becoming assimilated or relocating to remote areas in the mountains. Under Qing sovereignty, the indigenous peoples were labeled fan. Fan refers to people living outside the borders of the empire; foreigners and savages who are conceptually located on the edge of the world and therefore lack any culture or civilized customs (Teng, 2004:43). The indigenous peoples without a writing system, but with a “primitive style of living” were considered barbarians, wild, and cultureless. Economic interests, ideology, and Sinocentrism lead to the colonization of Taiwan. For the better control of the indigenous peoples, fan were considered to belong to one of two groups: the ‘living barbarians’ - the untamed shengfan – who, like wild animals, needed to be tamed – and the higher class of ‘ripped barbarians,’ the tamed shufan. Characteristics of those belonging to the shengfan were the practice of headhunting and nakedness (having bare feet or exposed female breasts). The shufan, or tamed, were those groups who had already had interaction with the Chinese and hence were considered less primitive. This administrative distinction indeed would seem to be for better control and later became the basis for tax status (Fauvre, 2009:110).

If we could open their lands and gather our subjects there, then the [savage] threat would subside of its own accord. In time, the raw savages would be transformed into cooked savages. And in more time, it would become a district of registered, taxpaying households (Lan, Dingyuan, quoted in Teng, 2004:122).

Indigenous communities classified as shufan had submitted to the Qing Dynasty, meaning they had submitted to “civilization” as a gazette from 1717 reported (Teng, 2004:125; Tsuchida, 2009:71). The categories ‘high-mountain people’ (gaoshanzhu) and ‘plains people’ (pingpuzhu) resulted from the division shengfan and shufan (Teng, 2004:122; Tsuchida, 2009:72). The raw shengfan was taken as being equivalent to high-mountain people,

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gaoshanzhu; and shufan as being equivalent to plains people, pingpuzhu. The first foreign emperors reached Taiwan through the western plains so the indigenous peoples living there had first and longest contact with them. As a consequence of being in greater contact with the Han Chinese, pingpuzhu, or plains people, were considered to be the more civilized class. In contrast, the mountain tribes were considered wild since their life in the mountains required a lot of ‘primitive’ skills, such as hunting and the wearing of animal skins, to survive. They were untouched by colonization and assimilation and remained cultureless in the eyes of the Chinese, being also remote and on the periphery in geographical terms. The shengfan were not under political control, either because they were considered too primitive or because their resistance to being colonized was too powerful. The Japanese regime adopted this two class system of shengfan and shufan for referring to high-mountain tribes and plains people respectively, during its occupation.

Figure 27 Cooked savages (shufan) of Taiwan, from Qing Imperial Tribute Illustrations (ca. 1751) (Teng, 2004: 172) Figure 28 Raw savages (shengfan) of Danshui, Taiwan, from Qing Imperial Tribute Illustrations (1751) (Teng, 2004:171)

In order to classify the indigenous peoples, the Han Chinese studied the customs of the natives. These ethnographies were important preparation for mapping indigenous territories. Paintings illustrate the habitats of the ethnic communities. Of special interest to the Qing conquerors were the high value of women, matrilineal inheritance, and sexual laxity as, in traditional Confucianism, men stand hierarchically above women. This gender inversion emphasized the otherness of the colonial subjects. Indigenous women became a subject of interest as, at first, only male settlers were allowed to migrate to Taiwan and they then faced a desire for sexual partners. Intermarriage between indigenous women and Han Chinese was common. Through the patrilineal Chinese kinship structure, the children inherited Han Chinese surnames. These inter-ethnic marriages were often forced and women experienced exploitation. Some scholars consider this treatment as the beginning of forced prostitution of indigenous women, which later became a business. According to Teng “[the] discourse of

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gender was thus central to Qing colonial representation of Taiwan’s ‘savagery’” (2004:173). The attractiveness of indigenous woman became a trope of sexual desire. This led to a kind of glorification, on the one hand, but to exploitation on the other. “The discourse of hypersexualization has also continued to be employed, with some very real consequences for indigenous women – namely, their commodification in the tourism and sex industries of Taiwan” (ibid. p. 193). This matter of fact was of importance in the discussion of the empowerment movements of women and indigenous peoples in the 1980s (see Part 5 hereinafter).

When Taiwan became a province of the Qing Empire, the ties between the island and the mainland were strengthened and Taiwan moved from the periphery to a position closer to the center of the empire. Chinese migrants settled down on the west-coast plains and continued Koxinga’s agricultural practices which were then intensified by the new settlers. The indigenous peoples either relocated or were assimilated. Measures to educate the plains indigenous peoples in order to make them more ‘Chinese’ and less ‘primitive’ were intensified. In the 18th century the Qing Dynasty started to act more aggressively against the indigenous populations. Their territories were not respected anymore and the whole of Taiwan was opened for Han Chinese settlement. This policy led to forced assimilation and Sinoization that ignored indigenous traditional customs and lifestyles. Step by step, the Qing Empire conquered the whole island of Taiwan. The Chinese set up trade and commercial routes into indigenous territories. Conflicts emerged and there were violent encounters. The Qing’s organization and management of the indigenous peoples became a legacy for the Japanese rulers. With the Treaty of Shimonoseki (1895), Taiwan’s time as a province of the Qing Empire ended.

Chapter 10 The Japanese Colonial Period

The Japanese ruled Taiwan from 1895 until 1945. Taiwan was taken over and incorporated into imperial Japan after their victory in the First Sino-Japanese War. The Treaty of Shimonoseki was the peace contract made with the Qing Dynasty in 1895. Besides other areas in China, Japan gained full sovereignty of Taiwan. Meiji Japan allowed the registered inhabitants of Taiwan a choice: either they could return to China within two years after the treaty’s ratification and remain people of the Qing Dynasty, or they could stay in Taiwan and become citizens of the Japanese Empire. Lamley (2007:208) estimated 6,400 people left Taiwan for China. For indigenous peoples, Japanese colonial policy was dominated by assimilation and Japanization and characterized by modernization and economic progress. Japanization was the policy that was to turn Taiwan, its people, industries, and resources into part of the Japanese Empire. Everybody got a Japanese name, had to learn Japanese and to follow Japanese customs and rules. Ito argues that the purpose of the policy of Japanization and assimilation was to allow better control over the indigenous peoples (Ito, 2004) and to expand the Japanese Empire. However, as Lamley points out, the Japanese treated the colonized people with humanity:

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Nonetheless, assimilation (dōka) remained a key issue in Taiwan under Japanese rule and was often a declared policy of the governor-general. In this colonial context, assimilation conveyed the idea that the naichijin [Japanese] were the bearers of a superior culture to be imparted to the hontōjin […] Yet there was an element of humanitarianism in all such ethno-centric dictates since assimilation, as a doctrine, was linked with the familiar admonition of “impartiality and equal favor” […] for all Japanese subjects, attributed to the Meiji emperor. Under this alleged mandate his majesty’s concern for his subjects not only seemed to promise equal treatment for the Taiwanese but was further construed to mean that, as assimilated subjects, they would share the benefits of “civilization and enlightenment” associated with modern progress in common with the naichijin (Lamley, 2007:204).

Beside Japan’s policy of integrating the Taiwanese into the Japanese Empire as a prefecture, it aimed to modernize and develop the country economically in order to incorporate Taiwan into Japan’s capitalistic system. The Japanese colonists started to intervene extensively in Taiwan’s environment aiming to expand infrastructure and to establish new economic sectors. Taiwan’s natural resources and their exploitation were of particular interest. Land was cultivated and irrigation systems built to invest in agriculture, in particular rice and sugar production (Lamley, 2007:210). The colonizers began to relocate the indigenous peoples from higher to lower regions for better control and to exploit natural resources. Infrastructure, such as railways, was improved in order to transport teak, camphor, and other goods from the mountainous areas to the factories and harbors. Harbor facilities were modernized, streets and highways, including the one nowadays known as the Danshui Line which runs from Taipei to the north coast, were built. Dams and water regulation systems for promoting agriculture were measures taken to develop new arable lands (Ito, 2004:76-78). Forest that was unoccupied and indigenous land became the government’s property. As the indigenous peoples lived in regions that contained natural resources of interest, they were highly affected by the undertakings of the colonial government (Simon, 2006). Communities were relocated from high ground to lower territories that were below 1,500 meters above sea level. The indigenous were to be confined to their new residential territories and the reserve land was supposed to be aboriginal land. Between 1903 and 1941, approximately half of the indigenous population was forcibly relocated to these new settlements (Ito, 2004:4). The people were not allowed to move freely as they had before when practicing slash-and-burn agriculture, nor were they integrated in the decisions made by the government that affected them. This relocation strategy was to allow the implementation of a tax system and politically motivated, as the Japanese wanted to have better control of the indigenous peoples. Hokō election districts were introduced. Taiwanese and ‘cultivated’ indigenous peoples were subordinate to the Hokō system and had to pay a certain amount of money to the Hokō which then had to submit this kind of tax to the colonial regime.

Only the Han Taiwanese (together with the Ami and other acculturated aborigine households) were required to be registered under the system; Japanese and foreign residents, along with the mountain tribes, were exempt […] in effect, the hokō system was highly discriminatory in nature” (Lamley, 1999:215).

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In the new settlements, indigenous children were sent to government schools in order to be educated, learning Japanese language and behavior. Kobayashi (2009:166) explains: “issues such as migration policy, which moved native peoples from their mountainous homes to the lower hills […] and the changing of indigenous names into Japanese […] were given special attention.” Due to the relocation some indigenous groups were in danger of losing the connection to the land of their ancestors and therefore to their spiritual worlds. In their colonies and controlled zones during WWII Japanese soldiers used local women as ‘comfort women’ i.e., sex slaves (Kobayashi, 2009:165). Indigenous peoples were in particular vulnerable to this sort of exploitation: it was easy to convince them to work in some industry in the city with good payment, only for them to end up instead in forced prostitution. Additionally, indigenous women, often girls, did not have enough resources or the ability to defend themselves against exploitation.

The control and arbitrariness of the colonizers provoked a strong desire for freedom and self- determination and this frustration often led to aggression and violent conflicts. The Wushe Incident (霧社事件) of 1930 was one such fierce rebellion against the Japanese colonizers initiated by the Sediq peoples. This event was made into a movie in 2011: the historical epic drama, The Warriors of the Rainbow: Sediq Bale. The Japanese rule of Taiwan can be divided into two eras: the time before and after 1930 and the Wushe Incident. In the earlier period, the indigenous people were exposed to a more authoritarian and discriminatory regime and subject to the relocation and assimilation procedures. In the second period the people were considered less savage and more effort was put into integrating them into the Japanese Empire. In wartime, the indigenous were mobilized for the military. Bunun warriors were sent to the battlefields of WWII in order to fight on the side of the Japanese against Australian and American forces in New Guinea. The men appeared very capable when it came to conflicts in the jungle, whereas Japanese soldiers proved to have not been trained enough. The indigenous peoples were considered as savages without any moral or ethical values, but the Japanese were prepared to misuse their headhunting skills and profit from their jungle warfare knowledge (Blundell, 2013*).

However, the Japanese colonial era is not always considered a time of individual or cultural restriction. Interviewees, in particular Han Chinese, recall this time positively in terms of the development of the economy, education, and medicine using high technology.

Taiwanese living in the security of cities and the larger towns, however, had begun to accommodate themselves to colonial rule and foreign or modern ways. In fact, a Western observer claimed (in 1909) that the urban dwellers were “fast becoming Japanned.” They rode bicycles, made use of modern innovations like the telephone and public post offices, and were starting to wear wooden getas [traditional Japanese shoes] (Lamley, 2007:218).

The Cairo Declaration of 1942, promulgated after the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War, demanded the complete restoration all territory lost. Taiwan became again a part of China. As a consequence of the civil war in China between the Communist and National Kuomintang

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Parties, and the defeat of the KMT under Chiang Kai-shek, Taiwan was once more invaded, this time by the entourage of the KMT military regime.

10.1 Japanese Anthropological Research

Early detailed knowledge of the indigenous culture and language is owed to extensive ethnographic research conducted during the Japanese colonial period. Policemen, ethnographers, and teachers were the people who had most contact with the indigenous peoples living in remote areas (Kobayashi, 2009:162). Some indigenous communities, like the Amis and those in the western plains, were already registered. There was an effort to classify and research the remote mountain tribes in order to bring them under better colonial control. The Japanese learnt indigenous languages and studied the oral history of the communities. This knowledge was used not only for ethnographic research and science, but also for the colonizer’s advantage when they leant about conflicts and disputes among different groups. The divide-and-rule strategy, which had been commonly applied by European imperial powers, helped the Japanese to develop enmity between groups and empower rivalries for their own benefit. Japanese rule also meant the incorporation of indigenous peoples into a modern state (Kobayashi, 2009:160). Indigenous children were educated in Japanese schools following a policy of Japanization. The aim was to turn them into ‘civilized’ people and make them part of the Japanese Empire. In this sense, interest in ethnographic research was overshadowed by a policy of assimilation and depriving indigenous peoples of their self-determination and freedom. In many indigenous mountain villages in Taiwan, there are still elderly people who remember some Japanese which they learnt a long time ago.

Noting language variations was the first step to imposing hegemonic policy of social and cultural change. The Japanese government had to learn enough about Austronesian languages in order to implement their policy of destruction of the traditional ways and imposing conformity to the Japanese way, forcing the acquisition of Japanese language. The remnants of this colonial policy are still evident today among the elders of Austronesian [sic.] cultures on Taiwan, as well as in contemporary cultural policy of Taiwan (Anderson, 2009:285).

Ino Kanori and Awano Den’nojo were the first anthropologists to publish reports on Taiwan’s indigenous peoples. A first introduction to the Austronesian speakers was published in 1900. One of the major tasks of these researchers was to establish a scientific classification of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples. Besides categorization, the studies aimed to illustrate the indigenous geographical distribution, oral history, and give an overview of cultural customs and social systems. In 1909, the Bureau of Aborigines was established. Under its supervision further research on livelihood, ways of production, property relations, customary law, social organization, and religion was conducted (Chiang, 2009:203). After the foundation of the Taihoku Imperial University in Taipei in 1928 (the predecessor of National Taiwan University, the most prestigious university in Taiwan today), ethnographic data collection

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was at its peak in the early 1930s. From then on systematic research projects on Taiwan, with a special focus on Austronesian studies, were carried out (Shimizu, 2009:187).

In addition to all-inclusive descriptive ethnographies, the Japanese scholarship of this period should also be credited with having identified the focal features of the social system in each of the ethnic groups. These features include: the ritual unit […] of the Atayal, the patrilineal descent group of the Bunun and the Tsou, the hierarchical social system of the Paiwan and the Rukai, the age-grading system of the Puyuma and the Amis and their matrilineal descent groups, and the fishing corporation of the Yami (Tao). They virtually dominated the attention of all the major social anthropological studies of Taiwan aborigines for the following three decades (Chiang, 2009:207).

Ogawa and Asai published their comprehensive work, The ‘Tradition and Myths of the Taiwan Aborigines’, in 1930. All nine indigenous tribes were investigated in terms of mythology and traditions, such as political and social organization, family system, taboos, spirituality, and para-science. Nevertheless, anthropological research does not pass without leaving its marks on the indigenous community. Being studied, exploited, and treated as being of less value certainly evokes feelings of mistrust and antagonism. Even nowadays, mistrust against authority is still widespread among indigenous communities.

10.2 The Japanese on Orchid Island

Taiwan and its indigenous population were long considered the home of barbarians and, due to its peripheral location, colonial powers showed little interest in conquering it. Colonial rulers such as the Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, Koxinga, and the Ming and Qing Dynasties showed no particular interest in Orchid Island. Therefore, the island remained without any great external influence on traditional Tao culture (de Beauclair, 1986:107; Teng 2004:67) for many centuries. This changed with Japanese colonial rule, as Orchid Island was turned into an anthropological laboratory. During the period of Japanese occupation, nobody was allowed to enter Orchid Island except for a few anthropologists. The Japanese claimed the Tao homeland in the name of ethnological research, thus rendering the island a kind of living museum (Del Re, 1951:15; Limond, 2002:6).

When the Japanese established their authority over Formosa in 1895, Botel Tobago [Orchid Island] became exposed to Japanese influence. However, the Japanese protected the inhabitants against exploitation and forced modernization, and also did not permit any missionary activities (de Beauclair, 1986:107).

Tori’i Ryozo was the first Japanese to carry out anthropological research on Orchid Island. His studies concerned language, material culture, archaeology, and physical anthropology. Tadao Kano and Kokichi Segawa did further significant work on Orchid Island. In 1956, they published ‘An Illustrated Ethnography of the Formosan Aborigines: The Yami Tribe’. The introduction explains:

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[…] the Yami rather curiously have remained quite isolated from various streams to Oriental to Occidental civilization which have affected most of the neighboring islands. Both linguistically and culturally, the Yami are more akin to the Batanese of the northernmost Philippines than to the aborigines of Formosa proper. But, in contrast to the Batanese who were acculturated to a great extent under Spanish dominance over a period of several centuries, the Yami who were also under foreign yoke somehow retained their own culture without significant influences from alien sources. Under the Ching dynasty [Qing Dynasty] domination, the people were left to themselves, and under Japanese control during the ensuing half century, they were protected against commercial and industrial exploitation and free from the effects of religious propaganda (Mabuchi in Keno & Segawa, 1956:1).

Edmund Leach (1937) commented the Japanese colonial policy on Orchid Island as follows:

Today the island is the scene of a highly interesting educational experiment, which constitutes a serious attempt to make the Yami a test case of applied ethnology. Faced with the fact that continuous and increasing contact with the outer world must inevitably bring about vast changes in the stable structure of the Yami society, the administration is doing its utmost to ensure that such a change comes about gradually and in such a way to as develop rather than destroy the existing native institutions. To this end, unlike the majority of colonial administration, it not only seeks but also acts upon the advice of anthropologists. In the external field the two most usual disrupters of native society, the trader and the missionary, have both been impartially excluded. Missionary activity is ruled out altogether, while trade, strictly limited both in kind and in extent, is reserved as a “monopoly for the police” (cited in Limond, 2002:7).

Even though the Japanese wanted the Tao to preserve their culture and traditional way of life, the Tao were certainly exposed to Japanese behaviors, such as the consumption of alcohol. Traditionally, and unlike all the other indigenous groups in Taiwan, the Tao never produced alcoholic drinks. Consequently, the word for alcohol was sake, evidently taken from the Japanese. In respect of both drinking habits and terminology, the Japanese colonial era left its mark on the everyday lives of the Tao. Even though the Tao were not exposed to Japanization and assimilation, some were voluntarily willing to learn the Japanese language. When the Japanese arrived on Orchid Island, the Tao had no currency. Trade was conducted with glass beads or other items, but not with money. The Japanese slowly introduced a currency and the locals began to relish getting things from the Japanese market which was established to supply the Japanese workers on the island. As the Tao did not produce anything that could be traded, and their gold and silver supply was minimal, a currency of small clay and wooden sculptures was created to trade with the Japanese. Decades later, Inez de Beauclair wrote in her field notes of 1957 about the establishment of a local store by the KMT regime. She outlines that through this store the Yami, “especially the younger generation, have begun to grasp the function of money commerce. As the store keeper told the writer, the Yami at first dealt with him exclusively on a barter basis and only gradually accepted and used money” (de Beauclair, 1957:104). Cigarettes and fishing gear were especially attractive items for the

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islanders to buy at the store. The idea of wealth and capitalism brought a major change for such an egalitarian society.

Still adhering mainly to the traditional barter system in intra-tribal economics, the Yami have nevertheless begun to use imported money as money, whereas formerly they were concerned only with the silver which they could obtain from coins, the silver being used for helmets which are highly valued treasures (Mabuchi, 1956:18).

The Japanese colonial period was experienced differently by the Tao than by the other indigenous groups on Taiwan. They did not have to face forced relocation, strict assimilation policies, and land expropriation like the communities in the mountains. Rather, the Japanese were interested in the Tao’s anthropological value. Nevertheless, the presence of the Japanese and their studies did have an impact on the habits and customs of the Tao, such as the implementation of trade with money.

Chapter 11 Missionaries

Missionary work in Taiwan began in the mid-19th century. Ever since, the Presbyterian Church Taiwan (PCT) has been the strongest and most successful Christian institution and has immense influence on the indigenous peoples. There are two branches of the PCT, the Canadian and English one. In the beginning of the churches’ missionary activity, the focus was on the immigrants from China in northern and western Taiwan. Establishing contact with the mountain indigenous peoples was not of too much interest to the missionaries, because of their remote habitat and fear of practices like headhunting (Rudolph, 2003:171). Furthermore, the language barrier was, at first, an insurmountable obstacle. After the missionaries learnt Chinese with immense effort, their language skills turned out to be useless when it came to indigenous peoples. Therefore, the missionaries were forced to learn the local indigenous languages to be able to communicate with the natives. As the indigenous communities had no written language, it is due to the missionaries that these languages were romanized and recorded.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the churches put effort into building hospitals and schools for the indigenous peoples. Bien (2009:226) explains that “the Japanese […] prohibited the practice of traditional healing rites, which prepared the ground for the acceptance of Western medical service provided by Christian missionaries.” According to Rudolph (2003), graduates of Christian schools often achieved high social positions. A high proportion of Taiwan’s elite was committed Christians. Lee Tenghui, who won presidential elections in 1996, is also a member of the PCT (ibid.). The PCT came to Taiwan before the Japanese arrived and when the new imperialists encountered it, the relationship was quite good. The church welcomed the Japanese, as the country had been weakened by the Qing Dynasty’s corruption and economic mismanagement. The Japanese put effort into modernizing the country and strengthening its economy. Rudolph describes the contact

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between the Church and the Japanese as harmonious. However, when the Second Sino- Japanese War started in the 1930s, the relationship began to deteriorate immediately. Members of the PCT were persecuted and arbitrarily arrested. Missionary work among the indigenous peoples was banned. Nevertheless, Cristian texts were read and discussion held in underground. Lin Luzhen (1992:132, taken from Rudolph, 2003) argues that the Christian churches appealed to the indigenous peoples because their own spiritual and religious beliefs had been effectively destroyed by the Japanese. Therefore, they were longing for spirituality and support in times of suppression. These made them susceptible to becoming members of the church and to adopting the Christian faith. When, later, the KMT arrived in Taiwan, relations between the newcomers and the PCT were quite liberal. After the 2-28 Incident of 1947, however, the church refrained from being associated with the political regime that was about to introduce a military dictatorship. Anyway, the churches had a crucial impact on the traditional practices of the indigenous peoples, in particular those regarding their spiritual world – one inhabited by ghosts and animistic entities. Practicing traditional healing and shamanism were prohibited. Bien (2009:224) emphasizes:

The impact on traditional life styles of Taiwan aborigines that conversion to Christianity has brought upon Taiwan aborigines, especially in terms of the fast decline of traditional rituals and shamanism, is so apparent that most post-war researchers acknowledge its significance.

As addressed in a later chapter on social movements, the PCT strongly supported the empowerment movement of the indigenous peoples.

11.1 Missionary work on Orchid Island

Except for the Japanese, the only foreigners who had an influence on Orchid Island were missionaries from Presbyterian and Catholic churches. In the 1950s, after the Japanese colonial period, the first missionaries were sent to Orchid Island to teach the indigenous about Christianity. One of the Catholic representatives was Alfred Giger, a Swiss priest from the Bethlehem Missionary Immensee who arrived on Orchid Island in 1954. His successor – my interview partner, Pater Gassner – continued missionary work on the island. He emphasizes that the first Bethlehem Missionaries were successful in missioning to the locals in Catholic terms (Gassner, 2008*). Inez de Beauclair writes in her field notes of 1957 (102- 103):

While under the Japanese Government the Yami were kept free from mission influences, Protestant and Catholic missionaries have by now started work on the island. Simple churches have been built in the villages and workers among the Yami have been trained to hold services during the frequent absence of the foreign missionaries. […] Up to now the Yami’s religion seems not to have been affected to a high degree by Christianity.

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With the increased impact of missionary work, the Tao’s social structures were transformed. Traditional values and norms began to lose their importance. Christian missionaries were successful in converting the Tao from believers in animism to Christianity. However, the new beliefs did not replace the Tao’s cosmic world view entirely but, as a Tao who was once a Presbyterian pastor explained, a symbiosis between the two was formed. Presbyterian Pastor Zhang says in an interview that the Tao adopted the new beliefs in conjunction with their own animism:

Christianity changed some negative conceptions in our traditional beliefs. For instance, when we got sick it was always because of anito, the bad spirits. If anito takes possession of you, you will get sick and sometimes you die. If a person gets sick we need to take them to the forest and leave them alone, because anito will otherwise also affect the healthy person. This superstition disappeared. Today we know that when a person is sick we can heal them and it is not anito’s fault. The church taught us this. Nowadays people don’t need to die alone in the forest anymore (Zhang, 2007*).

Figure 29 Church in Imorud village (Enn, 2013)

Inez de Beauclair emphasizes that the Tao “consider the magic power of the new religion well worth giving a try. They apply religious pictures and the Bible as means to chase away evil spirits in case of sickness, [and] adorn themselves and their children with rosaries and medals, side by side with their own charms such as strings and tufts of goat’s hair” (de Beauclair, 1957:103).

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Figure 30 Church in Yayo village (Enn, 2007)

Limond published two articles on the Tao’s history in 2002. He interviewed the same pastor I referred to above in Iranmeylek village. His summary illustrates the information he obtained from Pastor Zhang:

For a long-term survival, however, the most effective tactic that Christianity usually employs is that of synthesis with local belief. Lanyu is no exception: a synthesis of Christianity and local beliefs was affected by using a system that used ‘Christian values’ to classify each local tradition as either a ‘tolerable’ or ‘bad superstition’. Any undesirable practices are eliminated. […] According to Pastor Zhang Haiyu, in the past the Yami had various superstitions: they would not eat eels or snakes because they thought these animals were spirit (anito); neither would they eat any eggs […] Although some superstitions have remained until now, nevertheless one can say that these are superstitions that accord more with human nature; perhaps these can be called ‘Yami culture’ (Limond, 2002:10-11).

The symbiosis of traditional animism and modern Christian belief can be demonstrated in several examples. Besides the easing of food taboos, another practice that has vanished is the habit of killing one of a pair of twins at birth. In former times, when a woman gave birth to twins, one of the newborns would have been killed. This kind of infanticide does not exist anymore, however, if a mother has a multiple birth, one twin now lives with other relatives as it cannot grow up together with its sibling. Nowadays, in all the six villages of Orchid Island a Presbyterian church has been established. Furthermore, the Catholic, True Jesus and Pentecostal churches have established congregations in three villages. Nevertheless, the PCT remains the strongest Christian influence on the island. Nowadays, the services are held in Chinese and the Tao language, particularly for the benefit of elderly people who still speak the local tongue attend Mass and services. Missionary Barry Martinson, who worked on Orchid Island in 1972, wrote a book, ‘Songs of Orchid Island’, about his experiences.

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Chapter 12 The Kuomintang

After the Japanese colonial period, and the victory of Mao Zedong in China, Taiwan faced a new era of political transformation. With the adoption of the Cairo Declaration of 1943 the Allied powers demanded the complete restoration of all Chinese territories which had been lost to Japan after the First Sino-Japanese War. Consequently, all people in these regions became directly involved in Chinese politics (Lamley, 1999:245). After the end of the civil war between the national and the communist parties in mainland China, generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and his nationalist party, the KMT, were forced to flee to Taiwan. Chiang moved the state institutions of the Republic of China to Taiwan and Mao Zedong proclaimed the People’s Republic on the mainland in 1949 (Dumbaugh, 2009:5). The KMT thus replaced the Japanese colonial government.

In the beginning, the KMT considered Taiwan simply as a temporary base for Chinese sovereignty from which they would gather strength and plan the eventual invasion and recapture of the Chinese mainland. According to Yeh (2002), the first three years (1945-1948) of KMT rule were characterized by decolonization and rehabilitation. Taiwan was transformed from a Japanese colony to a Chinese territory. Although the newcomers shared a common ethnic origin with the majority of the Taiwanese population, the Han Chinese migrants who came to Taiwan in the 17th century during the Qing Dynasty and before, residents were suspicious of the new immigrants. Although constituting only a minority of the population, Chiang Kai-shek and his KMT entourage (waishengren – born outside (Taiwan)) controlled politics and thus became the ruling elite of the entire country. This was achieved and maintained through tight control of the monolithic one-party system, military enforcement of law, the educational system, and the media. The newcomers were celebrated as liberators at first, but this attitude changed immediately following the 2-28 Incident. The joy soon turned into sorrow and anger when the new authorities made clear they would be repressive and would eliminate all kinds of dissent.

The 2-28 Incident (二二八事件) took place on February 28, 1947. The sale of tobacco was monopolized by the KMT and, on this day, the police brutally hit a woman in public when she refused to be arrested for selling cigarettes illegally. A crowed gathered complaining about the arbitrary practices and political aggression of the KMT. In the following days, there were protests and riots which the military and police violently suppressed. Thousands of people were killed, arrested, and tortured. Yeh (2002:49) describes it as a cultural clash that led to a “tragic political massacre […], during which the Chinese police arrested, tortured, and murdered Taiwanese elite. Such unrest and mutual distrust characterized the early years of nationalist control.” Bedford and Hwang claim that “the KMT recolonized, and not decolonized Taiwan” (Bedford & Hwang, 2006:85). The people were frightened and suppressed by the imposition of a harsh martial law that legitimated Chiang Kai-shek’s authority in a country controlled by the military and arbitrariness. The new regime restricted individual freedoms, denied basic civil and political rights, and implemented assimilation policies with the intention of building a homogeneous society (Pu, 2003:142). The period from the 2-28 Incident of 1947 to 1987 became known the history of Taiwan as the White

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Terror. All inhabitants of Taiwan were forced to adhere to the authoritarian rule of Chiang’s administration. The opposition, and people suspected of having a dissenting opinion, ran the risk of persecution. The KMT government pursued the aim of assimilating the indigenous peoples, but also the Hakka and Hoklo populations, into the dominant Han society.

I am Hakka, but when I was a child it was forbidden to speak Hakka. We just could speak Chinese. In the past time we had a very long period of repression. You were not allowed to speak the local language, this was under martial law (Jenny, 2008*).

Policies under KMT rule were characterized by assimilation and Sinoization. As before, when under the Japanese the people had to learn Japanese, they now were forced to speak nothing but Chinese. Fauvre (2009:109) describes this as the indigenous peoples in the mountains being converted twice, “the first time to become Japanese and the second time to become Chinese.” This was not only the case with indigenous peoples living in the mountains, but also with the Tao on Orchid Island and the plains indigenous communities. Adopted Japanese habits were prohibited and people punished. Indigenous peoples faced a new era of discrimination and denial of their identity and the fundamental human rights that were by then universally recognized and listed in the UDHR. Equality before law, for instance, did not exist (Chi 2008*, Syaman Rapongan 2008*, Guo 2008*, Zhang 2007*). The Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek was still a member of the international community when it introduced forced assimilation policies.

Chiang introduced martial law and practically there were no human rights […] everything was under the control of the state. If a person criticized the KMT he went to prison. Everything was under censorship. There was no political freedom of opinion or speech, just in business affairs was one free to act (Tzou, 2008*).

In 1951 assimilation efforts were enhanced by implementing “actions to improve the living standard”. The indigenous peoples were required to stop traditional clothes, avoid traditional eating habits, and give up traditional healing and spiritual practices. Indigenous names were replaced by Chinese ones and use of the local languages was forbidden in public. A decade later, companies received permission to lease and use land in the mountains. This integration in economic undertakings was obviously disadvantageous for the indigenous peoples because of the loss of their land; land which had once guaranteed a self-sufficient economy (Rudolph, 2003:81). Assimilation practices affected education in particular. Children were taught in Mandarin Chinese, the students learnt that the only history that mattered was Chinese history, which began with the Yellow Emperor Huang Di, the first emperor of China and cosmic ruler of the Middle Kingdom. In every classroom a portrait of Chiang Kai-shek decorated the wall.

They [indigenous people] were forced into assimilation. The KMT said that we were all kids of Huang Di, also shown in the close relation to Beijing. The KMT claimed that indigenous people are Chinese. Once I went to a small village on a slope of a mountain. There was a school, and all over were pictures of Chiang Kai-shek. This was in the mid-[19]60s, big pictures with the letters ‘we are all Chinese’ in an indigenous primary school. Indigenousness had no room at all (Arrigo, 2008*).

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During Taiwan’s military dictatorship, the exploitation of natural resources was intensified and monoculture expanded. Economic interests and rapid industrialization led to deforestation, environmental pollution, and, consequently, to changes in the environment. The relocation of indigenous peoples was a policy inherited from the Japanese and continued by the new regime. In the mountainous traditional indigenous land, the government invested in the construction of reservoirs which led to relocation of indigenous villages. Taiwan has an irregular supply of water because of its geography and climate and, therefore, the reservoirs compensate for the variation in rainfall over the year. The Ximen dam and reservoir in northern Taiwan flooded traditional indigenous Atayal land. The set-up of science and technology parks, in particular the high number of cement production sites, on indigenous Amis land on Taiwan’s east coast led to their relocation. This displacement has influenced their traditional practices as they had to leave the land of their ancestors. The losses resulting from forced migration cannot be compensated for by financial payments (Enn, 2012:175). Moreover, as the economic situation worsen due to the loss of farmland, hunting grounds, and job opportunities, as well as poor education and health services, the locals consider migrating to urban areas in the hope of economic improvement. Nevertheless, relocation can also have positive impacts on indigenous peoples in terms of improvement in living standards due to things such as better access to urban areas and social infrastructure, including health care and education.

12.1 The KMT’s Governance of Orchid Island under Martial Law

The strict assimilation policy of the KMT regime during the time of martial law was also imposed on Orchid Island. As the indigenous population of Taiwan generally used to live in remote areas (Teng, 2004:132) and away from the political center, the influence of martial law on the indigenous peoples in a political sense was not as strong as on the majority population. Nevertheless, it had a crucial impact on the traditional life of the Tao due to the forced assimilation policies (Chi, 2008*; S, 2014*). The KMT government wanted to homogenize all of Taiwanese society, regardless of people’s ethnicity or origin (Bedford & Hwang, 2006:85). The geographical isolation of Orchid Island could not protect the Tao from Sinoization and assimilation. Sinoization means to build up a homogenous Sino-centric society without respect to any cultural or ethnical differences (Mao, 2008:589). The use of the Tao tongue, or indeed any indigenous tongue, was forbidden and it was replaced by Mandarin Chinese. In public and in school, under the eyes of the authorities, the language spoken was Chinese without exception. Every Tao person and every indigenous person throughout the country was given a Chinese name. Myths and tales of tribal ancestors were banned. Anthropologist Chi Chun-chieh explains in an interview:

The Han dominate the indigenous people. The Han try to convert them, try to change them and try to change their “bad habits” and “bad culture,” and try to change them into Han Chinese. It’s assimilation, a straight assimilation policy. It’s written, a famous phrase: make mountain people lowland-like. That means mountain people are indigenous people, and the Han live usually in lowland areas. To talk about

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mountain people is politically not correct. The KMT wants to organize them and to civilize them (Chi, 2008*).

Nevertheless, when the Tao were by themselves and out of sight of the Han Chinese the people ignored the strict rules set by the government. Tao author, Syaman Rampongan emphasized that the impacts of the Sinoization policy were enormous. His students did not know or had forgotten about their origin and traditional culture that made them so unique. He described his experiences as a teacher on Orchid Island during the time of martial law:

I taught in primary school. I used 20 minutes to teach in Chinese and I used 30 minutes to talk about our story, our legend. My children would have forgotten everything about our history, because they should have been learning Chinese history, but they still remember our story, because I told them our Tao history, our traditional knowledge (Syaman Rampongan 2008*).

While conducting field research on Orchid Island, I noticed that a lot individual efforts were made to preserve the Tao’s traditions. These personal efforts certainly contributed to the maintenance of the local language and the continuing memory of oral histories.

Summary

The colonization of the Tao people was relatively late in comparison with the other indigenous communities of Taiwan. European empires, such as the Portuguese and the Dutch, had no interest at all in conquering Orchid Island, although the Dutch East India Company set up trade stations on Taiwan’s north and west coasts. The indigenous peoples living there were the first to have contact with the Europeans. They began to trade goods, such as deerskin, with the foreigners and some started to work in agriculture. These indigenous communities, later called plains indigenous tribes, lost their distinctive cultural features in early stages of their colonial history due to foreign influences and the adoption of commercial trade. The Japanese colonialists were the first to govern the whole population of Taiwan. They invested intensively in Taiwan’s industry, agriculture, and infrastructure. The indigenous peoples were obliged to comply with a policy of Japanization and faced forced relocation due to anthropogenic intervention in nature, better control, and matters related to taxation systems. Nevertheless, the Japanese put tremendous effort into ethnographic research, studying the indigenous cultures and languages. It was also the Japanese who were the first to significantly influence the Tao people. An anthropological laboratory was set up on Orchid Island, but the, impact on the traditional Tao culture and their self-sufficient economy came from other innovations such as the establishment of commercial trade and the introduction of alcohol. Although missionaries were initially aiming to gain more members for their churches, the work of the PCT and the Catholic Church was extensive in terms of Romanizing indigenous

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languages and offering basic education to the indigenous people. On Orchid Island, a kind of symbiosis was developed between the local animistic spirituality and Christian beliefs. When the KMT arrived in Taiwan, they were at first celebrated as liberators. This welcoming attitude changed quickly when the KMT introduced authoritarian rule with harsh martial law that prohibited all kinds of deviations from Han Chinese culture. The people were subject to a policy of Sinoization that meant forced assimilation and suppression of indigenous culture. Not only the native population, but also Holo and Hakka immigrants from Fujian province were subordinate to the rules of the new government under Chiang Kai-shek.

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PART FOUR Exploitation, Nuclear Waste Management, and Environmental Justice

In the following section, the arbitrary policy towards the Tao during the period of martial law is addressed. A number of so-called development projects were initiated on Orchid Island with the aim of civilizing and acculturating the indigenous peoples, as the Tao were still considered primitive and cultureless. This aggressive approach, and several violations of the Tao’s human rights, had far-reaching consequences for their self-confidence as indigenous people, as well as for their attitude towards the government which was impaired and distrustful.

Chapter 13 Environmental Exploitation of Orchid Island

The survival of indigenous peoples is affected by anthropogenic intervention in nature and exploitation of the environment. Additionally, they suffer as a result of these projects due to the disruption of their fundamental connection with Mother Earth and the natural environment. This is reflected in all spheres of their traditional life and customs. In the past, the islanders were able to live in a self-sufficient economy. Knowledge of meteorology, seasonal conditions, flora, and fauna (such as poisonous plants and inedible fish) was passed from generation to generation. Anthropogenic intervention in nature and environmental exploitation has indeed had impacts on the Tao community in ways elaborated in this chapter. The government made decisions over the heads of the islanders without including them in the discussions. Positive results are difficult to achieve as long as people affected cannot participate in decision-making processes, even more so when their traditional knowledge has been perfectly adapted to the existing conditions over the last eight hundred years. In his studies on human-landscape relationships, Hu elaborates this, showing that plants, animals, and other non-human entities are embedded in social discourse as ethno-ethnology.

Plants and animals are always site-specific in indigenous memory, embedded within the landscape through human practices and remembrance. Narratives of local ecology thus are the cultural productions of the ecology, potentially building local environmental discourse and resistance when placed in juxtaposition to conflicts of sovereign governance and modern projects (Hu, 2012:177-178).

This chapter describes several undertakings of the KMT government during the period of martial law on Orchid Island. Some of them, such as the new housing policy, were meant to be a stimulus for modernization of the island. The island’s roads exist due to the work of detainees who were kept on the island, yet abuse and crime directed towards the Tao by these prisoners was reported. Other programs aimed to offer job opportunities to the locals, such as the reforestation and orchid gathering projects. However, there were yet other interventions

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that had no benefit for the Tao, but instead solved a problem of the government. The most egregious of these is the dumping of nuclear waste on Orchid Island.

13.1 Prison

In 1958 the Taiwanese government started to confiscate 160 hectares of land on Orchid to establish a military base for prisoner colonies (Hu, 2012:184). Block houses were built to accommodate up to 2,500 prisoners, who would live under the supervision of demobilized KMT soldiers and army veterans. Much of this land was turned into cattle farms and rice paddies to provide food for these soldiers. As part of this process, the crops and fields of many islanders were destroyed (Enn, 2012:161). Landscapes were modified due to the need to form pasture areas and cultivate land. Nearby rivers were redirected in order to irrigate farmland and water the cattle. The camp itself occupied around 20% of the agricultural area (Hu, 2012:184). The military also set up ‘correction units’ on the farms to re-educate deviant soldiers (Chi, 2001:144). During her field work on Orchid Island, Inez de Beauclair (1972:174) noticed:

They [the prisoners] are distributed around the island in two large centers and in small stations. Besides herding an ever-growing number of cattle and laying out terraced rice fields for their own use, they are employed in all kinds of construction work, such as road, bridge, and house-building, and erecting watch towers along the seashore. It is superfluous to say that certain parts of the island have lost a great deal of their natural beauty because of construction.

The road that surrounds the island and the one across the mountain’s ridge was constructed by the prisoners during the 1950s. The building of coastal banks and artificial waterways was undertaken later in the 1970s (Hu, 2012:185). While building schools and roads, the prisoners excavated burial jars. However, as they had no idea what they had found, the prisoners did not handle these artifacts with care. Therefore, the jars broke and the shards were thrown aside. Some artifacts were given to the prison guards, who sent the relicts to Taidong for further investigation (de Beauclair, 1972:175). When a burial ground was discovered, the residents of the adjacent villages had no knowledge of the excavated site. The islanders had already adopted Christian traditions and transformed their ceremonies related to death. These relicts of the Tao ancestors were treated without respect and certainly without any consideration of taboos. Beside land expropriation, and construction work, it was reported that the prisoners on day-release would routinely steal from the Tao, even breaking into their houses and harming women (Enn, 2012:161). A Tao informant described this time:

At the beginning of the [19]60s Taiwanese prisoners who killed people, burnt houses, and stole; they [the government] sent them to our island. At that time Tao people were 2000 [number of Tao]. The prisoners came, stole our fruit and wood, broke into our kitchens, used violence on the women. They raped them. Nobody, nobody in our

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government asked us [whether we wanted] to have them here. That’s a very bad memory, very hard for us (Guo, 2008*).

In 1979, the detainees and soldiers left the island, though derelict prison buildings still stand (Tan 2008). According to Limond (2002:15), the expropriated prison land remained closed off with barbed wire for quite a long time. My interview partners avoided talking about their time with the prisoners, or about its consequences, and therefore information on this topic is scarce (Enn, 2012:162).

Lanyu is an isolated island and this had many advantages for the government during martial law, but also later – until today. In the past there was this prison on the island […] with the worst prisoners of Taiwan. They built the road. However, there were many conflicts between the prisoners and the locals. The government planned many things for Lanyu, but the Tao were neither informed nor consulted (Tan, 2008*).

The establishment of the prison can certainly not be considered a development project. However, it is arguable that the cultivation of land and settlement of cattle farms could have brought development to the island, in terms of access to rice, beef, and trade.

Figure 31 Prison in Orchid Island (Enn, 2008)

13.2 Destruction of Traditional Houses

One practice of the assimilation policy was the damage to the culture of the use of traditional houses. In the mid-1960s, Chiang Kai-shek and his wife visited Orchid Island (Guo, 2008*, Syaman Rapongan, 2008*). While visiting, Chiang decided to build Taiwanese-style houses

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for the Tao, as he regarded their traditional homes as primitive accommodation which would bring shame to the modern Taiwanese state that he wanted to promote (Zhang, 2007*).

Chiang Kai-shek’s understanding was probably that these people still live like savage people in a cave under his KMT regime. So it was decided to build new houses for them (Chiang, 2014*).

In the sense in which the KMT used the phrase, the housing policy was considered to be a development program that would eventually bring fortune for the locals. A Four-Year Scheme was introduced that was supposed to improve the quality of life on Orchid Island (Kao, 2012:36). Following this arbitrary decision, caterpillar tractors were shipped to Orchid Island in 1966 in order to destroy the unique Tao dwellings in all villages (except in Iraraley and Ivarino, where some survived). Uniform cement houses were built. The new concrete houses, in sum 566, were very small, foursquare, divided into very small rooms, and without any personality or charm (Guo, 2008*). Furthermore, the cement for the construction of these houses was made of saline sea sand, which was not resistant to harsh winds and the heavy rainfall of typhoons.

[…] the housing policy: since the Tao dwellings were considered as not civilized, Chiang decided to build modern houses. But using sea sand is very dangerous and not strong enough for a climate characterized by typhoons (Tan, 2008*).

According to interviewees, the residents had to wear helmets in their houses because of the dangerous housing conditions. In addition to losing their traditional homes, the Tao risked forfeiting the cultural and spiritual connection to their ancestors, who had built these kinds of dwellings in accordance with traditional practices and spiritual rules for hundreds of years.

The land belongs to Tao ancestors, but the government colonized us. So now, the land belongs to them, now the government can do what they want. They destroyed our house. They said it was old-fashioned, it was shameful. The new houses were made of cement of sea sand, very bad quality. There were many leaks. We needed to wear helmets in our house, because the cement was coming down from the ceiling and walls. The housing conditions were very dangerous. When the typhoon came, the house was not strong enough to resist (Zhang, 2007*).

Today, remnants of traditional Tao dwellings are to be found in only two villages on Orchid Island.

Our lifestyle has changed a lot; we don’t have our traditional houses anymore. The government had very bad policies, which were not good for our people. For example they demolished our traditional houses and this made our relationship totally destroyed (Dong, 2008*).

The new houses were built by Taiwanese people, without the participation of the Tao.

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It would have been better if the Tao had built the new houses by themselves, like taking them [Tao] to Taiwan to show them the building of houses and then sending them back to Orchid Island with the know-how. The construction plans were drawn by people who had never been to Orchid Island. It is not possible to build the same houses in Taipei, Hualien and Orchid Island. If the government is doing something without informing the people then this is a kind of discrimination (Gassner, 2008*).

According to a Tao man, educated and active in the protests, from Iraraley village (Guo, 2008*), the government has paid compensation only for these houses which broke down due to the use of bad construction material, but not for the destruction of traditional dwellings. Guo, Pastor Zhang, and other Tao activists went to Taipei and demanded NT$ 800,000 compensation from the government. Finally every household received NT$ 450,000 (Guo, 2008*; Zhang, 2007*) and the Tao rebuilt the houses themselves. Nowadays, the construction of traditional Tao dwellings is newly appreciated by the government due to a shift in policy from assimilation to cultural revitalization, in particular for tourism purposes.

13.3 Bomb Testing

In the 1970s, the Taiwanese air force carried out bomb tests on Small Orchid Island, which is a small uninhabited island 10 km south of Orchid Island. These tests continued over several years and covered the Tao’s fishing territories. According to the Tao, the result of these tests was that the underwater habitat between Small Orchid Island and Orchid Island suffered considerable environmental degradation and traditional fishing grounds were left in ruins because of pollution. The islanders reported a depletion of fish stocks and the destruction of corals as a consequence of the explosions. (Enn, 2012:60; Limond, 2002:17).

The air force from Taidong bombed our island for exercises. So, the island was destroyed by the Taiwan air force; the corals and sea world every month for four years. […] We are very few people, we have no human rights in Taiwan, we are indigenous (Syaman Rampongan, 2008*).

Syaman Rapongan and Pastor Guo Jianping went to Taipei with a Tao entourage to demand the cessation of these bomb tests. Why the tests finally stopped, whether it is due to the protestations of the people or simply to the end of the test phase, remains uncertain.

13.4 Development Projects

Beginning in 1958, the KMT government under martial law started to implement several so- called development projects on Orchid Island. The aim was to ‘civilize’ the islanders and to introduce modernity in a Taiwanese/Chinese manner. However, these “national projects attempted to manage the native species and people of Lan-Yu [Lanyu], profoundly impacting both the landscape and indigenous social life” (Hu, 2008:48). Orchid Island, as the name

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implies, is home to a wide variety of orchids. However, these plants were becoming increasingly scarce on the island; a situation that can be attributed to an earlier decision by the government. In order to find job opportunities for the islanders, a policy was passed that enforced orchid gathering for income. The people seemed to be very motivated to harvest the flowers with the unlucky result that the orchids almost disappeared. Another reason for the decline is the cutting down of local trees which were the habitats of the orchids.. According to informants, the same issue happened with the giant shellfish. As it was an attractive souvenir for the Taiwanese, the locals were motivated to gather it. The Giant Shellfish still exists, but has become scare in the waters around Orchid Island.

During the KMT regime, Orchid Island became a kind of test area for governmental undertakings. The establishment of the prison and the bomb testing did not modernize or develop the island in any way, but rather failed to improve the relationship between the Tao and the authorities. The destruction of the traditional dwellings was completely condemned by the islanders and it was this undertaking in particular that has been considered as promoting distrust between the Tao and governmental authorities.

Everything is combined together. The state power is aiming at nature modification. They try taming the whole environment. At first the national prison was here, but in order to control a whole island, the whole nature, and [to have] the option of taming of humans and nature together. So they want to kill wildlife like insects, they also want to tame the aboriginals. The streets were built, the roads, areas were deforested, then the island become a destination for trash, nuclear waste. There are a lot of things, like the water concrete barrier, the harbor, a lot of new technology was tested here. For example the Langdao [Iraraley] river was concretized. This was done since the government wanted to invest in Lanyu for development, infrastructure, and to give locals jobs. And it never stops, the prison farm was withdrawn, but the taming nature projects are still going on (Hu, 2014*).

Hu’s remarks illustrate very well that development is defined by outsiders like the state. The locals have little chance to oppose these projects, since they are neither informed, nor asked for their opinion. Evidently, these development projects are aimed at benefiting the government in a financial sense, but definitely also to civilize and assimilate the indigenous communities on Orchid Island. Some projects indeed have had positive impacts, such as the irrigation systems. However, as their aim was to develop the island and its people, the residents should have been included in the decision making that affects their lives.

13.5 Reforestation and Exploitation of Natural Resources

In the 1960s, the Forestry Department started to harvest native trees, such as the cai, on Orchid Island. This kind of tree provided the preferred wood for boat building and house construction. The fruit of the cai tree is important in rituals for the ancestral spirits and

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successful harvests. Furthermore, the distribution of the harvest of cai fruit indicated the social relationship among families and groups.

Yami people credited the abundant cai harvest to the successful assistance of ancestral spirits as a result of seasonal rituals being properly performed in their patchy forest opening. They also blamed a poor harvest of cai fruits to certain intergroup conflicts and a possibility of associated consequential curses in an unexpected droughts of 2003. Thus, the TEK of ancestral ownership and group privilege can be actively used in recent social consolidation to avoid disharmony between local groups (Hu, 2008:58).

The status of the cai tree has transformed from “being a sacred plant to being a poorly self- generated species” (Hu, 2008:58), because it is not a plant that grows in the open grassland – an environment which the national grassland expansion projects attempted to turn Orchid Island into in order to develop cattle farming after 1970. Locals were hired in order to clear the existing forests in strips. After logging large areas of native forest, the reforestation project during 1973–1984 (ibid.) required reforestation with another, faster-growing type of tree that is not indigenous to the island. The thinking was that the introduced new seedlings would bring more economic benefit. This government undertaking encountered resistance from the islanders and caused them distress as they truly feared anito when cutting down the forest, the habitat of the spirits. This forest harvesting policy had an effect on the Tao’s traditions as trees native to the island, and traditionally used to build the Tatala were not planted. Even the island’s butterfly population sharply declined after the government authorized the capture of butterflies for commercial purposes.

The government thought that they could use Tao land for the reforestation of other trees, trees that grow faster. It is in this way that they can achieve a larger economic gain. For the whole island, they cut maybe 2/3 of the forest […]. The Han did overharvest Lanyu. Some rare tree species, also butterflies and orchids and a lot of other things, such as the giant shell fish were in danger or even disappeared altogether. Since the 1990s, it has been forbidden to export any kind of life from Lanyu. But the degradation is already done. The landscape is also damaged (Hu, 2008*).

Reforestation aimed to introduce some aspects of a market-oriented economy to the island and bring income to the islanders (as Tao men were hired to deforest and cultivate the land) but also to benefit the government. This undertaking, when considered as a development project, failed due to a lack of local ecological knowledge. In order to earn profit, the locals should have been consulted and informed about this plan; however, this was not done.

The forest ecosystem on Orchid Island is very diverse, therefore its diversity index is very high. The government wanted to have some cash crops like betel nut, because it is very productive, also sugar cane and rice paddies were introduced, but they all failed. Climate, insects, actually the biodiversity, became a barrier. So the cash crops were lost due to the tropical insects. The government recognized that taro is the best food for the local people. Their TEK is so powerful, you cannot challenge that. And

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you can consider this tropical insect as some small bug or it can be a natural power from the forest (Hu, 2014*).

Hu’s statement once more reflects the intimate relationship between human beings and nature.

During the last few decades, Japanese and Taiwanese fishing boats had permission to fish near Orchid Island. It became clear, while conducting interviews, that the Tao considered this to be very disturbing; people felt exploited and marginalized, since they could not do anything, but feared that fish stocks would decline. Every Tao man used to be a fisherman, so an intact water world is indispensable in order to catch enough fish to fulfill one’s duty and to nourish the family.

The problem is the big ships that come to catch fish. The Taiwanese ships come to Lanyu and we have less fish now. We need fish, since everybody is a fisherman (Iraraley couple, 2008*).

Japanese fishing boats nowadays observe restrictions preventing them from coming too close to Orchid Island and fishing in the Tao and Taiwanese fishing grounds.

13.6 The National Park Project

In 1988 the government introduced the National Park Scheme that aimed to establish a national park on Orchid Island. The idea of creating national parks in Taiwan emerged in the 1970s. The rapid economic growth, exploitation of natural resources, and other anthropogenic interventions in nature had led to a fast deterioration of the island’s environment. Therefore, the demand for recreational parks and nature reserves arose. In 1972, the National Park Law was enacted. Even though it highlights the preservation of nature, it does not tackle the rights of indigenous peoples. Hence it seems that the people are of secondary importance. The national parks were often created on indigenous land, as indigenous peoples live in nature- dominated areas. They often oppose the idea of national parks because they do not want others to come to their territory as tourists when they as locals do not benefit at all from the project. Moreover, the indigenous people then face restrictions on hunting and fishing and loss of rights of self-determination over their land.

These costs are evident in the following items: the ban on mining, fishing, hunting and gathering wild flora; restrictions on the transformation of land surface; and restrictions on all construction works (Chi, 2001:147).

Huang emphasizes that the establishment of a national park affects indigenous peoples in particular as they live in the regions of interest. More than half of Taiwan’s national parks are sited on the living space of aboriginal tribes (Huang & Chang, 2001:1)

Specifically, indigenous peoples often live in the “cleanest” areas – so clean that there is pressure to preserve them from further development – such that their

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communities are more likely to be selected to host national parks and, for that reason, to be economically underdeveloped. For this reason, the Taiwanese EJ [Environmental Justice] movement is convinced that parks are being imposed, or deliberately sited, on the aboriginal peoples (Huang, 2010:236).

The Tao strongly oppose the idea of establishing a national park on their island. Although a governmental delegation came to Orchid Island in order to seek the locals consent, the Tao refused to negotiate (Kao, 2012:37). Due to their strong resistance, the government gave up the idea of turning Orchid Island into a national park.

Chapter 14 Nuclear Waste Disposal on Orchid Island – the Local Perspective

The advantage of Orchid Island’s remote location became of particular interest to the government in the 1970s. They proposed a project that turned out to be a nuclear waste disposal facility for the storage of low-level radioactive waste. To begin with, relevant institutions, such as the Atomic Energy Council (AEC) and Taipower (Taiwan Power Company), did not inform the Tao why Orchid Island had suddenly become of such interest to them. During the late 1970s, some representatives came to the island with the intention of requisitioning land at the southern tip of the island. According to the former pastor of Ivarino village, some government representatives began to negotiate with the people of Ivarino about the land annexation.

In the late 1970s the problem of nuclear waste began. I was the chairman of the local Lanyu committee. At that time, the Ministry of Defense wanted to get land on Orchid Island. The major area of the land belonged to Ivarino, but actually four villages had parts of that land. […] Some trees on that land belonged to my father. Before the nuclear waste was there we planted millet in November. When the Ministry of Defense wanted to get the land, they only invited people from Ivarino, because the other three settlements were using the land, but didn’t register it. So the government began to negotiate with the people in Ivarino. They were talking about compensation, because some plants on the land were ours and they wanted to give compensation for the crops. So they were willing to pay only for the plants on the ground, but not for the land itself (Ivarino pastor 2008*).

My Tao informants reported that the government representatives at first pretended they were to build a fish canning factory. It was promoted as a certain source of income and the opportunity for the locals to earn money. Moreover, it would bring better technologies and increased infrastructure to the island, such as electricity and new roads (Chi, 2001:144; Guo, 2008*; Syaman Rapongan, 2008*, Ivarino pastor, 2008*; Iratay pastor, 2008). However, when approached with this accusation, the government claim “that the signature of Orchid Island’s District Commissioner proves the local people did understand the building of the radioactive waste repository” (Huang, 2012:145).

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During the process of land expropriation, the construction of a new harbor began in 1978. The harbor was supposed to be for military use. Later on though, another rumor emerged, namely that the harbor was to ship out the canned fish that were to be produced in the factory.

Figure 32 Harbor constructed in 1978 (Enn, 2008) Figure 33 Dragon Gate (Enn, 2013)

As the construction of the factory and the harbor went on, people became more suspicious as there were no windows or doors in the newly constructed building.

The government told our parents that a fish canning factory was going to be built and secondly a salt factory. Like this, they [our parents] wouldn’t need to go to Taiwan to buy salt or cans of fish. But when the building was finished we found it suspicious, because there were no windows or doors, so we felt very suspicious, we thought it must be another building for a different purpose. Somebody suggested it was a kind of military base. We couldn’t understand what the government did at this place (Ivarino pastor 2008*).

After some research, environmentalists and Tao people heard about the plans for a repository to store Taiwan’s nuclear waste. The pastor from Iratay village was one of the Tao representatives at that time. In an interview, he remembered how they found out about the facility. As he felt responsible for his people, he traveled to Taidong in order to obtain some information about the plans the government had for his homeland. He was a KMT member and, when he asked for information, his colleagues in the party warned him not to be so inquisitive. While some pretended to know nothing about a nuclear waste store, others said that they were not allowed to talk about that project because the plan was a state secret. As it was still the period of martial law, anyone under suspicion of treason was persecuted and arrested. Further research, and the publication of an article in the Daily News in 1980, finally confirmed the rumor as fact and made the undertaking official.

In 1976 a member of parliament came to Lanyu to visit me, because at that time I was the chairman of the preventive council. This member said that I must be careful in this place because it was meant for nuclear waste storage. She was against the KMT. She came here many times to see the construction. She was Taiwanese. She

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told me in a small voice that I must consider these things carefully, because this place was for nuclear waste storage. I distrusted her at that time, because I thought a fish canning factory was going to be built. But later I read the Central Daily News in 1980, and there was a small report about the nuclear waste to be moved to Lanyu […]. I remembered what the member of the parliament had said to me, so what she had said was true (Iratay pastor, 2008*).

The Tao were not familiar with the technology of nuclear power and its toxic waste production at that time. Nevertheless, political and economic weakness made the indigenous community’s land an ideal candidate for the construction of a low-level radioactive waste repository. An officer from the AEC finally justified the project as follows (Chen et al., 1993:1; Ivarino pastor, 2008*):

• Firstly, to ship nuclear waste to Orchid Island was safe and convenient. Ships were able to dock near the storage area. • Secondly, the geographical isolation of this area was perfect because no people lived within a radius of five miles. • Thirdly, the waste was there for intermediate storage only; the final disposal would be the Bashi Channel, a deep-sea trench between Taiwan and the Philippines. • Furthermore, the population of Orchid Island was very small, with only 2,600 people living there at the time. • Another reason, unmentioned but obvious, was that the whole island was inhabited by indigenous people. This meant it was politically safer than most other choices.

There may be another unspoken reason why Orchid Island was selected. The local population was remarkably unlikely to offer strong political opposition to development of a nuclear waste storage site. For they didn't know what nuclear waste was (Marsh et al., 1993).

From 1982 until 1996, 338 shipments brought 97,671 barrels of low-level radioactive waste (LLRW) to Orchid Island. The waste was solidified by mixing with cement or asphalt and then sealed in 55-gallon drums. Most of the LLRW was generated by nuclear power plants and only a small amount of LLRW came from research and medicine.

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Figure 34 Radioactive waste repository (Enn, 2007)

Before 1982, the Tao had no electricity. Owing the establishment of the nuclear dump, the infrastructure on Orchid Island did indeed improve as the government had promised. Power lines were built since the storage site needed electricity to work. Every household received electricity, streets were enlarged, and modern communication devices, such as telephones, installed. For this kind of development, the Tao had to accept the hazard of living with almost 100,000 barrels of LLRW.

These wastes, particularly toxic wastes and nuclear wastes, destroy the local environment and affect the people’s health and quality of life. Indigenous communities worldwide, along with other marginalized groups, are most affected by these ‘social bads.’ This is because their remote location and political-economic weakness make them ideal candidates for the ‘least resistance path’ (Chi, 2009).

Nevertheless, the nuclear waste repository was promoted as bringing many job opportunities to the locals. An environmentalist and lawyer stated in an interview that even though “Taipower admits it is a nuclear waste dump, they talk about the benefits of the nuclear waste plant to the local community and that it is tied in with compensation which is a huge amount of money” (Robin, 2011*). In the late 1980s, after the lifting of martial law, the Tao began to make pilgrimages to Taipei, taking to the streets and demanding justice. In the course of commissioning and operation , the Tao were not consulted: neither informed, nor integrated into the decision-making processes. They therefore suffered from considerable injustice. Due to the Tao’s vulnerability as an indigenous group, and their weakness in terms of political and economic power, it was a simple undertaking for the AEC, the Ministry of Economic Affairs (MOEA), and Taipower to set up this repository without the locals’ agreement.

In 1996, success was finally achieved and the transport of barrels of nuclear waste to Orchid Island ceased. The last shipment of 146 drums could not be delivered to the storage facility and had to return to Taiwan because of the strong protests by local residents. How this was accomplished is further elaborated in part 5.

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In 1995, seven years after the introduction of democratic governance in Taiwan, Taipower intended to build another six ditches to store more nuclear waste on Orchid Island. The islanders received information about this project, but strongly protested its implementation. The Tao’s strong opposition and their protests created a furor which attracted a lot of media attention and so Taipower was forced to withdraw. The radioactive waste repository had been designed for intermediate storage; to be used only until a permanent disposal site was found. Therefore the facility was not in a condition to keep the waste drums for hundreds and thousands of years. As all options for a final disposal site were rejected for various reasons (elaborated in the next chapter), the barrels remained on Orchid Island. In 1993, two NGOs published an article stating that already, “[in] 1991 radioactive material was found in the waste water sediment collection pool at the storage site” (Chen, et. al., 1993:6). These pools absorb radioactive substances from the waste water before it is then released to the ocean. Four years later, Greenpeace discovered unsafe conditions around the storage site. In a press release of May 15, 1997 they stated:

Radiation levels recorded on the perimeter of a storage trench indicate that radioactive materials may be leaking from storage drums. In addition, there appeared to be a lack of adequate facilities for treatment of contaminated water, a serious shortcoming in a climate of typhoons and torrential rains.

Taiwan Public Television Service (PTS) published a comprehensive article on the condition of the nuclear waste facility on Orchid Island in 2012. It is claimed that the drums were leaking because they were not supposed to be stored for more than a few decades and therefore had been made of material which rusted easily. Taipower promised to remove the waste by December 2002.

In 1991, the international community began to negotiate a prohibition on nuclear waste disposal at sea. The adoption of the London Convention by the UN General Assembly in 1993 finally banned ocean disposal of nuclear waste, including LLRW. Therefore, the nuclear waste remains on the island. Orchid Island’s windy and humid climate has promoted corrosion of the barrels. According to an interviewee (EPA, 2014*), a former employee of the AEC, some of the trenches where the barrels were stored had no cover. Hence, sand, salt, and dust contributed to the corrosion and led to leaks. In 1996, the AEC admitted that some barrels were in poor condition. Eleven years later, Taipower finally began to clean the ditches and replace the rusty drums. The barrels were divided into four categories based conditions of the containers:

1. drums are complete and in good condition 2. drums have mild corrosion, but no damage such as cracks 3. drums have minor damage 4. drums are broken.

According to Taipower, only 380 barrels were in the first category, which amounts to 0.4% of the total. 30,000 barrels were categorized as displaying mild corrosion, although other

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sources provided by PTS claim that almost 60,000 barrels should be classified in category two. Additionally, Taipower maintain that only 2% of the barrels were damaged and classified as category three, whereas PTS states the number should be four times higher. A former employee of the AEC confirms that “there was evidence showing that some of the storage drums were rotten, because they used to be above the ground without cover. So after that many years they become rusty and damaged” (Peter, 2014*).

Damaged and rusty barrels were replaced by new ones. The trenches were opened in the open air, emptied, and cleaned. After the inspection, experts and islanders began to fear that dust with radioactive substances had been released to the atmosphere during the process. Most of the workers on the site were locals from Orchid Island. Taipower was criticized because the employees were not, or only partially, equipped with anti-radiation clothing. An interviewee (Z., 2012*) explained:

The workers were not aware of their exposure to radiation and a possible contamination which causes cancer. Therefore, they saw no need to wear gloves and other protective clothes. Moreover, it was very hot and the workers had to work outdoors.

Figure 35 Barrels in storage on Orchid Island (PTS News Network, 2012)

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Figure 36 Storage site on Orchid Island (PTS News Network, 2012)

Taipower promised to undertake regular checks of the condition of the barrels and radiation levels around and at the site. Over the last years, little research into the quantity of radiation has been carried out on Orchid Island. However, all the studies which have taken place were undertaken by the AEC and Taipower, which might bias the results. In order to become more transparent, the AEC invited two Japanese scientists, Katsumi Nakao and Yoh Kato, to conduct a three-day survey of radioactivity on Orchid Island in September 2012. They indeed discovered an unusually high amount of radiation in more than ten locations on the island and concluded that the nuclear waste storage site may be leaking. After the investigation by the Japanese scientists, the AEC ordered its own survey of radiation on Orchid Island. Specialists from Taiwan and from the AEC’s Radiation Monitoring Center were invited to carry it out. A representative of the AEC claimed that, in their surveys, no unusual levels of radiation were discovered.

Two Japanese academics have found unusual levels of radiation at more than ten locations around Lanyu, with the level at one location as high as 500 times more than the environment background value – this shows that the issue of radioactive pollution is very serious on the island (Chang, Peter, quoted by Loa, Taipei Times, September 29, 2012).

The Japanese scientists might have come to these results due to the effects of electromagnetic waves from cell phone base stations on their devices. “The tests done by specialists from three Taiwanese units showed that radiation levels were within safety limits” (Wang, Lee, Taipei Times, November 21, 2011.) The Taipei Times (ibid.) reports:

After analyzing the radiation-testing devices used by the Japanese specialists on Friday, the council said it discovered that the devices might have been affected by electromagnetic waves from mobile phone base stations, so the readings did not effectively measure non-ionizing radiation leaked from nuclear waste on the island.

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According to Peter Chang, a professor at Taipei Medical University’s School of Public Health, and the chairman of the National Association for Radiation Protection “the issue of radioactive pollution is very serious on the island. […] We hereby call on the AEC to conduct a thorough survey on radiation levels on the island.” He added, “this is not only for the safety and health of residents, but also for protection of tens of thousands of visitors to the island. The exposure to such levels of radiation may increase the risk of residents and visitors getting cardiovascular diseases, cancers, or giving birth to deformed babies” (Loa, Taipei Times, September 29, 2012). The Tao and representatives from the Green Party Taiwan accuse the government and Taipower of being responsible for the increasing cancer rate on Orchid Island (Loa, 2012a). Official figures show that the cancer rate on the island has risen since the nuclear waste facility was opened in 1982 (ibid.). So far, there has been no research establishing a firm connection between cancer and the nuclear waste on the island.

Chapter 15 Nuclear Waste Management in Taiwan

Chiang Kai-shek started to deal with nuclear energy at the time the country was under martial law. The difficult political relationship with Chinaled to first attempts to produce nuclear weapons, under the guise of constructing nuclear power plants.

Because tension between Taiwan and China led to USA fearing that Taiwan would use nuclear energy as a means of producing nuclear weapons, the [Atomic Energy] Act explicitly restricted the use of nuclear energy in Taiwan to peaceful purposes (Huang, 2012:137).

When Chiang Kai-shek began to build nuclear power stations, the KMT were supported by the US. The US had been a protecting power for Taiwan ever since the end of WWII, for political and strategic reasons related to Taiwan’s location between Japan and China. Funding for the first two power plants came from the US company, General Electric; the fourth was designed by them (Echo, 2013). The AEC was established in 1955 under the Executive Yuan. As of 2014, Taiwan has four nuclear power stations of which three are in operation; one is still under construction and has not yet begun to operate. All nuclear power plants are owned and operated by the Taiwan Power Company (Taipower). Government representatives have the majority seats on the executive board of Taipower and the power of veto.. “[Therefore], the Ministry of Economic Affairs has major power to decide on Taipower’s policy” (Echo, 2013). The three operating power plants generate approximately 5,144 MW (Ouyang, 2006:1). In 2012, 16% of total national electricity production was generated by nuclear power (Huang, 2013*). Each power plant has two light water reactor units (AEC, 2010:2). The first nuclear power station, Chinshan, opened in 1978. Guosheng started to operate in 1981 and power plant number three, Maanshan, started to operate in 1984. Chinshan and Guosheng power plants are located in the north of Taiwan, close to Taipei and the most densely populated parts of Taiwan. Maanshan is located in southern Taiwan, close to Kending national park, a popular tourist region, also called the “Hawaii of Taiwan” due to its sandy

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white beaches. The construction of the fourth nuclear power plant (NPP4) is about to finish in Gongliao, on the northeastern coast of Taiwan. According to initial plans, the station should have been finished already. However, mismanagement and strong opposition from civil society led to interruption.

The NPP4 project was postponed first by government in 1982, due to lack of electricity demand. It was halted again 1985 in response to the emergency petition by 55 Legislators. Reasons cited included slow growth of electricity demand, oversupply, and consideration of the Three Mile Island accident (Hsu, 2003:4).

The NPP4 project was revised in 1990 and one year later permission was given to continue by the AEC, even though the first environmental impact assessment (EIA) raised concerns. From 1994 until 1998 four referendums were held, most with less than 50% of the population, participating but always with opposition to the completion of NPP4 (Chung, 2005). Eventually, the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant began in 1999 and it should have been completed years ago. The project has encountered numerous difficulties and got caught in a permanent delay. The nuclear disaster of March 2011 at Fukushima in Japan in March 2011 evoked a display of mixed feelings toward nuclear power in Taiwanese society. Ever since, the discussion on electricity generation from nuclear power has been very emotional and divisive; and separated the population in pro and contra factions. To decide the fate of NPP4, Premier Jiang Yi-huah proposed a national referendum. The proposal has been debated at the Legislative Yuan, as yet without conclusion. However, activists from the Sunflower Movement of spring 2014 oppose a referendum on this topic, as they oppose the Referendum Act in general.

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has pledged a nuclear-free Taiwan and former president, Chen Shui-bian, promised the cancellation of NPP4 in his election manifesto in 2000. However, shortly after his presidential inauguration plans were changed and construction on NPP4 resumed (Hsu, 2003:4). Resistance to nuclear power arose immensely after the Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011. At least since this event, nuclear power management has become an issue of public concern. Activists and other civilians alike took to the streets in grief and anger: where to relocate the affected population if an accident like Japan’s Fukushima takes place in Taiwan? The challenge for the government is to calm the people down and convince them of the safety of nuclear power generation and also the management of nuclear waste. Even though nuclear power makes up only 18% of Taiwan’s entire energy production, the current government is not willing to end the construction of the fourth power station. Anti-nuclear activists explain that this attitude arises in fact out of business relations with General Electrics and political relations with the US (Echo, 2013*; Chang, 2014*).

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15.1 Management of Nuclear Waste

The management of radioactive waste is a challenging task, because it must be isolated from the human environment for a very long time (Lee & Chen, 2005:1). As Taiwan’s first nuclear power station was opened in 1979, the management of radioactive waste only became important in the 1980s. However, at that time there was hardly any nuclear waste in Taiwan; only a very small amount generated by National Tsing Hua University as a result of research. The university had three research reactors, of which only one remains in operation today (AEC, 2010:4). The Radwaste Administration (RWA) was established in 1981 as part of the AEC in order to meet the growing need for radioactive waste management. In 1988, the Taiwanese government decided to shift the responsibility for radioactive waste management – its cost, treatment, storage, transportation, and disposal – from RWA to the energy and waste producer Taipower. Hence, two years later, the operation, supervision, and control of Orchid Island’s repository was turned over to Taipower. In 1996, RWA was restructured and renamed the Fuel Circle and Materials Administration (FCMA) and it is now the regulatory body for the management of radioactive waste under the AEC. It is responsible for the regulation of safe nuclear waste disposal. Taipower and the Nuclear Backend Management Department (NBMD) are responsible for managing the operations of the storage facility on Orchid Island and the Volume Reduction Center, as well as for low-level waste disposal and spent nuclear fuel interim storage and disposal programs (Chuang, et al., 2006:2).

There are a number of acts rules, and guidelines on dealing with atomic energy, nuclear emergencies, and radiation. However, the Nuclear Materials and Radioactive Waste Management Act (NMRWMA), adopted in 2002, is the most crucial document regarding the regulation of nuclear waste management. It has been “enacted to administer radioactive material, prevent radioactive hazard, and secure public safety” (Art. 1), furthermore it highlights the “peaceful use of atomic energy” (Art.8). Radioactive material referred to in this act covers nuclear source materials, nuclear fuels, and radioactive waste (AEC, 2010:39). “Radioactive waste means the discharged material that is radioactive or is contaminated by radioactive substance including the spent nuclear fuel ready for final disposal” (NMRWMA: Art. 3; & Act on Sites for Establishment of Low Level Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Facility, 2006, Art. 3). Final disposal is the permanent isolation and storage of radioactive waste. The act stresses that the producer shall be responsible for the treatment, transportation, storage, and disposal of radioactive waste. Additionally, Taipower is also charged with minimizing the volume of that waste (NMRWMA: Art. 5).

Between the opening of the first nuclear power plant in 1981 and December 2012, 203,189 drums of LLRW were produced in Taiwan. The stations produced about 90% of the total nuclear waste, while hospitals, research, and industry together accounted for the remaining 10%.

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15.2 Low-Level Radioactive Waste on Orchid Island

The Act on Sites for Establishment of Low Level Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Facility from 2006 defines LLRW in Article 3: “radioactive waste excluding the spent nuclear fuel ready for final disposal and the extraction remains produced in the processing.” According to D’Arrigo, (2009:3) “highly radioactive and long-lived reactor wastes are included in the ‘low-level’ waste category along with the much less concentrated and generally much shorter-lived wastes from medical treatment and diagnosis and some types of scientific research.” According to Lee and Chen (2005:2), LLRW contains short-lived radionuclides, which would decay to radiologically insignificant levels within a few decades, and acceptably low concentrations of long-lived radionuclides. Half-life is the time which an unstable atomic nucleus takes to decay to half of its original mass. Different radioactive elements have different half-lives. The radioactive elements decay by emitting energy in the form of radioactive particles and rays. This does not mean that the nuclear material is no longer hazardous at the end of this period; it takes several half-lives before a substance becomes safe. LLRW may include plutonium, which has a half-life of 24,000 years, and uranium with a half-life of billions of years (D’Arrigo, 2009:3, Huang, 2012:20). Waste from research and industrial and medical processes may contain small amounts of long-lived radioactive nuclides, but most material has a half-life of a few days, whereas “reactor waste remains hazardous for a very long time” (D’Arrigo, 2009:3). Therefore, the storage of LLRW, and the management of nuclear waste in general, is a challenging task that affects generations.

So-called low-level radioactive waste includes every radioactive element. In fact, radioactive elements that are high-level nuclear waste become “low level” when they leak out of the irradiated fuel rod cladding. So, plutonium, cesium, strontium, iodines, and hundreds of other radionuclides that are “high level” become “low level” simply by escaping from the irradiated fuel. Thus, both high and “low” level nuclear power wastes are hazardous for literally millions of years (D’Arrigo, 2009:1).

According to Lee and Chen (2005:2), a final disposal system with multiple barriers as part of the design, either in shallow land disposal or an underground tunnel, could be considered a suitable option for disposing of LLRW. Final disposal means the permanent isolation or treatment of radioactive waste. Taiwan’s first repository, providing interim storage for solidified LLRW (liquid radioactive material packed in cement), is located in Orchid Island. Its capacity was reached in 1996. Therefore, storage facilities have been constructed at each nuclear power station to accommodate the newly generated LLRW on-site, keeping the waste with the originating power plant or research facility (AEC, 2004:128, AEC, 2010:78, Ouyang, 2006:6). With the need to find a permanent disposal site, the Taiwanese government began in the 1990s to investigate alternative storage facilities in other countries. China offered to take Taiwan’s spent fuel, however this met with no success; Taiwan refused due to the fear that Beijing would demand political concessions in exchange. Taiwan was also exploring overseas options for storage of its radioactive waste; in particular, discussions with Russia are ongoing.

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However, U.S. government opposition to Taiwanese reprocessing has so far blocked significant movement on this; since Taiwanese reactors and fuel are of U.S. origin, bilateral agreements require Taiwan to obtain U.S. consent for reprocessing (Pomper, et al., 2010).

Selling to North Korea or the Marshall Islands were also potential options for Taiwan’s nuclear waste. In 1997, Taipower signed a commercial contract with North Korea worth US$300 million. 200,000 barrels of radioactive waste were theoretically sold to North Korea. The country welcomed the financial benefits and it seemed the most feasible option for final disposal of Taiwan’s nuclear waste. However, local environmental activists, human rights organizations, and politicians in South Korea and Taiwan opposed this undertaking. The reaction of Japan and China was merely neutral, and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) even announced that this deal was between Taiwan and North Korea and therefore legitimate. The US did not support the contract, because they want to prevent North Korea from obtaining any material that could be used to develop nuclear weapons. The strongest opposition came from South Korea and, eventually, the deal could not succeed due to international pressure from South Korea and the US. The Marshall Islands were one of the test sites for the United States nuclear weapons from 1946–1958. In the mid-1990s, Taipower began negotiations with the government of the Marshall Islands about hosting Taiwan’s nuclear waste. Eventually, this option could not be realized either, due to opposition from China and the US (Huang, 2012).

In 1972, the AEC invited scholars and experts from several government and non-government research institutions to identify an off-site facility for the storage of LLRW. Due to Taiwan’s demographical density, it was impossible to find a large, unpopulated isolated area. Potential storage sites, such deserted mining pits or tunnels, former underground military facilities, highland areas, and offshore islands were taken under consideration and evaluated along with the possibility of dumping at sea. Discarded mines, tunnels, and military facilities were rejected because they were either in an unsafe condition, or too close to human settlements, or did not offer sufficient space. Access to high mountain sites in order to deliver thousands of barrels of waste would be difficult and, in the event of leaks, there would be radioactive contamination of the rivers and the people would face serious health threats. Ocean disposal of LLRW was considered as an alternative, as at that time other countries had already carried out sea dumping of radioactive waste. However, this option has been rejected, because of international agreements on environmental risks posed by sea dumping (Huang, 2012:142). The London Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution and Other Matter, the London Convention for short, finally prohibited dumping of nuclear waste at sea in 1993. Storing LLRW on a remote island became the most attractive option for the AEC and Taipower. Surveys were conducted and Orchid Island and the Pescadores in the Taiwan Strait were suggested as the best options. The AEC considered Orchid Island, in particular the area around the Dragon Gate at the southern tip of the island, to be the most suitable location. The following merits and advantages were crucial:

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• An isolated area, with a flat beach surrounded by mountains on the other three sides with no residents within five kilometers. A further advantage of this isolation is that the possibility of pollution of the living environment is very low. • An area of over one square kilometer, large enough to be worth developing and store all solid radioactive waste from Taiwan’s reactors. • LLRW could be delivered from sources by marine transportation, which is safe and reliable. • The geographical position would be favorable for future sea dumping of low- level radioactive waste.

The Taiwanese government still had doubts about choosing Orchid Island as a dumping site. Therefore, further investigations were conducted on other islands using the following, stricter, site selection criteria (Huang, 2012:143):

• The island should be sparsely populated or not populated at all. The further the distance from the island to Taiwan’s main island, the better. • The island should be convenient to reach for maintenance work in the facility, especially after harsh weather events, such as typhoons and earthquakes. There should be a natural barrier around the repository, like water, mountains, and rocks to control the exit from and entrance to the dump site as well as to protect people from potential radiation. • There should be roads and a harbor already existent on the island in order to reduce the cost of transportation. • The area should be large enough to store solid LLRW for one hundred years. • The location should have easy access to the ocean to dump LLRW at sea in the future.

Government officials came to Orchid Island to inspect the Dragon Gate site once more and they came to the conclusion that the repository would affect the development of tourism. Even so, by the end of 1975, the Executive Yuan had approved the construction plan. Investigations and surveys of geological formations and underground water started immediately at the Dragon Gate. The construction of the repository started three years later and it was completed in 1982. The repository provided interim storage for solidified LLRW and was designed to store 98,172 drums of LLRW in 23 semi-underground trenches. Its full capacity was reached in 1996. The Orchid Island National Repository of Nuclear Waste began operation in 1982. To begin with, the site was under the management of the Radwaste Administration (RWA), AEC.

Its [RWA’s] original responsibility included planning, overseeing and regulating the treatment, storage, and transport of radioactive waste, and operating Lan-Yu [Orchid Island] Radioactive Waste Storage Facility (AEC, 2010:41).

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In July 1990, Taipower took over the management of the storage site having been delegated responsibility for it by the Executive Yuan.

In order to achieve safety, “the layout of storage trenches at the site was designed according to the landform and the underground water table, so the length of each storage trench differs according to the landform. The height of the trench is 4.5 m, 3 m underground and 1.5 m above ground. First, 5 cm of concrete and then 40 cm of reinforced concrete were laid on the bottom of the trench in sequence. The surrounding walls are made of 35 cm-thick reinforced concrete. Three layers of waterproof asphalt belt were laid both on the bottom of the trench, and between the outer wall and the earth. The elastic joint of the trench wall was sealed with 20 cm-long waterproof rubber tape and waterproof gap-filling glue to prevent underground water infiltration. According to the underground water level data, measured monthly in 10 monitoring wells at Lan-yu Storage Site, the elevation of the storage trenches’ bottom is over 3 m higher than the highest underground water level. Therefore, there is no danger of underground water infiltration into the storage trenches” according to the AEC (2014). Table 37 illustrates the origin of LLRW stored on Orchid Island.

Waste Originators Drums of Waste Received

Chinshan NPS 40, 028 Kuosheng NPS 37,488 Maanshan NPS 6,336 Volume Reduction Center 528 INER 11,292 Total 97,672

Figure 37 Radioactive waste inventory at Orchid Island facility (AEC 2010:26)

After rainwater infiltrated a storage trench in 1995, the AEC requested that Taipower reinforce the sealing of the ditch (AEC, 2010:23). According to the AEC, the natural environment of Orchid Island, with its high temperature, moisture, and salty ambient atmosphere, means that many drums stored on-site for more than a decade have shown paint scaling or have rusted, and some waste in drums has even presented with solidification deformation. Nevertheless, the authorities insist that a leak of radioactive substances did not take place and therefore, the environment was not contaminated.

However, the multi-barrier safety design prevented the radiation and contamination releasing into the ambient environment according to the results of environment monitoring (AEC, 2014).

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By the end of the 1990s, Taipower was being subjected to evermore pressure, because locals and NGOs claimed that the condition of barrels was very poor and demanded further investigations. Once the material of the barrels has corroded and rusted, radioactive substances may leak, contaminating water and the environment, and that might be a threat to the people’s health (Huang, 2012:151). The director of FCMA attracted attention when he said in an interview (published by China Times in 1998) that the natural environment of Orchid Island, with its high temperature, humidity, and salty climate, would cause damage to the barrels within 10 years of storage. “We undoubtedly assume that the number of rusty barrels will increase day by day” (China Times, 1998:9, taken from Huang 2012:151). So, to deal with this situation, Taipower launched a six-year plan to inspect the facility and to replace the barrels that were in bad condition. By November 2002, 77% of the rusty barrels had been replaced.

TPC [Taipower] has conducted the management program to inspect the drums if those were good, rusted, deformed, or mal-solidification. Good drums were inspected and cleaned then relocated in the storage trench. Rusted drums were conducted to remove rust then repaint the drums. Deformed drums were conducted to repack in the new galvanized steel container, which enabled to hold 12 drums in one container. Mal-solidified waste was re-solidified into the new drum. All drums, after cleaning, recording, and measurement, were relocated into the trench. The trench was also maintained and upgraded to the optimized status before the drum relocation. Each trench after relocation will be covered by concrete plates with waterproof sealant. Meanwhile AEC officials had taken the safety audit on TPC management program seriously to prevent any safety accident or radiation release during operation. The program was completed in November 2011 (AEC, 2014).

The AEC and Taipower implemented regular monitoring activities, such as a monthly site inspections and periodic conduction of environmental radiation measurements on Orchid Island. According to Taipower, there is no serious radioactive contamination that could harm the islanders’ health. In 2000, the newly elected president, Chen Shui-bian (of the DPP), promised the Tao on Orchid Island that the LLRW would be removed by 2002. Chen promulgated a “new partnership” with the indigenous peoples and the DPP initially opposed nuclear power production and signed a written agreement with the Tao people. However, removing the barrels and finding a new, adequate site for final disposal or intermediate hosting is a difficult task. The Executive Yuan established a Committee for the Lan-Yu (Lanyu) Repository Removal. This committee, consisting of members of the anti-nuclear movement, environmentalists, experts, and MOEA representatives, should set a timetable to remove the nuclear waste as soon as possible. However, Taipower stated that the removal of the barrels will not be feasible for at least seven years. The committee has not actively worked on this issue since 2007 (Huang, 2012:154).

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15.3 Procedure for Selecting a Final Disposal Site for Low-Level Radioactive Waste

The Act on Sites for Establishment of Low Level Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Facility was promulgated in 2006. It formulates the requirements for selecting the site of a final disposal facility for LLRW. The competent authorities for this act are the AEC and MOEA under the Executive Yuan.

Figure 38 Radioactive waste management, legal and regulatory system (Liu, 2012:6)

Seventeen regulations related to NMRWMA has been promulgated. In Article 1, safety and environmental protection is emphasized. It states that safety shall be achieved through investigating the natural and social environmental characteristics like geology, meteorology, earthquakes, hydrology (considering both surface and ground water), geochemistry, population and economic development.

Article 4 of the Act on Sites for Establishment of Low Level Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Facility defines areas in which the disposal site of LLRW must not be located:

1. Areas where active faulting or geographical conditions could endanger the safety of the disposal facility,

2. Areas where the geochemical conditions are unfavorable for effectively suppressing the diffusion of radioactive nuclides, and are likely to endanger the safety of the disposal facility,

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3. Areas where the hydrologic conditions of surface water or groundwater are likely to endanger the safety of the disposal facility,

4. Areas of high population density, and

5. Areas that cannot be developed according the law.

The procedure of site selection is described in Articles 5 to 21, the final article. This process can be divided into three general steps, to be conducted by Taipower. The aim is to evaluate the candidate site for nuclear waste disposal. Firstly, a working group of 21 members is to be formed, consisting of representatives from relevant government agencies (AEC, Taipower, EPA (Environmental Protection Agency), and MOEA), scholars, and experts. They are to carry out the work of selecting an appropriate potential site for disposal, including a survey, safety analysis, public communication, and land acquisition. The progress of the potential site selection is to be published on a website established by the implementing body. The process will therefore be transparent and information freely accessible. A site selection plan is to be elaborated by the working group and a list of potential sites submitted for investigation by the Executive Yuan. Consultations with local representatives, relevant government agencies, legal experts, and civil associations shall take place so their opinions on the site are considered. After the approval of at least two potential sites they will become recommended candidate sites. The working group is to monitor the sites, and offer information in public hearings and in the form of regular reports to government organizations. With the consent of all parties concerned, and that of the public (obtained through local referendums), the sites may be listed as final candidate sites. Afterwards, Taipower is to select one of the listed candidate sites. The act furthermore legislates for the distribution of feedback subsidies and refers to other regulations regarding environmental impact assessments, land expropriation, and land rights.

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Figure 39 Illustration of the steps to select a disposal site

The costs of the selection of a disposal facility site is to be shouldered by Taipower, which has established a nuclear backend fund, regulated by the Nuclear Backend Fund Management Committee under the supervision of MOEA. Since 1986, Taipower has contributed NT$ 0.17 per unit of electricity generated by nuclear power plants. The nuclear backend fund amounted to NT$ 200.6 billion by December 31, 2009. The backend fund may be expended for following purposes:

• Independent volume reduction, treatment, packaging, transport, interim storage, and final disposal of the low-level radioactive waste generated by nuclear power station operation and maintenance. • Packaging, transport, interim storage, and final disposal of spent fuel or radioactive waste arising from reprocessing. • Decommissioning of nuclear power-related facilities and their associated waste treatment, packaging, transportation, interim storage, and final disposal.

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In 2010, MOEA chose Daren Township (Taidong County) and Hsiaochiou Island (Kinmen County) as potential sites for the storage of LLRW. Two years later, Daren and Hsiaochiou were officially announced as recommended candidate sites. Daren is an area inhabited by an indigenous Paiwan community, whereas the other option, Hsiaochiou, is a remote offshore islet.

Taipower always wants to store this nuclear waste in more remote areas, as well as in relatively poor, economically disadvantaged communities, because of the compensation. This makes it easier to convince the people and make them accept the waste due to these incentives (Huang, 2013*).

As required by law, a site is confirmed as a candidate site through local referendum. The one at Daren was scheduled for the second half of 2013. So far (January 2014), this referendum has not taken place.

The local people must agree on the facility, with a referendum, but the local government has always postponed it […]. They haven’t really achieved an agreement in the local communities, as they are still divided by this issue (Huang, 2013*).

MOEA has been collaborating with local government in an attempt to harmonize the conflicts of interests between the stakeholders; however, they have not made significant progress. Concerns regarding incomplete transparency, the efficiency of the process, and the effectiveness of emergency planning emerged. To address the worries of society, and gain the confidence of local people and the wider public, amendments to the Act on Sites for Establishment of Low Level Radioactive Waste Final Disposal Facility have been drafted by the AEC aiming to improve the control of radioactive waste and to comply with international standards. The regulatory responsibility for the completion of a final disposal site was shifted from the AEC to MOEA. Strengthened integration of the public, through more transparency and a greater amount of information being provided by the operators of the storage facility, should lead to the agreement of more people. To complete the final disposal site with the confidence and consensus of the public, AEC is planning to have the MOEA require Taipower to implement the final disposal program. The amendments have been reviewed and commented on by the MOEA, however, the reform is not yet complete.

Taipower, the AEC, and MOEA have written a number of acts, regulations, and guidelines in order to deal with nuclear waste and its disposal. Compared to the practices applied 35 years ago, when the responsible authorities just decided the fate of 3000 indigenous people without their consensus, site selection has improved has improved in terms of democratic governance. The new challenge for the AEC, MOEA, and Taipower is to find a permanent repository for Orchid Island’s LLRW (as promised in 2002) and the nuclear waste that is stored at the power plants. Even though new technology allows solidified LLRW to be reduced to the minimum practicable volume, a location to dump radioactive waste where it can remain for hundreds of thousands of years has not yet been found.

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Our current government doesn’t have a solution for nuclear waste. It doesn’t know how to effectively, and efficiently, and respectfully deal with the people and the management of nuclear waste. How can the people’s opinion be respected when it comes to nuclear waste management? The government put all the responsibility and burden on Taipower (Echo, 2013*).

The following chart represents the decline in the volume of nuclear waste produced since the late 1970s due to new minimization technology. Whereas 12,000 barrels of LLRW were produced in 1982, the three operating power plants generated only 178 drums in 2012.

Figure 40 LLRW production by the three operating power plants (Liu, 2013:7)

According to a representative of the EPA, these technologies minimize the volume of waste but not its toxicity. This technology is commonly used in France, and therefore some countries have an agreement to send waste to which then returns it in minimized form. According to an EPA informant, the 100,000 barrels of nuclear waste on Orchid Island could be reduced to 1,000. However, this undertaking is far too expensive and, if the government were to invest in such a project, it would start by minimizing the waste that is stored at the power plant in Taipei (EPA, 2014*).

The knowledge of condensing already exists. You can condense to one hundredth, so in the Lanyu case we could minimize the barrels from 100,000 to 1,000. However, for Taipower it’s cheaper to pay compensation to the islanders than to invest in condensation (EPA, 2014*).

Efforts to ensure democratic and transparent governance were intensified, and efforts made to include the residents of the proposed storage sites, in order to gain acceptance by the public

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of nuclear power generation in general and agreement on a final disposal site in particular. However, environmental organizations complain there are insufficient public hearings, access to information is difficult, and environmental impact assessments must be given more weight in decision-making processes (ibid.). As long as local agreement is required by law, the establishment of a nuclear waste repository will be difficult.

15.4 Not in My Backyard

The establishment of nuclear waste storage facilities does not lead to delighted local societies. Radioactive substances are highly toxic and exposure is hazardous to the human body. Even though a population might enjoy the benefits of nuclear power, it would not welcome the burden; the settlement of a nuclear waste dump near where they live. This phenomenon is known as not in my backyard (NIMBY) syndrome; it explains the negative reaction of the public to radioactive waste facilities. Chuang et al. (2006:2) explain how the Taiwanese government deals with NIMBYism:

“NIMBY” (Not in my backyard) is a critical problem for implementation of the final disposal project. Resistance from local communities has been continuously received during site characterization. To overcome this, an incentive program to encourage community acceptance has been approved by the Government. Programs for community promotion are being proposed and negotiations are also underway.

Chuang et al. (2006:8) go on to refer to programs such as compensation and improvement of local economic and social welfare set up in order to convince the local community to accept the proposed site. NIMBY is a term which emerged within in the environmental justice discourse. Applied to the Taiwanese case, “NIMBYism […] is the emotive, reactionary impulse of local citizens to a project they would probably agree with were it placed somewhere else” (Marshall, 2005:9). Insufficient awareness-raising, uncertainty about the possible damage caused by radiation, the release of radioactive substances into the environment, and knowledge of nuclear disasters (such as Chernobyl and Fukushima) lead to a negative perception of the risks surrounding the storage of radioactive wastes and to NIMBYism.

Chapter 16 Environmental Justice

The application of environmental justice and injustice respectively is a strategy for drawing attention to equal and unequal distribution of goods and bads, benefits and burdens caused by anthropogenic intervention in nature. Environmental justice considers the intervention in the environment by some decision makers and the consequences that create advantage and disadvantage for some population groups. This chapter looks at the international discussion of environmental justice and how this discourse can be applied to the dumping of radioactive waste on Orchid Island. Scholars such as Walker, Schlosberg, Bryant, Brulle, and Bullard did

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significant work and research elaborating of a theory of environmental justice, which I will refer to throughout this chapter.

16.1 An Attempt to Define Environmental Justice

The environmental justice movement began as a social and civil movement aiming at the empowerment of underprivileged and disadvantaged groups tackling environmental issues, such as environmental pollution and exploitation. It emerged in the late 1970s and the early 1980s from within communities of color and the poor in the United States that have been blighted by air, water, and soil pollution (Pellow & Brulle, 2005:2). In terms of raising awareness of the need for a clean environment, and empowerment of marginalized people aiming at protection of their civil rights, international discussion of environmental justice has become substantial in the last three decades. In its early formulations, in the US in the 1980s, “environmental justice activism and research focused pretty narrowly on the relationship between race and poverty and the spatial distribution of waste and industrial sites producing pollution impacts, including accusation that a form of ‘environmental racism’ deliberately targeting poor black communities in locating polluting sites was at work” (Walker, 2012:2). Hereinafter, I will look at the juxtaposition of environmental injustice, the position of minorities, and racial discrimination more in detail. The frame of reference of environmental justice has been expanded within the last 30 years. Scholars still emphasize that marginalized and minority groups, in particular, have been proportionally more affected by environmental injustice than mainstream society (Pellow & Brulle, 2005:2; Schlosberg & Carruthers, 2010:14). Therefore, the term environmental justice combines not only aspects relating to the environment and justice, but also socio-economic features, interlinking environment, exploitation, and human populations. In the context of this thesis, the social dimensions tackle race, ethnicity, future generations, and indigenous peoples. Of the environmental dimensions, accidental hazard releases and waste landfills are of interest here. Furthermore, the aim is to scrutinize whether or not the radioactive waste repository on Orchid Island does contaminate the environment and therefore affect access to healthy food and clean water. In this regard, the collection of reliable evidence is the biggest challenge and there is a lot of disagreement between people affected, the perpetrators, and other groups of interest, like human rights defenders and researchers.

Even though environmental justice has become a subject of much debate in the last decades, a unique and universal definition of environmental justice does not exist. Hence we may only elaborate the most important features of different attempts to describe the term. Walker (2012) suggests that, instead of finding a universal definition, we might rather frame the notion of environmental justice. Finding an appropriate concept of environmental justice is challenging, as some definitions are rather uncomprehensive and exclude features which are mentioned in others. However, the most often applied definition is that of the US American Environmental Protection Agencya:

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Environmental Justice is the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and policies […] It will be achieved when everyone enjoys the same degree of protection from environmental and health hazards and equal access to the decision-making process to have a healthy environment in which to live, learn, and work.

The Environmental Justice Information Page defines environmental justice as:

the right to a safe, healthy, productive, and sustainable environment for all, where "environment" is considered in its totality to include the ecological (biological), physical (natural and built), social, political, aesthetic, and economic environments. Environmental justice refers to the conditions in which such a right can be freely exercised, whereby individual and group identities, needs, and dignities are preserved, fulfilled, and respected in a way that provides for self-actualization and personal and community empowerment. This term acknowledges environmental “injustice” as the past and present state of affairs and expresses the socio-political objectives needed to address them.

Bunyan Bryant (1995:6), one of the pioneers of environmental justice, offers a comprehensive definition that states:

Environmental justice […] refers to those cultural norms and values, rules, regulations, behaviors, policies, and decisions to support sustainable communities, where people can interact with confidence that their environment is safe, nurturing, and productive. Environmental justice is served when people can realize their highest potential, without experiencing the ‘ism’. Environmental justice is supported by decent paying and safe jobs; democratic decision making and personal empowerment; and communities free of violence, drugs, and poverty. These are communities where both cultural and biological diversity are respected and highly revered and where distributed justice prevails.

The Asian Pacific Environmental Network defines environmental justice as:

[…] the right to a decent, safe quality of life for people of all races, incomes and cultures in the environments where we live, work, play, learn and pray. Environmental Justice emphasizes accountability, democratic practices, equitable treatment and self-determination. Environmental justice principles prioritize public good over profit, cooperation over competition, community and collective action over individualism, and precautionary approaches over unacceptable risks. Environmental Justice provides a framework for communities of color to articulate the political, economic and social assumptions underlying why environmental racism and degradation happens and how it continues to be institutionally reinforced.

Bullard (2001a:6), another pioneer in the environmental justice field, elaborates a framework of environmental justice:

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It [an environmental justice framework] also institutionalizes unequal enforcement, trades human health for profit, places the burden of proof on the “victims” and not the polluting industry, legitimates human exposure to harmful chemicals, pesticides, and hazardous substances, promotes “risky” technologies, exploits the vulnerability of economically and politically disenfranchised communities, subsidizes ecological destruction, creates an industry around risk assessment and risk management, delays cleanup actions, and fails to develop pollution prevention as the overarching and dominant strategy.

Environmental justice refers back to individual human beings and their rights to equity, justice, and equal distribution of environmental advantages and burdens. Walker emphasizes that there is not one agreed definition of environmental justice “rather a multiplicity […] in part because environmental justice is situated and contextual, grounded in the circumstances of time and place, hence defying universal definition – although common and recurrent elements do exist” (Walker, 2013). Injustice affects those people who have to experience inequitable treatment from some others. It is the privileged versus the oppressed, the ones receiving the advantages and the others who carry the burdens. In order to approach environmental justice, an equal distribution of benefits and the chance of participation must be guaranteed. The current and always common elements that prevent environmental justice include distributive justice and procedural justice, as well as justice in terms of recognition (Schlosberg, 2004:519; Walker, 2012:10).

Recognition as Justice

Schlosberg, the contemporary leader of the US American environmental justice debate, expands the environmental justice approach and adds the concept of justice based in recognition: inclusion in decision-making processes is only achievable when the recognition of each stakeholder is ensured (Young, 1990).

The lack of recognition […] is an injustice not only because it constrains people and does them harm, but also because it is the foundation for distributive injustice (Schlosberg, 2004:519).

Schlosberg argues that there should be equal distribution of benefits and the same political rights should be extended to everyone. Social and economic inequality must be avoided. He further emphasizes that a lack of recognition of and respect for different groups results exclusion from a society, including political and other institutions. “If you are not recognized you do not participate” (Schlosberg, 2004:519). Fraser, Schlosberg, and Walker, are in agreement that recognition is an element of justice “to be considered alongside distributional and participatory issues – moving from a bivalent to a ‘trivalent’ conception of justice” (ibid.:521). Participation is a precondition of political and social justice as well as environmental justice. Recognition is inherent in respect, equal distribution, and participation. “Justice demands a focus on recognition, distribution, and participation. They are three

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interlinking and overlapping circles of concern” (ibid.). In this way, the balance of these three key intertwined elements is of importance in approaching justice.

Recognition, fair and comprehensible procedures, and equal distribution are preconditions for social, as well as environmental, justice. Inclusion of all citizens is essential, and democratic and participatory decision-making procedures are both an element of, and a condition for, social justice (Young, 1990:23); they simultaneously challenge institutionalized exclusion, a social culture of misrecognition, and current distributional patterns (Schlosberg, 2004:519- 520). Bhattacharjee (2014:83) emphasizes that environmental injustice is one kind of social exclusion, which arises as a result of “the persistent inattention or recognition of the problem of all citizens equally.” The justice debate raises the question of what is fair and unfair to whom, and who considers something as justice or injustice. Philosopher Peter Wenz (1988) however, outlines that there might be a plural understanding of justice with different perspectives on environment and greater subjectivity. What is just for one might be unjust for some others.

Distributive Justice

Distributive justice tackles the issue of fair and equal distribution. Distributional inequality was brought into focus by, and became a crucial motivation for, the the demands of the environmental justice movement. Who receives the goods and benefits and who has to carry the environmental disadvantages and burdens? Walker (2012:10) defines distributive justice as “justice is conceived in terms of the distribution or sharing out of goods (resources) and bads (harm and risk)”. The environmental justice movement started in the US with the claim that people of color, ethnic minorities, and people from lower classed faced disproportionate environmental threats through the dumping of toxic waste close to their communities and therefore these people are also more affected by health problems. They suffer from an unequal distribution of environmental hazards; often these communities do not even enjoy any benefit from the economic growth, but face the disadvantaged side of it. Bhattacharjee (2014:82) points out that “it has been seen that economic growth and development-oriented projects generally benefit a small section of people while the rest are not only deprived of it but also often adversely affected.” The principles of distribution should be based on equality, respect, and transparency. Even though compensation is a method to reduce injustice or make it more acceptable for the community that experiences distributive injustice, as is the case on Orchid Island, it may leave a legacy of deep dependency and consequently create further problems and struggles.

Procedural Justice

Procedural justice refers to the process of implementing an undertaking and who is included in decision making. From Schlosberg we learnt that procedural justice is only achievable

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when recognition of each party that is affected by the decision is guaranteed. Walker (2012) describes procedural justice as “justice [is] conceived in terms of the way in which decisions are made, who is involved and has influence.” Huang (2012:76) broadens the concept, including five elements in procedural environmental justice: non-discrimination, participation, information, local knowledge, and trust.

Non-discrimination is demonstrating the same attitude and behavior patterns towards peoples and communities affected by decision making no matter what ethnic origin, social class, or cultural background they have. This again is only realized with recognition and a certain appreciation of and respect for each other, and therefore taking the effort to ensure equal protection from exploitation and health risks.

Participation is having a voice in decision-making processes. Only if all people affected are included in decision making is a fair procedure possible. One may only participate when one is recognized. This might be particularly important when it comes to populations such as indigenous groups. Due to their ethnic identity, they have often been excluded from decision making and not even recognized as human beings, but instead been considered savages. The challenge now is to overcome institutionalized exclusion and the social culture of lack of recognition.

Participation is certainly an essential principle of procedural justice. Environmental justice groups not only seek particular and incremental policy changes but also fundamental change in the processes of environmental and economic decision [- making] that affect their community. They call for a more thorough participatory local input into, and control over, environmental decisions, demanding “participation in assessment, planning, and implementation” so decisions on environmental issues are properly discussed before decisions are made (Huang, 2012:77).

Information and transparency are necessary when a fair procedure is aimed at. Access to, and distribution of, verified information, as well as transparency and openness in decision-making processes, are essential to achieve environmental justice. It is important here that the language used in regulations, project designs, and so on is understandable by all affected parties. The language must be adapted to the local communities. This involves the simplifying of technical and scientific language and information as well as translation.

Distributive and procedural environmental justice also require local knowledge and trust. In these elements too, recognition and respect are inherent preconditions. Huang (2012:67) situates environmental injustice in three more general types of injustice: economic injustice, political injustice, and cultural injustice. Economic, political, and social injustice and inequality are broader issues and how environmental injustice is created. Economic, political, and social “elites can move from polluted industrial areas to less polluted suburban neighborhoods and locations featuring natural amenities […] The poor and powerless cannot. They are confined to national environmental sacrifice areas […] where we find social inequalities we also find environmental and health inequalities” (Pellow & Brulle, 2005:2).

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Approaching Environmental Justice

Schlosberg, Dove, Walker, Chavis, Westra, Huang, Bullard, Brulle, Pellow, and others illustrate the connection between environmental injustice and disadvantaged, poor, and marginalized communities, such as people of color, minorities, and indigenous peoples. These people used to take the path of least resistance due to their lack of economic and political power. Therefore, they were victimized; subject to exploitation and unfair treatment. Bullard (2001a:4) states “current environmental decision making operates at the juncture of science, technology, economics, politics, special interests, and ethics, and mirrors the larger social milieu where discrimination is institutionalized.” He emphasizes that unequal environmental protection undermines three basic types of equity: procedural, geographic, and social.

Procedural equity refers to the ‘fairness’ question: the extent to which governing rules, regulations, evaluation criteria, and enforcement are applied uniformly, across the board, and in a nondiscriminatory way. Unequal protection might result from nonscientific and undemocratic decisions, exclusionary practices, public hearings held in remote locations and at inconvenient times, and use of English-only material as the language to communicate and conduct hearings for non-English speaking publics.

Geographic equity refers to the location and spatial configuration of communities and their proximity to environmental hazards, noxious facilities, and locally unwanted land uses such as landfills, incinerators, sewage-treatment plants, lead smelters, refineries, and other noxious facilities. For example, unequal protection may result from land-use decisions that determine the location of residential amenities and disamenities.

Social Equity assesses the role of sociological factors (race, ethnicity, class, culture, life styles, political power, etc.) on environmental decision making. Poor people and people of color often work in the most dangerous jobs, live in the most polluted neighborhoods, and their children are exposed to all kinds of environmental toxins in playgrounds and their homes.

In order to overcome environmental injustice and to end unequal environmental protection, Bullard (2001:9) offers five principles which governments should adopt:

• right to environmental protection • prevention of harm before it occurs • shift the burden of proof to the polluters • obviate proof of intent to discriminate • redress existing inequalities

He further emphasizes that this framework for achieving environmental justice and avoiding environmental injustice needs legal support to make environmental discrimination illegal and costly for the perpetrators (ibid.). In order to achieve environmental justice, environmental

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laws and policies which embody the principles of equal distribution, recognition and fair procedures for decision making are needed. Activists call for policy-making procedures that encourage community participation, institutionalization of public participation, recognition of community knowledge, and the use of cross-cultural formats and exchanges to enable the participation of the entire community, no matter how diverse (Schlosberg, 2004:522). Protection from environmental health hazards, participation in decision-making processes, and transparency are indispensable for the welfare of indigenous peoples. Calls for environmental and social justice, equity, recognition, and participation are intricately woven together (Schlosberg, 2004:527). Therefore, environmental justice is linked to claims-making by affected groups (Walker, 2012:5). In respect of the nuclear dump on Orchid Island, claims-making involves:

• claims about the dumping of toxic waste and how it is concentrated in particular geographical areas such as on Orchid Island • claims about vulnerability of indigenous peoples, seniors, and youngsters to the health effects of contamination • claims about responsibility for the production of nuclear waste • claims about why the distribution of nuclear waste is unfair • claims about what would constitute a fair way of addressing the situation on Orchid Island

Environmental injustice often goes along with undertakings that are implemented for economic growth (Bullard, 1999:33; Shiva, 1999:53). In this context, there are debates among local and global about economic growth versus the protection of human rights and sustainable development.

The Taiwanese government and probably most Taiwanese people still think the economic development has first priority. Indeed, there are more and more people thinking about environment, but generally when it comes to environmental issues they are aware of the environment issues and of these pollutions. But when it comes to economic issues they would probably highlight economy (Huang, 2013*).

In order to achieve environmental justice, the integration of the affected people in the decision-making process is essential, as well as the possibility of free participation and informed consent prior to the approval of any project affecting their territories and other resources. Furthermore, construction plans must be transparent, feasible, and possible impacts must be openly communicated. Moreover, the negative and positive effects have to be distributed equally.

16.2 The Origin of Environmental Justice

The environmental justice movement originated in the United States in the 1970s and early 1980s. Bryant (2003:4-5) emphasizes that in order “to understand the history of the

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environmental justice movement, it must be placed in the context of the civil rights movement and other social and other economic events of the 1960s” in the United States. In the civil rights movements of the 1960s, particularly disadvantzsdr5aged peoples and minorities, such as people of color and indigenous peoples, voiced their concerns about inequity within society and how they were deprived of certain rights which were taken for granted by the major part of society. Unequal treatment experienced by these minority groups through environmental decision making led to the first cases tackling environmental injustice in the United States. Hence the environmental justice movement was born.

Love Canal is a community near Niagara Falls in New York State. The area was populated by lower to middle income and working-class families. In the 1940s and 50s it was abused by the Hooker Chemical Company, who turned Love Canal into a municipal chemical dump. More than 21,000 tons of various highly toxic chemical wastes with hazardous impacts on the human body were dumped close to residential areas (Huang, 2012:57). 25 years after the industry stopped dumping chemical waste in Love Canal, the compounds began to leak, lperlocate into the soil, and decay. Time Magazine rates Love Canal as number four of the top ten environmental disasters before 2010.

Love Canal […] was a nice little working-class enclave with hundreds of houses and a school. It just happened to sit atop 21,000 tons of toxic industrial waste that had been buried underground in the 1940s and ’50s by a local company. Over the years, the waste began to bubble up into backyards and cellars. By 1978, the problem was unavoidable (Cruz, 2010).

Eckhardt C. Beck, a former journalis from the US EPA, observed the ongoing problems of Love Canal in the 1970s. After torrential rain, the chemicals reached the surface and contaminated the entire region. He declares Love Canal to be “one of the most appalling environmental tragedies in American history” (Eckhardt, 1979).

I visited the canal area at that time. Corroding waste-disposal drums could be seen breaking up through the grounds of backyards. Trees and gardens were turning black and dying. One entire swimming pool had been had been popped up from its foundation, afloat now on a small sea of chemicals. Puddles of noxious substances were pointed out to me by the residents. Some of these puddles were in their yards, some were in their basements, others yet were on the school grounds. Everywhere the air had a faint, choking smell. Children returned from play with burns on their hands and faces. And then there were the birth defects (ibid.).

Warren County is the other case that initiated the environmental justice movement. Warren County in North Carolina is home to African-American communities who lived in poor conditions. In the middle of the night, for nearly two weeks, tanker trucks deliberately spewed 31,000 gallons of polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB)-contaminated oil alongside some 220 miles of a highway in North Carolina. PCB is a highly toxic organochloride that causes cancer when exposed to the human body. “The PCBs resulted in the U.S. EPA designating the roadsides as a superfund site to protect public health” (Bullard, 2009). While the soil was

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scraped up from along the road, a new dump site was chosen by the US EPA. Warren County was selected as the site for the PCB landfill. It was rural, poor, and the communities residing there were mostly black (ibid.). The residents reacted to the undertaking by taking to the streets and protesting against the dumping of PCBs and resultant contamination of groundwater and the environment nearby. However, the first protests were not successful and the landfills were established in 1982. When the first truck of contaminated soil arrived at the landfill, it was met by protesters. Local landowners and civil rights activists blocked the roads to deny the trucks transporting toxic soil access to the site (Huang, 2012:59). As a result, hundreds of these activists were jailed. A decade later, in 1993, the voices of residents and protesters were finally heard and the detoxification of the dump site began.

Region 4 and North Carolina officials insisted the PCB landfill was safe and would not leak. They were dead wrong. […] The landfill was suspected of leaking as early as 1993. It took more than two decades for Warren County residents to get the leaky landfill site detoxified by the state and federal government. In all, a private contractor was paid $18 million to dig up and burn more than 81,500 tons of contaminated soil in a kiln on-site (Bullard, 2009).

The struggles of the people of Warren County, their failure and success came to be recognized as the origin of environmental justice movement in the US. At that time, however, it was understood to be a civil movement initiated by marginalized communities that demanded access to a healthy and clean environment. For the first time, black communities, together with lawyers, women’s rights activists, environmentalists, human rights defenders, and other institutions such as the United Church of Christ formed a coalition and pursued the same objectives and goals in solidarity. As environmental justice emerged as a social movement, it focused on collective action, with communal goals because only rarely is a single person affected by environmental injustice, it is usually a whole community. Love Canal and Warren County were the birthplaces of the environmental justice movement in the US and, as I will elaborate later, the movement reached a global scale within only few years. It is noticeable that the environmental justice movement emerged from the grassroots level and bottom-up. Pellow and Brulle (2005:2-3) define the environmental justice movement as a “political response to the deterioration of the conditions of everyday life as society reinforces existing social inequalities while exceeding the limits to growth. As environmental degradation expands we can expect that more and more communities will suffer a similar fate and will join in this effort. Thus the EJ movement has laid a foundation for environmental and social justice in the twenty-first century.” The environmental justice movement is important and its actions profound, because it tackles not only environmental inequalities, but finds its roots in social, political, economic, and cultural inequity, as Huang (2012) emphasized in his thesis. The environmental justice movement can be seen in a broader perspective as part of the emerging social movements of the 1980s. “What started out as local and often isolated community-based struggles against toxics and facility siting blossomed into a multi-issue, multi-ethnic, and multi-regional movement” (Bullard, 1990). In 1991, the People of Color Environmental Leadership Summit took place in Washington. The Principles

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of Environmental Justice were defined in 17 points. The rights and principles defined in the Principles of Environmental Justice can be summarized as follows:

• The right to be free from ecological destruction, and any form of discrimination. • The right to ethical, balanced and responsible land use, and the right to self- determination. • The right to participate in decision-making processes as equal partners. • The right to a safe and healthy working environmental which is free from environmental hazards. • The right of victims of environmental injustice to receive full compensation and reparations for damages, as well as quality health care. • Universal protection from nuclear testing, extraction, production and disposal of toxic/hazardous wastes.

The Principles of Environmental Justice were developed as a guide for organizing, networking, and reporting to governments and NGOs (Bullard, 2001:4). In 1996, anthropologist Chi Chun-chieh translated the principles into Chinese and systematically introduced them to Taiwan (Huang, 2010:209).

Environmental justice became global in scale during the growth of social movements in the 1980s. Huntington (1991) points out that this decade marked the third wave of democratization due to the liberalization of authoritarian regimes such as that of Taiwan. In this process, people began to demand recognition of their rights and identities, as well as claims-making in the areas of justice and equity. The environmental justice movement grew apace and was a significant social movement of that time not only in the US, but also in Taiwan. Using the language and terms defined during the first environmental justice cases in the United States, the movement reached global dimensions.

16.3 Environmental Racism – Indigenous Peoples as Target Groups?

The Warren County and Love Canal cases, the originators of the environmental justice movement, illustrate the intertwining of environmental exploitation and ethnic origin or race. In this context, the term environmental racism emerged. Reverend Benjamin Chavis coined the term environmental racism:

Environmental racism is racial discrimination in environmental policy-making and enforcement of regulations and laws, the deliberate targeting of communities of color for toxic waste facilities, the official sanctioning of the presence of life threatening poisons and pollutants for communities of color, and the history of excluding people of color from leadership of the environmental movement (Chavis, 1994:xii).

Chavis emphasizes that communities of color were intentionally selected when disposing of toxic waste. Bryant (1995:6) also defines environmental racism, saying:

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It is an extension of racism. It refers to those institutional rules, regulations, and policies of government or corporate decisions that deliberately target certain communities for least desirable land uses, resulting in the disproportionate exposure of toxic and hazardous waste on communities based upon certain prescribed biological characteristics. Environmental racism is the unequal protection against toxic and hazardous waste exposure and the systematic exclusion of people of color from environmental decisions affecting their communities.

The siting of toxic waste dumps and polluting industries in the residential areas of minorities, unequal enforcement of environmental law, and environmental decisions being made without inclusion of the people affected are forms of racial discrimination. Bullard argues that environmental racism operates within a state, but also transnationally:

Environmental racism buttressed the exploitation of land, people, and the natural environment. It operates as an intra-nation power arrangement – especially where ethnic or racial groups form a political and/or numerical minority […] Environmental Racism also operates in the international arena between nations and between transnational corporations. Increased globalization of the world’s economy has placed special strains on the ecosystems in many poor communities and poor nations inhabited largely by people of color and indigenous peoples (Bullard, 2001:4)

Westra and Lawson (2001:xvii) point out that in the US “poor people, African-Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Native Americans suffer disproportionate exposure to environmental pollution. Because affected minorities are considerably poorer than average Americans, some people have argued that minorities experience disproportionate burdens due not to racism, but to poverty alone.” This is arguable, since ethnic minorities are often poor and disadvantaged in comparison to mainstream society in a political, social, and also in an economic sense. However, these situations are intertwined and linked. Robert Bullard states that “low-income and minority communities continue to bear greater health and environmental burdens, while the more affluent and white communities receive the bulk of the benefits. The geographic distribution of both minorities and the poor has been found to be highly correlated to the distribution of air pollution, municipal landfills and incinerators, abandoned toxic waste dumps, lead poisoning in children, and contaminated fish consumption” (Bullard, 2001a:3-4). According to Bullard’s studies, racism is a key factor in environmental planning and decision making, which is reinforced by government, legal, economic, and political institutions. Bhattacharjee (2014:83) notes that in the late 1970s, four of the ten largest strip coal mines in the US were on Indian reservation lands and all federally controlled uranium comes from Indian reserves. These facts demonstrate clearly the unequal distribution of burdens resulting from mining activities and the economic benefits reaped by the government. Generally speaking, indigenous peoples live in remote areas which are rich in natural resources (Chi, 2001:136). Therefore, this land is likely to be exploited for economic enterprises on a local, multinational, and international level. Moreover, as indigenous peoples often lack the same political, social, and civil rights as the majority population, they are less likely to be able to resist the exploitation of their territory (Bullard,

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1999), as is the case in Taiwan (Chi, 2001:136). Chi refers to the dumping on nuclear waste on Orchid Island as a case of environmental racism.

The term environmental racism mainly talks about environmental hazards among minority people. In the US it is more about toxic waste dumping on homeland or backyard of minority people. In Lanyu it is nuclear waste put on the traditional Tao homeland (Chi, 2011*).

The power balance therefore plays a crucial role when it comes to the environmental justice debate. The problem in this context is that it is often not even possible for indigenous peoples to claim justice due to cultural misunderstandings and a lack of empowerment. Nevertheless, the general demands of indigenous peoples are for self-government and self-determination, with control of the land and natural resources which are located on their territory and in their environment. Human intervention in nature and anthropogenic environmental change have consequences which create a demanding situation for the people affected. They may influence traditional costumes and cultural performances, as those have a crucial connection with the land of the ancestors. Scholars like Bullard (1999) might even name such treatment of indigenous peoples environmental colonialism.

16.4 Anthropogenic Intervention in the Territories of Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples

Indigenous peoples in Taiwan have experienced severe interference in their traditional territories ever since colonial times. These interventions in nature were most often justified by the need for economic growth and development. Modernization and industrialization took place in terms of communication techniques, public health promotion, and transport. Development of economic interests and industrialization led to deforestation and land erosion. Relocation of indigenous people took place as the government invested in the construction of reservoirs in the mountainous traditional indigenous land. Cement factories were built as part of so-called special economic zones that were often registered as ‘build, operate, transfer operations‘, BOT in short BOT (for clarification see Chapter 24.4). The special economic zones were always designed in the interests of development, though in a capitalistic sense rather than what indigenous peoples might consider to be development or progress. For example, the purpose of industrializing Taiwan’s east coast is to modernize it and counteract the imbalance with the west coast. However, this kind of economic progress is not necessarily understood as economic development by the people living here (Awi, 2011*). Indigenous land is of particular interest when it comes to the establishment of national and recreational parks. The burdens and benefits of a national park are not distributed equally: the tourists leave their garbage in the park and the indigenous peoples have to deal with it; the money brought in by the tourists goes into the pocket of government institutions, such as the Forestry and Tourism Bureau. When the government decided to build a waste incinerator in an indigenous township near Shei-Pa National Park, the locals strongly opposed it. The Taipei Times wrote on July 6, 2001:

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A thriving tourism industry brings the peaceful Aboriginal township much more garbage than it produces itself. It also brings traffic accidents, which residents fear might increase with the installation of the incinerator and the large trucks that will travel in and out of Wufeng to supply it […] It [the siting behavior] violates the principles of environmental justice if local Aboriginal tribes have to be responsible for managing waste generated by visitors to Shei-Pa National Park.

A fairly new concept in national park management is co-management. Indigenous peoples contribute to national park management with their ecological knowledge. Ranchers or tourist guides, for instance, could model jobs for the locals. The indigenous peoples offer their knowledge, but benefit in an economic sense from the tourists. However, this concept becomes difficult to realize when there is a lack of trust.

The local people have to trust the governmental staff, otherwise why would people want to do co-management? If you don’t have trust, you cannot do co-management, and this is the case on Orchid Island. Since co-management is rooted in certain trust and the Yami people do not trust the government, there is no way to co-manage something (Hu, 2014*).

Huang states in his thesis (2010:237), that “as a result of the controversies, the term national park in Taiwan has almost become an equivalent for (environmental) racism.” Nevertheless, it is arguable that indigenous people are not necessarily deliberately targeted by national park projects, or even environmental injustice, but rather that it is an unlucky concurrence and due to structural reasons, as they live in territories that are economically attractive. For instance, the mountainous regions are of interest for establishing hydroelectric power plants, the east coast is attractive for tourism, and other regions are affected due to the presence of hot springs, which are another tourism resource.

Environmental injustice is just like people are affected disproportional by or because of an environmental reason. For example they are forced to relocate because the government builds a dam, opens a mine. They are affected disproportionally, because they live in these areas. We use the term structural discrimination. It is not necessarily that the government targets these groups. It’s because they are mostly concentrated in the mountains. And when you want to build a dam or a mine it is also in the mountainous areas. Indigenous people are not target on purpose by the government. It is because they live in these areas. It is the same with the national parks. When the government wanted to set up a national park on Lanyu in the 1980s, they wouldn’t do it in Taipei city. It happens in a natural area of course, in the natural area where indigenous peoples live (Chi, 2011*).

However, large-scale interventions that lead to a modification of the environment directly affect the people living in the region. Supporters of such projects claim that these undertakings are development projects that have positive effects on peoples’ lives, such as an increase in their living standard due to the improvement of infrastructure. The procedures for the appropriation of indigenous land are very opaque, and often it appears that they result in one-sided disadvantages for the indigenous. In the case of Taiwan, since democratization

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compensation has usually been paid, but rarely enough or as part of a fair process (Awi, 2008*).

Chapter 17 Dumping Nuclear Waste – Environmental Injustice on Orchid Island

The Tao of Orchid Island had to deal with environmental projects initiated by the KMT government under martial law. The peripheral location and isolation of the island from Taiwan became of great governmental interest. Moreover, due to the Tao’s economic and political weakness, the island became an ideal candidate for siting a nuclear waste facility.

The government [chose] indigenous people[s’ land] for several reasons: their lands are some of the most isolated, they are some of the most impoverished and, consequently, most politically vulnerable (Tsai, 2002).

The appropriation of land on Orchid Island solved the government’s problem of finding a convenient storage site for the LLRW generated by power stations. Other territory belonging to the Tao was occupied in order to establish a prison and cattle farms. Further government projects were introduced, such as de- and reforestation and the gathering of orchids and exotic fish. As a consequence, various species of birds and types of vegetation disappeared. The decline in flora and fauna, as well as the bomb tests that were carried out on Small Orchid Island, led to ecological degradation of the terrestrial and marine environments, according to Tao fishermen. Anthropogenic interventions such as those on Orchid Island do have an impact on the environment and lifestyle of residents. The development projects implemented evidently led to a modification of the environment. Strong connections to nature and the spiritual world are reflected in many features of Tao culture. Therefore, the expropriation of the land, and its transformation by an outside power, not only had an impact on nature itself, but also on the Tao’s perception of their sacred sites, which is part of their indigenous identity.

Environmental injustice has several faces on Orchid Island. When looking at the Tao’s history over the last century, outside powers did have extreme power to determine the Tao peoples’ fate. The results of government development projects did not always improve the locals’ well-being. The lack of recognition, inclusion in decision making and fair distribution of goods and bads are reflected by a number of governmental projects that created environmental injustice. The environmental racism referred to by Bullard, when the environment of ethnic minorities is exploited, is a term applied by Chen et al to Orchid Island:

It is the colonialism of the late 20th century. The colonialism of the last century exploited the resources of the colonized peoples. The environmental colonialism on Orchid Island today means dumping the garbage of our civilization onto a minority people. It is racial discrimination in practice on a national level (Chen, et al., 1993:3).

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Distributive justice, a characteristic element of environmental justice, is not compatible with the dumping of nuclear waste on an indigenous community that does not benefit at all from electricity generated by nuclear power. The islanders get their energy from a local coal-fired plant and therefore, siting the radioactive waste on the Tao’s homeland is a classic case of distributive injustice.

The terrible irony of this situation is that the Yami, living so far from Taiwan island, have no access to the power produced by nuclear energy. And yet the waste produced by Taiwan’s nuclearization is being forced upon them (ibid.:2).

Even though Taipower claims that the facility brings job opportunities to the island, the benefits and burdens of this repository are highly unbalanced and not distributed equally. Marshall (2005:1) emphasizes that nuclear waste management “has the potential to be socially inequitable: burdening certain groups of society with more than their fair share of risks and costs.” Procedural justice includes participation in decision-making processes, access to information, valuing local knowledge, and avoiding discrimination in any sense. Dumping nuclear waste on Orchid Island while pretending to build a fish canning factory is a failure to be transparent, to include those affected in decision making, and also demonstrated a lack of distribution of information.

[…] the reason why people suffer from a disproportionately high level of health risk from nuclear waste is often believed to be because those people lack the power to participate in the decision-making process, which […] is a form of procedural injustice (Huang, 2012:76).

The expropriation of indigenous land for the establishment of toxic dumps is perceived as a loss of self-determination because the people affected were not integrated in the decision- making process. This procedure creates aversion to government undertakings and projects.

The aversion to things related to nuclear waste is often referred to as nuclear stigma and it has a number of possible effects: economic, social, political, cultural and psychological (Marshall, 2005:1).

Applying this statement to Orchid Island: the nuclear waste facility had economic impact, as it offered jobs and compensation to the residents. The social aspect is intertwined with the economy. The shift from a self-sufficient economy to integration in a market-oriented economy certainly had an impact on the Tao’s social, and also cultural, life. The fishing grounds around the repository were avoided by the locals, due to the fear of an encounter with toxic discharge.

It [the nuclear waste facility] is affecting their environment, and their traditional lifestyle. The fishing grounds and farming areas that they used to use near the dump site are now avoided, and the people live with the fear that their food sources may become contaminated by radiation leakage. This, and the knowledge that they have been deliberately tricked and exploited, have an enormous psychological effect which colors their contact with Taiwan (Chen, et al., 1993:2).

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Positive perception of politics by the Tao evidently suffers as a result of such arbitrary decisions. The local Tao can no longer be reconciled to trust and agree with governmental decisions. Therefore, also, the reputation of the government is diminished and there is criticism and aversion. “[…] a lack of recognition, demonstrated by various forms of insult, degradation, and devaluation at both the individual and cultural level, inflicts damage to both oppressed communities and the image of those communities in the larger cultural and political realms” (Schlosberg, 2004:519). Even though the repository was established 35 years ago under a different, non-democratic, political regime, interviewees always outlined the current government as perpetrator regarding this arbitrary and unjust decision-making. The history of indigenous communities illustrates that marginalization potentially brings indigenous peoples into precarious situations and makes them vulnerable in terms of mental, as well as physical, health.

The government’s decision to establish the nuclear waste repository on Orchid Island had its roots in racial than rather in socio-economic domains. Besides the weak economic and political situation of the Tao, the racial aspect played a crucial role in deciding where to dump the LLRW.

Given the serious difficulties involved and deficiencies of information on hazardous sites, the Lanyu situation seems to offer a reasonable opportunity to promote EJ racially rather than within a socio-economical frame (Huang, 2012:128).

A problem, stated by an environmental lawyer, is the profession of the Taiwanese government to taking responsibility for environmental injustice caused by dumping radioactive waste without the locals’ approval. The KMT government under martial law neither respected nor recognized the uniqueness of indigenous cultures and the ownership of indigenous land. The government’s refusal to follow the rule of its own law and make amends for the social and environmental injustice caused in Orchid Island is subject to critical observation by the activists. Nevertheless, making a fair decision after operating the nuclear waste facility is difficult. The compensation money that the Tao receive (see Chapter 24.3) from Taipower is an attempt at reconciliation and complies with requests by the Tao to compensate for the damage caused. However, justice is hard to achieve and injustice difficult to repair, and, so far, the nuclear waste remains on the island; a state of affairs that does not correspond with the Tao’s desire to have a safe environment without toxic waste. Nevertheless, the monetary benefit does placate some of the Tao people, although this, in turn, creates some inter-generational conflict as elaborated in in Part six.

Summary

Following the introduction of several development projects on Orchid Island, the Tao have been incorporated into the Taiwanese market economy. Infrastructure for tourism has been established; small companies, although all in Taiwanese hands, have hired local employees

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and generated income. Nevertheless, these development projects have certainly had impacts on the traditional socio-economic structures. Self-sufficiency has been almost entirely replaced by a money-oriented cash economy. Although fishing is still a strong cultural feature of the Tao, they do not rely on the catch for a living anymore. Other income enables people to go to the local supermarket. The Tao were an autonomous society with unique traditional values and rules. Missionary work was also considered to be development, an assessment which I have to agree with due to the efforts the churches made to establish a clinic, provide education and medical care, and romanize the Tao language. Nevertheless, the Tao’s spiritual beliefs in ghosts and anito, and the related taboos and traditional rules, were not in agreement with Christianity. During the KMT’s period of martial law, the Tao were eventually completely under Taiwanese governance and became an integral part of the capitalist economy. Even though these development projects achieved positive results, they were, after all, the result of decisions made at the top, without any integration of the locals or chances for them to participate.

Besides creating environmental injustice, the described interventions in the Tao’s homeland also led to social injustice. The formerly egalitarian society was shattered by rising economic inequality, not only with the Taiwanese, but also between local people, as some had better trading skills than others. The anthropogenic intervention in Orchid Island which receives most attention is the establishment of the nuclear waste repository. Storing radioactive material on an indigenous island does indeed create injustices in the three domains of equity (social, geographical, and procedural) that emerge from the environmental justice debate. However, as stated by Huang (2010), no matter where the nuclear waste goes injustice remains, and new disposal sites may create new injustices, depending on the procedure used to establish the site of a final facility. Nevertheless, the government’s procedure for finding a permanent storage site follows a systematic process. The final referendum to seek people’s agreement is necessary for democratic governance in terms of nuclear waste management.

As environmental justice is an ideal, it will difficult to entirely realize it. However, key approaches can be introduced, namely: free participation in decision-making processes, recognition, acceptance, and respect for indigenous peoples’ identity and their human rights, equal economic distribution, and self-determination. In this sense, economic growth while respecting human rights is possible, and environmental justice may provide the necessary methods for this achievement.

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PART FIVE Social Movements, Empowerment, and Democratization

Social movements emerged in Taiwan in the late 1970s and 1980s. This decade was characterized by political transition, tentative liberalization, and progress toward pluralism. It was the beginning of the empowerment of civil movements in Taiwan. Democratization, the lifting of martial law, recognition of a multicultural society, and inclusion in social and political decision making were some of the most important demands. These movements were led by civil society, marginalized groups, human rights and environmental activists, as well as by religious institutions, such as the Presbyterian Church and the Buddhist Tzu Chi Foundation. The demands of people who took to the streets and protested against the authoritarian government were greater social, political, and civil rights, and participation for all Taiwanese citizens, regardless of their ethnicity, gender or political opinion. The Green activists demanded the conservation of a healthy and clean environment, sustainable development towards an improved environment. The human rights activists pressured the government to protect and respect the fundamental human rights of people and to enforce multicultural governance in Taiwan. The indigenous peoples campaigned for acknowledgment of their ethnic origin, the return of indigenous land, more self-determination, respect of indigenous cultures, and the protection of their identity, in terms of being allowed to bear traditional names. The indigenous movement grew to a global scale in the 1990s with representatives from indigenous communities in Canada, North America, South America, Northern Europe, and finally Asia and Africa. They fought for the introduction of collective rights and the acknowledgment of indigenous peoples as political players at the international level.

Michael Rudolph, anthropologist and sinologist, wrote the sole work in German on Taiwan’s indigenous peoples’ empowerment. He undertook field research in Taiwan from 1987 to 1989, and then again from 1994 until 1996. His findings were published in a number of articles and books. In his studies, he particularly focuses on indigenous movements and cultural revitalization. As he can be considered a pioneer in these topics, it would be inexcusable not to refer to his work in this thesis. In his ethnography research he had intense interaction with indigenous peoples, especially the Sakizaya and Amis. In his book, Taiwans multi-ethnische Gesellschaft und die Bewegung der Ureinwohner (Taiwan’s multi-ethical society and the indigenous movement), he emphasizes that two kinds of indigenous elites play a crucial role in the indigenous movement: one is the KMT-loyal political elite, which consists mainly of governmental cadres, civil servants, and representatives of the indigenous communities; and the other is the KMT-oppositional elite, that can be divided into educational and Presbyterian elites (Rudolph, 2003:13). Rudolph notices that the stigmatized people suffer from an inferiority complex and are contemptuousness of their own culture, which may lead to rejection of indigenous cultural values and anomalous behaviors, such as alcoholism and prostitution (Rudolph, 2003:15). Michael Stainton, a Canadian anthropologist and missionary, experienced the founding of the first indigenous grassroots organization, the Alliance of Taiwan Aborigines personally. He also did impressive work on the indigenous

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movement and empowerment, and published a number of articles on the issue. Scott Simon, also a Canadian anthropologist and contemporary western pioneer of Taiwanese indigenous, studies merits special acknowledgment. He investigates the role of the indigenous peoples within international contexts, as well as ethno-botanic and traditional ecological knowledge.

Chapter 18 Civil Movements

Social movements have inhabited an important space in Taiwan’s history ever since the late 1970s and early 1980s. While this thesis was being written, thousands of people occupied the streets of Taipei and demonstrated in front of the Legislative Yuan. The estimated number of participants in Taipei was up to 200,000. The movement spread to all big cities in Taiwan such as Taidong and Kaohsiung. It will come to be known to history as the Sunflower Movement. The protest was sparked by the review of the Cross-Strait Trade Agreement between China and Taiwan that was signed in June 2013. The review was approved by the government but without sufficient transparency and public hearings, claimed the citizens. Therefore, it became a focus for discussion of democracy as the review process expel the voices of opponents. The protesters regarded the rule of law as having been disrespected and this kind of proceeding by the legislature as one which violates democratic decision making processes, such as participation of the people. The protesters feared that this trade pact with China could have damaging repercussions on Taiwan’s economy and sovereignty, and would increase China’s influence in Taiwan. Furthermore, the protesters warned that the agreement would cause job losses and worsen working conditions due to the establishment of more Chinese industry and increased immigration from China to Taiwan. The protesters, in particular students, demanded a public debate on the agreement, but the decision makers did not listen. The people feel the democratic values of Taiwan are deeply disesteemed by some of the political elite. The protesters occupied parliament, voicing their concerns and distrust of President Ma and the KMT party that sympathizes with mainland China. However, many young people consider themselves as Taiwanese, distancing themselves from mainland China, and hope for the complete independence of Taiwan. The agreement would indeed strengthen China’s position in Taiwan, not only economically but also politically. The demonstration and occupation were mainly peaceful. The indigenous peoples were also part of the Sunflower Movement. Some indigenous communities fear that the growing number of Chinese tourists to Taiwan will harm the environment and their settlements. The Amis protested against the participation of Chinese tourists whom the local government had invited in their traditional Ilsin ritual. The Amis are fighting for the protection of their sacred performances and do not want to transform these cultural events into a commercial “tourist product” (Loa, Taipei Times, 10 August, 2014).

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Chapter 19 Indigenous Peoples’ Movements

The situation of indigenous peoples and their community during the time of martial law was precarious. While Taiwanese Han society enjoyed an economic boom beginning in the 1960s, the indigenous peoples were not included in any improvement of welfare. If indigenous peoples found any work in urban areas, it was in the low-income employment sector and in dangerous jobs that were, at the same time, considered degrading by the Han. The male population worked in industries such as fishery, construction, and mining, while the women often ended up as prostitutes.

Females often became nurses, these were the lucky ones. The serious problem was that so many were sold into prostitution: from the 1960s up to the 1990s this was quite common, to sell them like prisoners [...] I would say 20–30% of the women in brothels were indigenous in earlier periods (Arrigo, 2008*).

The indigenous people also suffered from poor medical treatment and education. Being excluded from society, having at the same time been assimilated and discriminated against for decades, led to severe social consequences. Alcoholism, loss of life vision, and a lack of cultural orientation led to mental health issues and a high rate of mortality. Common causes of death were car accidents, suicide, tuberculosis, and cirrhosis, which might have been related to high alcohol consumption. The reputation of Taiwan’s native population as unemployed, lazy, drunkards did indeed have some justification. Regulations stemmed hunting rights, and there were not enough commercial jobs to employ the locals from the villages. Family ties were shattered by the migration of parents to cities in the hope of finding sources of income. The children stayed with their grandparents and went to the village schools. Rudolph (2003:76) argues that at least a quarter of the indigenous population lived outside their villages.

Under the KMT regime you cannot speak your language, we have to speak Chinese. We have to move to the cities, because we are not allowed to hunt anymore, so we need to earn money to buy food. People move to the city to find a job, but the quality is very low. They were discriminated against by the Han Chinese, they can do just very low work, like being a construction worker or cleaner in the streets (Sasala, 2008*).

Education was often insufficient, as teachers were not motivated to teach in indigenous communities and were, in general, poorly qualified. Teaching in an indigenous village was not very attractive because salary was low and living standards uncomfortable. Missionaries offered basic education. However, although their focus was on religion and Christianity, the indigenous were also taught about political and social issues. Indigenous people were often forced to leave their community in order to find a better life in terms of job and income opportunities. Besides, there was a further reason to move to the city: finding a suitable marriage partner. Women especially searched for potential husbands. The ideal was a Han Chinese with a stable life, a good job, who could afford to feed a family. Indigenous men had less of a chance with Han women. Taiwanese family structures used to be very tight and,

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even if a Han girl fell in love with an indigenous man, the parents would not allow their daughter to get engaged to him. This is a frequently heard story when talking about marriage, migration, and interracial relationships. Most of the indigenous villagers I met in Taiwan and Orchid Island had been to the cities for a while and experienced urban life. Many of the islanders returned home after having experienced poor living conditions and degrading treatment from the majority Han society. Furthermore, the desire to live close to family and nature were incentives to come back to their homeland. Due to stigmatization and their treatment as a people of a lower class, the self-confidence of the indigenous identity suffered and, once back home, the returnees fell into the apathy that comes from being jobless and feeling useless. This in turn contributed to the lack of motivation that often resulted in unhappiness, heavy drinking, and mental, as well as physical, illness.

While Taiwan’s society benefited from modernization, the indigenous peoples were still considered backward mountain people. They were excluded from society and could not benefit from economic growth. The economic and social situation, the consequences of the assimilation policies, and the loss of tradition and direction led on the one hand to a kind of powerlessness, however, on the other hand, these were the very factors that made the people fight for their rights. A generation emerged in the early 1980s who began to resist the systematic suppression and empowered themselves, transforming themselves from victims to activists from the bottom-up. Indigenous students, intellectuals, pastors, and missionaries called for a pan-ethnic movement in order to re-awake confidence in an indigenous identity and become empowered. Empowerment is the active role of oppressed people in voicing their concerns and becoming de-victimized in order to use all the resources available to them to liberalize themselves from desperation and misery.

If people want fundamental rights to be recognized and enforced, they cannot escape from the responsibility to actively contribute to the defense of these rights. People cannot expect others (the state or the media) always to defend their rights and liberties. The less alert people react to the violation of human rights, the more their own dignity comes under threat. If people do not actively engage in the battle for their empowerment, they should not be surprised to find themselves one day totally disempowered (Hamelink, 1995:12).

Still under martial law, the Taiwanese citizens began voicing their concerns about political pluralism, recognition of ethnic identities, and protection of human rights. The demands of the indigenous people who voiced their concern were:

• improvement of indigenous peoples’ social and economic situations

• constitutional and legal recognition of indigenous peoples

• the establishment of a government institution that to deal with indigenous issues and represent the people at a governmental level

• recognition of indigenous land rights and indigenous culture

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• enforcement of indigenous autonomy and self-determination

• engagement against cultural suppression, discrimination, and economic exploitation

• liberation of indigenous minors working as prostitutes

In the remainder of this chapters these demands are further elaborated.

Empowerment and the Demand for Freedom and Justice

Dissatisfaction with the restrictions of individual freedom spread not only among the indigenous peoples, but also in Han society. Underground political groups were formed that opposed the KMT regime and its arbitrary policies. One of these groups was the Dangwai (黨外), which means ‘outside the (KMT) party.’ The Dangwai was founded in the 1970s, illegally, because under martial law no parties other than the KMT were tolerated. The opposition fought for democracy and independence from China (Enn, 2009:45). Some pragmatic Dangwai members discovered the value of using the indigenous peoples for their own interests and took the opportunity to deal with the concerns of the minorities in order to gain more affiliates. However, at that time, most of the indigenous peoples were KMT members. According to Rudolph (2003:90), until the mid-1990s, all the indigenous representatives in the National Assembly, the Legislative Yuan, and the provincial and city parliaments were KMT members. When conducting my field research in Orchid Island, I noticed that there also most locals were KMT affiliated. A retired Tao couple told me politics was not of too much interest for the islanders.

One is used to the KMT, they were always here. Nowadays, there are too many parties and we lose track of the different political agendas. Anyway, it doesn’t affect us. We live in a small island. But the KMT give us nice gifts and we have free electricity here, which is a good thing (Iraraley couple, 2008*).

A method commonly used to gain indigenous voters was vote-buying, or offering presents in exchange. In 1984, Dangwai representatives, indigenous students, and PCT members founded a committee for minority peoples. Their agenda included the investigation of social problems, boycott of the assimilation policy, engagement against exploitation of minors, and respect for the human rights and dignity of indigenous peoples (Rudolph, 2003:86). In the same year, the Alliance of Taiwan Aborigines (ATA) was founded (and financed by private sponsors). The ATA was an indigenous socio-political group established by a number of “young and educated indigenous people” (S, 2014*). It became the voice and representative body of Taiwan’s native population. The most important issues the ATA fought for were the return of indigenous land, self-determination, and an end to discriminatory policies affecting social and economic rights. However, in the beginning, the ATA received little support. Sasala Taiban, a Rukai and one of the ATA founders, explains:

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We think we are second level in this country. So in 1983 the ATA was built by 30 people from different groups and areas. […] We organized people from different communities. Combined, we had the first organization of indigenous people. But the government says we are communist like Dangwai. So the ATA has a very bad reputation. No indigenous people like them, because society is very conservative. We start many protests, we fight for our rights, for better jobs and that the government understands the situation of indigenous people otherwise indigenous people will disappear. We ask for more support for indigenous people’s education, our names. They call us Shanbao, mountain people. We ask them to give us indigenous names, like Yuanzhumin. This is something what the ATA did in that time (Sasala, 2008*).

In the empowerment process, the Christian churches, in particular the Presbyterian Church played a crucial role. Churches were one of the very few places where restrictions on speech and association were relatively loose. Yoshihisa Amae (2012:128) emphasizes “[By] constitutional guarantee, churches were free to hold services, allowing dissenters to voice their opinions with less risk of persecution due to the aegis of religious freedom and the watchful eye of international observers.” Missionary work was successful in terms of the high numbers of baptisms and church members among the indigenous communities. The PCT had a significant presence at the ATA. PCT success was reflected by the fact that one third of PCT members were indigenous people (Rudolph, 2003:169; Stainton, 2002:63). The churches were strong intermediaries in demanding self-determination and respect for human rights. The PCT had international support from the World Council of Churches. The council supported indigenous movements globally. It financed, among other undertakings, the participation of indigenous peoples in the UNWGIP in Geneva.

The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT) has been a pioneer in the pursuit of justice and human rights in post-World War II Taiwan. Since the 1980s, the PCT has been involved in numerous social movements in Taiwan and has made its presence known in many protests and rallies (Amae, 2012:125).

The PCT already used yuanzhumin (indigenous peoples) instead of shandiren/‘mountain people’ in 1986, which was eight years before the government officially changed the terms used. Additionally, with respect to language, the PCT emphasized the use of one’s indigenous mother tongue. The Bible was translated into the people’s indigenous languages after being romanized by missionaries. The translation into Chinese was required by the state in order to retain control.

Fortunately the church uses the mother tongue in Lanyu. Old people talk in their mother tongue, you could say they make space to practice, to recover their identity and traditional knowledge. Activity in communities is very important. […] Education is the key for self- empowerment and multiculturalism (Tan 2008*).

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Figure 41 Bible in Bunun and Chinese Translation (Enn, 2008)

Amae states that the PCT was rather pro-DPP and therefore not as critical of the DPP as it was of the KMT. Thus the PCT “failed to monitor the government when the DPP was in power (2000-2008)” (Amae, 2012:145). Over time, the ATA grew to a pan-indigenous organization composed of members of all indigenous communities in Taiwan. It gained political importance by demanding a revision of the existent ignorant governance of indigenous issues. The naming of indigenous peoples was one of the first themes the ATA dealt with. The negative connotations of ‘mountain tribes’ and ‘plains tribes’ was to be replaced by a neutral designation such as ‘indigenous peoples,’ yuanzhumin in Chinese. Yuanzhumin/indigenous peoples would also distance themselves from the minority politics of the PRC where, officially, there are only minorities and no indigenous or aboriginal peoples. Furthermore, the ATA demanded constitutional recognition, the active use of traditional languages, and support for people in admitting to their ethnic identity and strengthening their consciousness of being indigenous. Meanwhile, indigenous students at National Taiwan University formed a group and began to write articles and spread leaflets containing protest literature and reportage, as well as lyrics and prose. In 1983 they founded the magazine, Gaoshanqing (高山青 mountain greenery). Sasala Taiban was one of its first members: “we were four people and we wrote about indigenous issues” (interview, 2008).

We have a magazine; it’s called Gaoshanqing. It means we hope to have a long life [...] I’m the author and publisher. After its establishment there were many protests. More and more people support us, because this discourse is very important. It gives us a lot of information about our land, history, culture, religion. This is what Gaoshanqing is talking about. KMT didn’t like us. My girlfriend separated from me, because of that. We can publish the paper just on the campus, it’s like a protection.

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Many people don’t like us. But when they read the magazine they changed their mind. Also former DPP members support us a lot (Sasala 2008*).

As this was happening during the period when the country was still under martial law, the situation was tense for three reasons: first, the people were scared to voice their concern openly after 40 years of authoritarian rule; second, the police still had the power to arrest any suspicious person or potential political dissident; and third, the public atmosphere was highly charged because of the empowerment of and claims-making by civil society. In the years after the lifting of martial law, a number of indigenous magazines came into being, such Taiwan Indigenous Voice Bimonthly, which covered cultural issues, and a weekly newspaper, Austronesian News. “Publishing houses have issued series devoted to the literary output and essays of the natives. Radio and television broadcasts have added their support to the written medium” (Allio, 1998). These media offered a platform for the indigenous peoples and improved networking, thus creating more activists. Gaining strength through solidarity and common empowerment, the movements became stronger and moved closer to achieving the aims they had demanded.

The indigenous movement became a very popular issue in Taiwan. Many protests were on the street in 1987 from Taiwanese society. Also Indigenous People can have a voice in the Taiwanese society; even though we are not the main protest group. So many things have changed since 1987 (Sasala, 2008*).

In 1988, one year after the lifting of martial law, the ATA published a document inspired by the draft of the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Taiwanese. It demonstrated proactive self-initiative with a manifesto that firmly announced 15 points to be addressed. Among them were the right to use and develop indigenous languages, self-governance over resources and land, and respect for indigenous cultures and human rights. The main claims covering the indigenous movements were:

• “return our lands” (還我土地) – the restoration of traditional territory and resolution of land conflicts

• the “Name Rectification Movement” of 1984 (正名) – to foster indigenous identity and consciousness in terms of name rectification from ‘mountain people’ and ‘plains people’ to indigenous people (yuanzhumin) (Ku, 2012)

• “anti-nuclear” – I include the Tao’s anti-nuclear movement as one of the main demands because, even though the main focus for this issue is Orchid Island, it nevertheless did not fail to find support and generate solidarity among different social groups that shared common interests.

In June 6, 1991, Reuters reported from a demonstration by the indigenous movement in Taipei:

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About 200 members of Taiwan's Aboriginal tribes, some wearing colorful traditional dress, demonstrated outside Parliament to demand government aid and greater political power. “Our language is vanishing, our culture is fading away and our natural resources are being systematically plundered,” the leaders of Aboriginal civic groups asserted in a letter presented to the cabinet office. They called on the government to improve employment and educational opportunities in Aboriginal villages and to create a committee overseeing Aboriginal affairs in which the tribes would have representation. […] Many aborigines say they suffer racial discrimination and have benefited little from Taiwan's rapid economic growth during the past four decades. One major tribal grievance is the government's storage of nuclear waste on Orchid Island, just off southeastern Taiwan; it is the home of one of the tribes.

In the following chapters, I elaborate on the issues mentioned above and the things the indigenous peoples were fighting for in the decade of social upheaval and civil movements.

Land Claims

As noted earlier, the Japanese considered non-cultivated land and land without explicit ownership to be state property. When the KMT took power, all government-owned land and land privately owned by Japanese was appropriated and became the property of the new state. The indigenous people did not own their land in a capitalist sense and could not prove ownership. As in Japanese times, the indigenous peoples had to pay taxes to the KMT. When they were not able to make the payments, many were forced to migrate to urban areas in order to find work as cheap laborers in factories and harbors. The mountain communities also faced a situation of constant loss of land due to the establishment of industry. In 1966, the KMT introduced new regulations related to reservation policies and individual ownership. Traditionally, the indigenous communities had rather communal arrangements for land ownership; however, with these regulations, the concept of collective property vanished. Anthropologist Scott Simon (2009:22) explains that:

The end of collective ownership certainly further eroded the band organization that had already been weakened by forced resettlement by the Japanese. In addition to allowing outsiders to gain band property, new land policies also provided further justification for the nationalization of forest lands, hunting territories, and riverbeds that traditionally belonged to indigenous bands but were not under cultivation.

Indigenous peoples who could prove the constant cultivation of their land over the last 10 years had the chance to apply for ownership. Thus, indigenous reserve land was divided into public and private indigenous land. Han Chinese could not own land within an indigenous reservation. However, industries and private persons could legally lease public land in reservation areas. The idea was that the remote mountainous villages could thereby profit from industry settlement. These two regulations meant that, as soon as the first indigenous people received ownership rights for their cultivated land, only half of the usable land

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remained available. Additionally, ten percent of reservation land was illegally used or settled by Han Chinese. In particular, the areas with the most resources, best infrastructure, and highest value for tourism were in Han Chinese hands (Rudolph, 2003:112-113).

Land development and environmental change had affected the indigenous peoples ever since the arrival of newcomers. In 1958, the trans-mountain road that connects the west coast of Taiwan with the east coast was one of the first large construction projects introduced by the KMT. A large number of mainland soldiers were involved in the construction work. In the course of the undertaking, the workers settled down in the surrounding reservations. As a result of increasing population and growing urbanization, national parks and recreational parks were established including Taroko, Kending, and Yangminshan national parks. Due to positive economic growth in Taiwan, this kind of industry flourished. In 1987, Bunun graves were desecrated during the construction of a recreational park in Nantou. This issue became a further motivation for the mobilization of the indigenous peoples (Rudolph, 2003:114-115) and opposition to the national plan projects. The restrictions on indigenous land usage and disrespect of rights, in terms of government land requisition, land leased to Han, and illegally occupied land led to the return our land movement mentioned above.

For the indigenous peoples’ cultural survival and for cultural preservation is very important to understand the relationship between indigenous peoples and their land. If we displace indigenous peoples from their traditional living area that could mean that we cut down the cultural ties between people and land. I think we can all agree that if a group of people has no abilities to carry out their culture including the land, the living style, including all the cultural performances, we would say these groups of people are already extinct (Awi, 2011*).

According to Amae, in August 1988 a huge political rally was organized, “demanding the government to return all the indigenous land (confiscated by the Japanese and then controlled by the KMT), legislate its protection, and establish a cabinet-level department for indigenous affairs” (2012:136). The ATA was the leading force in this movement, strongly supported by the Presbyterian Church. The return our land movement became the most important issue on the indigenous agenda, with the highest participation of protesters in rallies related to it. In this way, the connection of indigenous peoples’ identity and their natural environment was again emphasized. In terms of land rights, it was not only the indigenous peoples who took to the streets to voice their discontent with the government’s land policy, but also Han Chinese who did not agree with the obscure procedures of the KMT. Yeh (2002:52) states that by 1994, the price of land had risen to more than five times its 1987 prices, resulting in a crisis of social injustice.

Cultural Identity

During the Japanese occupation and in the course of Japanization, the indigenous peoples got Japanese names. In the period of martial law under the KMT and its assimilation policies, the

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natives were given Chinese names. The demand for self-determination in terms of using traditional names and languages was a fundamental issue on the indigenous movement agenda and led to the name rectification movement. Besides rejecting the pejorative group designation of ‘mountain tribes,’ the indigenous people also demanded to be empowered by use of their traditional community names. The Tao, for instance, were called Yami by the KMT newcomers. Yami however, does not have any meaning for the islanders, whereas Tao signifies human being. The same is true for other names on Orchid Island; for instance, the island itself came to be called Lanyu (traditionally, it was Ponso no Tao, island of men) and the villages were given Chinese names, such as Hongtou (in Tao, Imorud) which literally indicates red-head (village) – a name with discriminatory connotations.

Under martial law indigenous people were forced not to speak their languages. We have to change our name and we have to adopt the lifestyle to the Chinese (Awi, 2008*).

In 1992, demonstrations were held in front of the National Assembly. The ATA and PCT pleaded for the term mountain people to be changed to aboriginal/indigenous people (yuanzhumin), a change which was not achieved until the third constitutional revision. In 1995, the government issued a new regulation which allowed the use of the indigenous name in the household registration system, however only in Chinese characters. Shih (1999) noted that few natives applied for the name reversion. Aside from any administrative considerations, probable explanations are the loss of tradition and identity as the result of acculturation, a fear of easy identification as targets of discrimination, or submission to the dominant Han culture. In July 2012 a new decision was made by the KMT government, authorizing the use of indigenous names on the drivers’ licenses, irrespective of their length. Before, only native names with no more than eight Chinese characters had been allowed whereas now the name column can accommodate a maximum of 24 characters (Enn, 2012:171). Nowadays, most Tao people have both an indigenous and a Chinese name. In general, the traditional names are used within the community and on Orchid Island and Chinese names are mostly used for administrative purposes. Language and naming significantly characterizes one’s identity. After being assimilated into the Japanese, and later into the Han Chinese, cultures, the indigenous peoples were forced to avoid using their language in public. The youth were educated in the mainstream language which was first Japanese and later Chinese. After decades of acculturation, some traditional languages faced extinction as they were forgotten. The Hakka population was also affected by this kind of language governance. In 1988, a big Hakka rally took place in Taipei with 14,000 protesters who fought for the preservation of their mother tongue (Rudolph, 2003:135).

In 1993, the KMT government officially implemented mother tongue classes at indigenous schools. Although the government was willing to meet the demand made by indigenous peoples to preserve their language, the introduction of bilingual education did not meet with all students’ enthusiasm. Rudolph (2003:137) notes that in some schools, the motivation for learning the mother tongue was low for, although this subject was not tested, it was considered useless in a Chinese dominated society.

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Environment and Anti-Nuclear Movements

The anti-nuclear power movement emerged in the 1980s, growing from the environmental and social justice movements. Tao people took to the streets to protest against the nuclear waste repository on their island. “After the abolition of martial law, at the end of 1987, the mobilization of the aboriginal people was greatly extended” (Allio, 1998). Since 1988, a number of rallies have taken place in Taipei, as well as in Orchid Island. The first anti- nuclear demonstration held was given the title “Expel the Evil Spirits from Orchid Island.” In the following decades, further large-scale rallies took place (Kao, 2012:37). Author Syaman Rapongan, a famous writer from Orchid Island, was one of the founders of the movement protesting against the nuclear waste repository. Guo Jianping and Zhang Haiyu were other personalities who initiated the empowerment movement of the Tao; both are former pastors from the PCT. Supported by the PCT and the ATA, the first street rallies were organized in Taipei in order to voice the Tao’s concern about a very local environmental issue on a national stage, in front of the Taipower headquarters.

The Tao had never been confronted with radioactivity before 1980. Therefore, the islanders’ knowledge about nuclear power and toxic waste was poor. Scholars and pastors from Orchid Island started to collect information about radioactivity to initiate the fight against the exploitation of their environment. To teach the Tao about the negative impacts of nuclear power, Guo Jianping collected papers and information in Taiwan in order to gain knowledge which he brought back to his people. He illustrated the dangers of radioactivity with pictures of people disabled following the nuclear accident in Chernobyl in 1986. The Tao learnt about the atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the tremendous consequences they had for the people of those cities (Guo, 2008*). Furthermore, the people became aware of nuclear waste, which is poisonous and very dangerous for people’s health and the ecosystem, if it is not safely stored. As the Tao had no word for toxic waste they adapted the term into their traditional language as anito (Enn, 2012:167). One year after the lifting of martial law, the first big street gatherings and protests against the nuclear dump were held. This was the beginning of the Tao’s empowerment through collective learning aimed at social and environmental justice. Demonstrations in Taipei and Orchid Island were organized to voice the Tao’s concerns and to inform the Taiwanese public about the nuclear dump on their homeland.

Sure we started a movement, a long time ago, on May 20, 1988. This was the start of our very powerful environmental story. At that time I was one of the leaders. I told our people to be against nuclear waste. From that time on the KMT discussed our problem because at that time some foreign journalists came here to write an article to inform about nuclear waste (Syaman Rapongan, 2008*).

In 1991, a big street gathering by the Tao, environmental NGOs, and anti-nuclear activists in Taipei was reported by international media (Marsh, et al., 1993):

The Yami protest letter contained three requests: 1) the expansion of the second phase of construction on the waste site be stopped; 2) the immediate stoppage of

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transport of nuclear waste from Taiwan to the Orchid Island storage site; 3) by June 30, 1991, the shutdown of the storage site. Their first request was met, although there are likely other factors involved besides the protests. But the operation of the storage site has continued despite the opposition.

The demonstrations in Taipei were useful and necessary since they captured media attention and made the case known to the Taiwanese public (Chi, 2001:145). The Tao’s slogan when taking to the streets was “to drive away Orchid Island’s anito.” People were dressed in their traditional costumes. Tao men expressed their anger by gestures of repressed rage, groans, and trashing gestures; a powerful expression of sadness, pain, and fury at the injustice committed against the Tao people (Chen, et al., 1993:3).

In 1996, the last ship with barrels of LLRW arrived at the harbor of Orchid Island. The locals were already prepared to fight against the delivery. And, this time, successfully; due to the islanders’ resistance, the ship could not unload the nuclear waste containers. The Tao’s activism finally led to a cessation of the delivery of barrels of nuclear waste to Orchid Island (Enn, 2012:170). Guo Jianping described that moment:

The demonstration against nuclear waste was in 1996. The last nuclear waste was brought in 1996. I told them never ever to put nuclear waste on our island again. They have to put it where no humans live, they have to take it away from a place where people live and not choose our small island. […] The last ship was coming with nuclear waste, but because of the demonstration they left again. I picked up some wood and jumped into the big boat and told them to move back to Taiwan (Guo, 2008*).

Furthermore, the Tao managed to receive compensation and were, from then on, provided with free electricity and health care. The PCT played crucial roles in all parts of this empowerment process, since it provided financial and organizational resources and mobilized people from remote indigenous villages to take part in the protests (Limond, 2002:22):

The Presbyterian Church has also explicitly taken up organization of anti-nuclear protests where the activists left off (after the successful protest of 1996 turned back the nuclear waste ship). […] After the initial success of the protest, it has been the Presbyterian Church that has played a large part in maintaining the pressure on Taidian [Taipower]. At Easter 2001, the Presbyterian Church from all six villages on Lanyu met outside the Lanyu Storage Facility to pray.

In 1995, Taipower wanted to build another six ditches to store nuclear waste on Orchid Island. In order to make this undertaking attractive to the locals and gain their approval, the government offered to construct a national park above the ditches that already stored barrels. When the Tao learnt about these projects, they once again did not stay quiet but voiced their opposition in Taipei as well as in front of the storage site on Orchid Island. Thanks to the Tao’s persistence and endurance, the national park plan, and also the enlargement of the repository, were prevented. The Environmental Protection Alliance Taiwan (環保聯盟) fought against ecological degradation and exploitation by the big business companies (Rudolph,

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2003:92-95). These activists were also in solidarity with the Tao and their struggle against the nuclear dump, as well as being involved with the issue of relocation of tribes, such as the Bunun, Taroko, and Rukai, from their ancestral land. For the activists, it was important to restore harmony between human beings and nature; they considered that only this harmony could ensure the physical and cultural survival of the indigenous peoples. In terms of the anti- nuclear movement per se, following the Fukushima nuclear disaster of March 2011, the demand to shift from nuclear power to green energy generation increased. The latest focus of anti-nuclear protesters is the implementation of the fourth nuclear power plant in Gongliao. The construction had already started in the 1980s, but the work on the site was postponed over and over again. Construction work was first suspended following the nuclear disaster of Chernobyl in 1986, and later it was again halted when the DPP came to power in 2000, as a result of their stated anti-nuclear power agenda. There were cases of corruption and the whole process was accompanied by lack of transparency. There was no opportunity for civil society to participate in decision-making processes. On the weekend of April 26–27, 2014, a rally against the fourth nuclear power plant was held. Researchers and specialists from Academia Sinica, the most prestigious research institution in east Asia, released a statement before the weekend, reported in the Taipei Times, April 28, 2014:

[The] government [does not] have the know-how to process nuclear waste with current nuclear waste storage facilities in Taiwan almost at full capacity, they said, adding that methods the nation used to deal with the waste — ocean disposal or burial and exporting — were expensive. More importantly, there are six nuclear reactors in Taiwan among the 12 most dangerous reactors listed in a 2011 Natural Resource Defense Council report as being in very high seismic hazard areas, the statement said. “A nuclear crisis, be it the result of a natural disaster or human error, in northern Taiwan would be devastating,” they said. While some countries not in the seismic zones listed nuclear energy as one of their solutions for carbon emission reduction, nuclear energy would be a risky option for Taiwan, the statement said, adding that the government should work diligently on risk assessment and development of renewable energy sources.

Three years on from the Fukushima nuclear disaster, Tao activists are certainly among the protesters in the anti-nuclear movement rally held every year in March in memory of the victims of Fukushima. Environmentalists, indigenous peoples, and human rights activists take to the streets and to demand social and environmental justice as well as sustainable development without hazardous waste production.

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Movement for the Release of Minor Indigenous Prostitutes

The Rainbow Project was initiated by the PCT in 1986 to fight against the sexual exploitation of young indigenous women and girls. Michael Rudolph, who participated in this movement, noted: “I was deeply impressed by the engagement and openness, but also the self-confident and determined presence of the mostly very young [indigenous] people” (Rudolph, 2003:7). The first street rallies against the prostitution of under-aged indigenous girls were held in 1988 and 1989. These girls were victims of human traffickers who took advantage of the inferior status of indigenous peoples, in particular women and children, for systematic exploitation.

A big protest was started by the Presbyterian Church in 1985 or 1986. The church was very close to the people, so the Presbyterian Church held a demonstration in the red-light district around Long Shan Temple [in Taipei]. […] Girls were sold at the age of 13, women trafficked, they got hormones to get breasts, they had many diseases. I did research on that with a friend, who did activities with the Presbyterian Church. This was a serious problem. In very concerned villages I guess more than a third of the women were in the prostitution sector (Arrigo, 2008*).

Sinologist Astrid Lipinsky works on gender issues and sexual exploitation of the 2-28 Incident victims and their relatives. She notices that these women have experienced long- term poverty, the loss of their social status and network, and that they have been deprived of educational opportunities (Lipinsky, 2012:98-99).

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Taiwanese history of the twentieth century can be rewritten as a chronology of human rights abuses against women, beginning with the forced recruitment of prostitutes by and for the Japanese army in colonial Taiwan […] Aboriginal women were especially affected.

While recognizing indigenous peoples’ vulnerability, those women forced into prostitution while underage were even more vulnerable in terms of victimization and exploitation.

Chapter 20 Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples Going Global

Since the early years of Taiwan’s social movements, human rights violations, exploitation, and land expropriation have been important issues. The decades from the 1960s until the 1990s were marked by worldwide movements aimed at the empowerment of indigenous populations. As indigenous peoples in different parts of the world face the same burdens, solidarity, networks, and joint empowerment emerged. Alliances with indigenous organizations all around the globe were formed. In particular, Taiwan’s indigenous peoples were influenced by the First Nations in Canada (Chi, 2007:2). These networks addressed not only political, social, and economic empowerment strategies, but emphasized also cultural exchange and learning from each other’s experiences.

An exhibition of the art of Inuit, the indigenous people in northern Canada, and Taiwan aborigines opens in the National Museum of History in Canada as part of the Taiwan-Canadian Aboriginal Cultural Festival. The festival is the first cooperative program embarked on following the signing of a memorandum of understanding in late 1998 to further strengthen cooperation in Aboriginal affairs and exchanges of indigenous cultures. […]Under the memorandum of understanding, the two sides will alternately hold traditional festivals, activities promoting handicraft and marketing and contests in traditional skills. Taiwan and Canada will alternate hosting workshops on issues involving the educational, cultural, economic and social development for Canadian and Taiwanese Aboriginal populations. The workshops will also focus on protection of the environment (Center for International Development and Conflict Management, 2010).

In 1991, the ATA gained international recognition as members traveled to Geneva to join the annual meeting of UNWGIP in Geneva. This was a milestone in Taiwan’s indigenous peoples’ empowerment movement. The indigenous actors could voice their concern on an international stage. Participating in UN meetings, the indigenous peoples succeeded in gaining more allies, ideas, authority, and energy. They came with the slogan “Taiwan Aboriginal Peoples with their true name, land, and self-governance.” Since 1991, indigenous representatives from ATA have been routinely present at meetings of the UN working group (Stainton, 1999:424). The Tao participants learnt that other indigenous communities had similar issues to struggle with; for instance, constitutional recognition, land rights, human

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rights, and the right to self-determination. Debates on collective rights for indigenous people became of crucial importance in the UN human rights body.

In 1993, Tao Pastor Zhang Haiyu was among the delegates attending the UNWGIP meeting in Geneva. The Report of the Alliance of Taiwan Aborigines to the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations was presented at the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in June 1993. It primarily promotes the principle of the collective rights of indigenous peoples, such as political participation, indigenous identification (for instance, using native names, language, clothes, and costumes), and environmental justice. Paragraph 6, Social Rights, tackles the problem of nuclear waste on Orchid Island:

In 1978, the government, in a blatant deception of the Yami [Tao] people of the island of Lanyu [Orchid Island], announced the construction of a military harbor and widely publicized the employment opportunities such a project would bring. The unsuspecting Yamis [Tao] joined the construction project willingly, only to find out after its completion that the project was actually a nuclear waste dump. Currently Taiwan has three nuclear plants – the construction of a fourth one is pending – and all of Taiwan's nuclear waste is dumped on Lanyu. Since this site has reached full capacity, the government is now planning expansion of the site. The Yami people are putting up stiff opposition, and the conflict is still unresolved. Without garnering the benefits of nuclear power, the Yami are yet tricked into shouldering the immense risk of a nuclear disaster – this is a classic case of racial discrimination and deserves international censure (ATA 1993, Par. 6).

The Presbyterian Church again played a significant role here. Besides supporting human rights education among the indigenous and the people’s right to self-determination, the church also supported the participation of indigenous peoples at the UNWGIP meeting. However, Taiwan’s status as an unrecognized state of the UN marginalized the indigenous peoples. Since 2010, holders of Taiwanese passports have been excluded from the UNPFII in New York (Ku, 2012:103). Therefore, Taiwanese delegates are eligible to participate only at fringe events outside the UN building. Tao representative Zhang Haiyu (2007*) emphasized that “even though we could not enter the UN, we were still able to raise our voices and introduce ourselves to the world.” Indeed, with the acknowledgment of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples at the UN, people gained new hope for a better future in terms of legal recognition, political participation, and social improvement. The dynamic of the global indigenous movement reached Taiwan, and its indigenous peoples responded by participating in the international indigenous empowerment.

Chapter 21 Democratization, Political Transition, and Legal Recognition of Indigenous Peoples

In order to manifest democratization, the one-party-system needs to be abolished since the chance for opposition to be heard is essential for political pluralism. The Dangwai opposition

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was not officially acknowledged as a party during martial law. However, various social communities had expressed their disagreement with the current governance. People began to publish liberal literature and declared their anxiety about and dissatisfaction with the authoritarian KMT regime. They demanded freedom of expression, speech, and assembly, free education, freedom from arbitrary prosecution, and a new political path in. Civil society worked for a new Taiwan, a country based on democratic rule of law. In particular, the second half of the 1980s was characterized by street protests, sit-ins, and rallies. The indigenous peoples in particular claimed collective rights and stronger representation in political institutions. The KMT’s status quo was seriously threatened by the powerful social movements (Enn, 2009:46). In the mid-1980s, political transition to a more democratic government took shape.

[…] the transition [that] started in the mid-1980s has moved the national development towards economic liberalization, political democratization, rule of law, and internationalization (Yeh, 2002:48).

Chiang Ching-kuo, son of Chiang Kai-shek, was prime minister of the Republic of China from 1972 until 1978. Under his government, the Taiwanization process was introduced, which meant broadening the awareness and consciousness of being Taiwanese with a certain separation from sharing the identity of mainland China. Chiang Ching-kuo shifted his focus from the mainland-China KMT elite to his local Taiwanese KMT entourage. He put effort into giving in Taiwan-born Chinese opportunities to occupy public offices. His father, Chiang Kai-shek, died in 1975. Chiang Ching-kuo succeeded him as chairman of the KMT and, in 1978, he was officially inaugurated as Taiwan’s president. He had a less conservative political attitude than his father, and became known as pragmatic leader. His governance was characterized by diffident liberalization and more tolerant governmental control of the media and speech. In 1986, the political opposition, Dangwai, was officially recognized as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP民主進步黨). It was during Chiang Ching-kuo’s period of governance that martial law was lifted, on 15 July, 1987. Shortly after, in 1988, Chiang Ching-kuo died.

Lifting of martial law gave new freedom to the press, sparked the formation of political parties and associations of voluntary groups, and encouraged the Taiwanese to gather and demonstrate. In the wake of political liberalization, social potency was released to raise major issues that had been depressed due to tight political control. An avalanche of social movements has since spread throughout the island. Farmers, veterans, students, indigent people, workers, and environmentalists took their cases to the streets, demanding regulatory reforms in their respective areas. More and more voluntary groups were formed to represent competing interests. In the climate of pragmatism, the authorities were forced to focus less on adherence to ideological doctrine and more on substantive issues (Yeh, 2002:51).

The growing pressure on Taiwan’s authoritarian regime came from the civil society and grassroots on the one hand, and from the United States on the other. Huntington, originator of

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the term ‘Third Wave of Democratization,’ explains the transition in Taiwan as part of a wave of liberalization over slopping the globe:

From the 1960s to the 1980s the (economic) growth rates achieved by South Korea and Taiwan were among the highest in the world. The two societies were transformed economically and socially. The pressure in these countries for democratization developed more slowly than in European and Latin American societies for two reasons. First, Confucian cultural traditions emphasizing hierarchy, authority, community, and loyalty delayed the articulation by social groups of intense demands on the polity. Second, in contrast to other societies, rapid economic growth in Korea and Taiwan took place in the context of relatively equal patterns of income distribution […] and early attainment of high levels of literacy and education (Huntington, 1991: 71).

At the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States developed diplomatic relations with Taiwan, as its geographical location was ideal for invading Korea and fighting against the North Korean communist forces. The US and Taiwan were Maoist China’s antagonists. Such geo-political advantages for the US led them to become Taiwan’s protective power in political and economic matters. The US supported Taiwan in the liberalization of its national politics and shift to democracy.

In 1984, Lee Teng-hui, a Han Chinese born in Taiwan, was designated vice-president. Lee succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo after his death, and was appointed president of Taiwan in 1988. Under Lee’s administration, there was freedom of the press, as well as toleration of political opposition. Civil society gained more rights. The Legislative Yuan became a fully representative body and the rule of law was strengthened. The right of assembly and freedom of speech became acknowledged rights of every citizen. In 1987, the Aboriginal Administration Section was set up, subordinate to the Department of Civil Affairs and to the Ministry of the Interior (Allio, 1998). This was one of the attempts to improve the representation of the indigenous in government. In this regard, the discussion of human rights became important and attention was drawn to the oppressed population groups in Taiwan. A five-year plan was compiled to manage the improvement of the situation of indigenous peoples who lived in the mountainous areas. The following goals were pursued: support for increased communication between the mountain people and mainstream society, as well as the enhancement of economic competiveness; promotion of indigenous languages, art, and culture; active sponsorship of talented people and support of their further development; and support for local self-governance. This five-year agenda was implemented in 1993, the International Year of Indigenous Peoples (Rudolph, 2003: 281-286). However, the move toward multiculturalism proceeded at a slow pace, in particular in terms of the right to carry traditional names, and the establishment of an indigenous representative body at governmental level.

The original constitution of Taiwan was promulgated in 1946 in Nanjing, China, with the negotiation of KMT partisans. When Lee was assigned the presidency of Taiwan, political positions were still mainly occupied by mainland Chinese KMT members, who had been in

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post ever since 1947. With the first constitutional revision, these senior politicians were invited to resign and offer their seats to younger, less conservative ones. Lee distanced himself from mainland China and Taiwan developed following its own path without too much influence from communist China. Constitutional revisions began in 1991 as a reaction to the political crises in Taiwan caused by its international isolation and the growing power of mainland China. Yeh emphasizes that, at this time, Taiwan faced not only a political crisis, but also ones of identity and legitimacy. Lee’s constitutional revisions were meant to address and resolve these. I agree with Yeh, who argues that national development in Taiwan “has had strong correlation with the development of constitutionalism” (Yeh, 2002:48).

Before 1991, the people were not allowed to vote in elections at the national level. The first constitutional amendment brought opportunities for more participation in political decision- making processes. Although there were strong demands by the opposition for a new constitution, the ruling KMT would only accept constitutional revisions in form of amendments. A new constitution would have huge consequences for the relation between the PRC and Taiwan, which would weaken their already shattered relationship. In 1992, the second constitutional revision was passed. It decrees that the president and vice-president of the Republic of China are to be elected by the National Assembly. Moreover, the mayors of the main cities in Taiwan, such as Taipei and Kaoshiung, were to be directly elected by the citizens of these cities (Ku, 2008:5). Furthermore, fundamental national policies were expanding and new legislation promoted culture, science and technology, environmental protection, and economic development, as well as to safeguard the interests of civil society. However, the change to the term yuanzhumin/indigenous peoples was not yet realized. This would only happen two years later. In the meantime, further protests took place in Taipei demanding the change from the usage of the derogatory ‘mountain tribe’ or ‘lowland tribe’ to the neutral ‘aboriginal/indigenous peoples.’ In May 1992, the indigenous peoples called their protest March for Constitutionalizing Indigenous Clauses. Agence France-Press reported (1992):

About 30 Aboriginal students clashed with police during a demonstration in Taipei on the second anniversary of President Lee Teng-Hui's inauguration. They were demonstrating outside the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) party headquarters, where Lee was chairing a meeting. The slogan-chanting students were forcibly removed by the police. The aborigines have called on Lee to make it compulsory to refer to them by what they consider the correct term, “original inhabitants.” They said “aborigine” was discriminatory and used by the government to refer to their backwardness and poverty. The KMT had earlier proposed that the aborigines be called “early inhabitants,” but they insisted that they be called “original inhabitants.” The tribals maintain that they are the original residents of Taiwan and have accused the KMT of seizing their rich lands and driving them to mountain areas. They plan a march on the National Assembly to demand changes in the Constitution that would protect their rights and benefits.

The UN proclaimed 1993 the International Year of the World’s Indigenous People; this might have been a further motivation for the KMT government to move towards meeting the

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indigenous communities’ demands. On that year’s International Human Rights Day, December 10, the ATA gathered again in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and requested that the government, for their own sake in terms of international recognition, to respect its indigenous population and internationally acknowledged human rights. Further efforts towards the realization of cultural pluralism and procedures for promoting indigeneity were undertaken by the setting up of media for the native groups. In 1994, public television introduced the Indigenous News Magazine. It was broadcast weekly and covered topics such as indigenous rituals and culture, but also approached political and social issues relevant to the Austronesian population. One year later, the newspaper Austronesian News was founded in Kaohsiung by Paiwan members.

The third constitutional revision was launched in 1994 and replaced the articles adopted in the first and second revisions (ten and eight articles respectively) with ten new articles. Finally, the terms mountain and plains peoples were abandoned and replaced by yuanzhumin (indigenous peoples). In terms of political participation, a system of protective quotas was implemented, symbolically handing the indigenous people a few seats in Taiwan’s legislative bodies and three delegates in the National Assembly (ATA, 1993; Enn, 2012). Article 2 allows for the direct election of the president and vice-president of the republic by the citizens. Of the third constitutional amendments of 1994, paragraphs two, five, and seven of Article 9 are of particular interest, as they refer to Taiwan’s environmental protection, the safeguarding of women from sexual exploitation, and the preservation of the culture of indigenous peoples as well as their right to political participation, a milestone in confessing Taiwan as multicultural and democratic country (Republic of China, Constitution from 2005).

(2) Environmental and ecological protection shall be given equal consideration with economic and technological development.

(5) The State shall protect the dignity of women, safeguard their personal safety, eliminate sexual discrimination, and further substantive gender equality.

(7) The State shall accord to the indigenous peoples in the free area legal protection of their status and the right to political participation. It shall also provide assistance and encouragement for their education, cultural preservation, social welfare and business undertakings. The same protection and assistance shall be given to the people of Kinmen and Matsu areas.

In the election of 1996, Lee Teng-hui was officially appointed president by the people of Taiwan. He was elected in the first free elections in Taiwan’s history, and furthermore, he was the first Taiwan-born politician to occupy the highest political office – a milestone in the history of Taiwan, the process of Taiwanization, and creation of national identity. By including indigenous people in the constitution, ambitious politicians could now also seek their votes. Therefore, there was also an unspoken self-serving motivation behind this development. Some politicians tend to pay-off their voters, attracting them with a financial incentive.

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The Commission of Aboriginal Affairs (CAA) was created to replace the Aboriginal Administration Section. On International Human Rights Day in 1996, the CAA was established at central government level directly subordinate to the Executive Yuan. Before 1996, the Civil Affairs Department of the Ministry of Interior had a section for indigenous people. The CAA was responsible for the financial, cultural and educational management, as well as for the welfare of indigenous communities in general. The first minister of the CAA was Hua Chia-Chih, an indigenous representative. The CIP writes in 2007, “organizations of various levels are dedicated to the indigenous peoples were established owing promotions effected by the indigenous movement groups, local aboriginal peoples’ representatives, and the legislators, as we, as their persistence in the movements” (CIP, 2007:13).

The fourth constitutional revision, in 1997, replaced the previous amendments by 11 new articles, focusing in particular on the reorganization of the government structure, but also on cultural pluralism. Article 10 differs slightly from its processor of 1994 and emphasizes the protection of cultural pluralism. The millennium brought further political change to Taiwan; with the presidential election in 2000, a new political era began. For the first time in Taiwan’s history, a shift from the Nationalist Party KMT to the left wing party, the Democratic Progressive Party DPP, took place when DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian ( 陳水扁) was officially elected to the presidency. The DPP became the ruling power for the next eight years. During the presidential elections, Chen Shui-bian signed the “New Partnership between the Indigenous Peoples and the Government of Taiwan” on Orchid Island. Orchid Island was chosen for symbolic reasons, as the DPP stood on a platform of a nuclear-free Taiwan and promised that the radioactive waste stored on Orchid Island would be relocated in 2002. In Chen’s inauguration speech, he emphasized the new partnership with the Tao and the other indigenous groups. In this way, he meant to introduce governance in harmony with the indigenous peoples and vowed to repair the long-troubled relationship. In 2002, Chen reconfirmed the new partnership agreement between the indigenous peoples and the government, emphasizing that the government would do the following (CIP, 2007:18-19):

• acknowledge the natural sovereign rights of the indigenous peoples

• promote autonomy

• form legal agreements with the indigenous peoples

• reinstate the indigenous communities and the traditional names of the mountains and rivers

• reinstate ethnic traditions and the territories and lands of the communities

• reinstate the use of traditional natural resources, and promote free development of the ethnic groups

• rename indigenous legislators ethnic representatives

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Although the indigenous people supported the DPP because they “promised to give back more land and more autonomous power to aborigines” (Huang, 2010:241), most of them were still KMT members. Anthropologist Tan evaluates the new political attitude toward the indigenous peoples as follows.

I think Chen realized the new partnership between Indigenous People and the government. He implemented the Council of Indigenous Peoples. There was a lot of legislation coming out, like the Indigenous Peoples Basic Law or the law for cultural resource. […] The development of the DPP goes along with international development. The DPP is more progressive than the KMT. They see the development in other countries and they try to encourage multiculturalism and cultural diversity. […] Now we have a lot of policies to encourage Indigenous People to develop their cultural difference and to encourage learning their mother tongue. The DPP government encourages the sense of local identity. And this is a government by the Taiwanese people, so they encourage the local society, so there were many community developments to create a symbol of Taiwanese culture. So you can see many posters for tourism from Indigenous People with different costumes, etc. Indigenous Peoples make Taiwan different from mainland China and also for the development of tourism, for the local economy and cultural industry. So all this is a concept of multiculturalism (Tan, 2008*).

The sixth constitutional revision in 2000 was prolonged by the new DPP regime. In Chen’s second presidential term of office, from 2004 until 2008, he vowed to build a “Human Rights Nation,” emphasizing the promotion of a democracy which fulfills its human rights obligation. In 2002, the Council of Aboriginal Affairs was renamed, becoming the Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP). In 2007, it employed between 142 and 163 people. The last constitutional revision, in 2005, addressed indigenous issues, as six legislators were now to be elected from indigenous areas. In the same year, the DPP promulgated the Indigenous Peoples Basic Law (IPBL). The IPBL is one of the legal documents that is implemented as an amendment to the constitution, which is vital for improving Taiwan’s ethnic people’s rights. It contains 35 principles, including the protection of indigenous people’s autonomy, the recognition of the rights of native people to land and natural resources, and legislation to protect the recovery, acquisition, management, and utilization of indigenous land and sea territories. The IPBL is a milestone in respecting indigenous rights and in fostering Taiwan’s multicultural society. Nevertheless, there are difficulties in its implementation due to several conflicts of interest.

Article 34 of the IPBL also provides that “the relevant authority shall amend, legislate or repeal relevant regulations in accordance with the principles of this law within three years from its effectiveness.” However, the government has so far not only failed to amend the relevant regulations, but it has also adopted several regulations which violate the core principles of the Indigenous [Peoples] Basic Law (TAHR, 2013:25).

In the time of democratization and Taiwanization, fostering pluralism and cultural diversity became to be considered a positive form of governance. Multiculturalism became a word

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with positive connotations in Taiwan, and its inhabitants strongly supported the development of their own identity, without state intervention, but rather as a result of self-determination. Taiwanese multiculturalism has specific character, as Rudolph (2003:290) noted. Besides the leading to the establishment of adequate indigenous governance, which at the same time demarcated its increasing distance from mainland China, Taiwan’s multiculturalism played a key role in the identity construction of the Taiwanese people. It had therefore an important role in the Taiwanization process.

Taiwan’s democratization is interesting to analyze from three angles. Was it due to the government itself and an inner-political decision? Or did it come from the grassroots movements of people demanding more freedom and the protection of human rights legislation? Or was it due to international pressure, such as that from the United States, and the aim for international recognition? Yeh emphasizes the public outcry and the role of reform from within:

As in other transitional democracies, constitutional reform in Taiwan began not by initiation of the ruling authorities but by public outcry and mass demonstration. In responding to a series of public demonstrations chanting for adhering to civil constitutionalism and reorganization of the Congress, the reformers within the KMT regime pushed for […] constitutional revisions (Yeh, 2002:61-62).

The democratization of Taiwan was introduced by constitutional revisions in terms of additional amendments that offered the people political participation in decision-making processes from the local to the central level. This top-down approach is a fundamental requirement for a democracy. I suggest that the pressure for change and, finally, the abolition of martial law came from three different areas. Firstly, the empowerment of the civil society: several social groups demand liberalization, justice, and self-determination, publish, take the streets in solidarity, and claim civil, social, economic, cultural, and political rights. The second is the pressure within Taiwan’s political spheres: the increasing power of the DPP, and other parties, as well as the churches. Thirdly, the pressure from the international community: the US, as Taiwan’s protecting power, welcomed the liberalization in political, but also in economic, terms.

Chapter 22 Transitional Justice and Reconciliation

The KMT established authoritarian governance in Taiwan that, after the 2-28 Incident, became to be known as the period of White Terror. For nearly four decades under the control of martial law, the Taiwanese had to face political suppression and restrictions to their individual freedom. Open debate of the 2-28 Incident became a nationwide taboo. According to Amae, it was more than 40 years before the government started to account for the past. During Taiwan’s political transformation from authoritarianism to democratization, transitional justice became a subject of discussion in response to the KMT’s past wrongdoings. The mechanisms introduced were associated with society’s attempt to come to

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terms with a legacy of past injustices and human rights abuses. Under President Lee, a committee was set up to investigate the 2-28 Incident.

In 1992, the government published a report on 2-28 for the first time, rectifying the previous view that 2-28 was a riot. In 1995, the 2-28 Memorial Park opened in Taipei, and President Li [Lee] offered an apology to the families of the victims and promised the government compensation. […] The Taipei 2-28 Memorial Museum was opened in 1997. […] In 2011, justice on 2-28 reached another milestone by the opening of the National 2-28 Memorial Museum (Amae, 2012:132).

The concession that the 2-28 Incident was a crime perpetrated by the government was finally made. Lee acknowledged wrongdoings publicly and apologized to the victims and families. The state’s redress for wrongdoings it had authorized and its human rights violations is a form of transitional justice (Winter, 2014:120). Transitional justice is composed of elements effectuated for harmonizing the society and enhancing the following of democratic rules. Memorizing, compensation, and reconciliation are important steps in the transitional justice process. “The state gains legitimacy insofar as it provides survivors with that they are due” (Winter, 2014:126). The International Center for Transitional Justice defines transitional justice as:

[…] a response to systematic or widespread violations of human rights. It seeks recognition for victims and promotion of possibilities for peace, reconciliation and democracy. Transitional justice is not a special form of justice but justice adapted to societies transforming themselves after a period of pervasive human rights abuse. In some cases, these transformations happen suddenly; in others, they may take place over many decades.

According to the International Center for Transitional Justice, the basic approaches to achieve transitional justice include the following initiatives:

• Criminal prosecutions or punitive justice

These are judicial investigations of human rights violations and those who are responsible for them. Prosecution of state officials and guilty verdicts in trials are publicly announced.

• Truth commissions or restorative justice

These commissions of inquiry have the primary purposes of investigating and reporting on key periods of recent abuse. They are often official state bodies that make recommendations to remedy such abuse and to prevent its recurrence.

• Reparations programs or reparatory justice

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These are state-sponsored initiatives that help repair the material and psychological damages of past abuse. They typically distribute a mix of material and symbolic benefits to victims, benefits that may include financial compensation, restitution, and official apologies.

• Gender justice

These efforts challenge impunity for sexual and gender-based violence and ensure women’s equal access to redress for human rights violations.

• Security system reform or administrative justice

These efforts seek to transform the military, police, judiciary and related state institutions from instruments of repression and corruption into instruments of public service and integrity. Equal treatment of all citizens, like equality before law, is key here.

• Memorization efforts

These include museums and memorials that preserve a public memory of victims and raise moral consciousness about past abuse, in order to build a bulwark against its recurrence.

The United Nations Rule of Law (2014) tackles the transitional justice mechanism, saying:

Transitional justice programmes can involve truth-seeking processes that map patterns of past violence, and unearth the causes and consequences of such destructive events; prosecution initiatives that ensure a fair trial of those accused of committing crimes, including serious violations of international humanitarian law and crimes involving human rights violations; reparations programmes that provide a range of material and symbolic benefits to victims; and institutional reform that includes vetting the public service to remove from office those public employees personally responsible for gross violations of human rights. National consultations are a critical element as successful transitional justice programmes necessitate meaningful public participation, particularly of victims.

Trials and the truth commissions provided opportunities for survivors of the 2-28 Incident and victims of exploitation (including sexual exploitation) to bear witness to their stories and receive public validation of their experiences. “[…] if the acts in question are punishable by law, a state that does not equally punish such crimes fails to treat citizens equally before the law. In addition to the potential consequences of letting offenders remain at-large (including insecurity), leniency towards, or amnesty for, past wrongdoing violates the equality at the heart of the rule of law” (Winter, 2014:120). However, the effectiveness of trials in Taiwan is

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doubtful. Constitutional justice is an element within the transitional justice framework. In Taiwan’s case, constitutional justice was achieved through the revision of the constitution and the implementation of the amendments. Vulnerable groups find, in Article 10, legal recognition and protection from human rights abuses. Winter (2014:122) claims “constitution-making is an essential function for transitional justice.” Through transitional justice, the Taiwanese government was challenged to address the human rights abuses experienced by the indigenous peoples through assimilation and exploitation. An important step towards a respectful treatment of indigenous affairs was renaming mountain tribes indigenous peoples. The Bureau for the Administration of Mountain Compatriots became the Aboriginal Peoples Administration Bureau; and was later replaced by the CAA, which was then again renamed, becoming the CIP. Constitutional amendments recognizing the natives were undertaken. Moreover, affirmative action policies were implemented. In 2002, in order to realize Chen’s new partnership and the promise to recognize indigenous claims to traditional land, the Indigenous Traditional Territory Survey project was launched.

In this survey, community maps, community participation and computer-based GIS were integrated to identify the territories and traditional knowledge of indigenous communities […] by the end of the third year, approximately 464 indigenous communities belonging to 12 different tribes located in 55 villages were mapped. About 3700 native place names in indigenous languages (translated into Mandarin) were recorded along with folk stories, myths and oral tales attached (Kuan, 2010:10).

Even though the DPP proclaimed a new partnership with the indigenous peoples and highlighted that they would establish a state based on human rights, it was criticized for not doing enough in terms of reconciliation and redress. The United Daily reported in 2008 that the DPP did very little in terms of transitional justice, and “was even criticized by scholars and political watchers for using transitional justice to garner public support” as Amae (2012:145) emphasizes. Nevertheless, President Chen issued Reputation Rehabilitation Certificates to political victims and their relatives in 2004. Research on democratization and transitional justice in Taiwan shows that most of the necessary and fundamental undertakings in the course of transitional justice were introduced during the KMT regime before 2000.However the DPP put effort into making sure the newly achieved rights were implemented nd legitimizing the position of indigenous peoples. However, the current KMT regime, under Ma Ying-jiou, emphasizes that the process of transitional justice has not yet ended and efforts to make redress are still being undertaken.

In terms of memorization, the boulevard in front of the presidential building in Taipei was renamed Ketagalan Boulevard in 1996. Ketagalan is the name of an indigenous group that used to live in the north of Taiwan. The Taipei Times wrote on May 30, 2007 that “the city government renamed Chiehshou Road (介壽路) Ketagalan Boulevard in 1996 to demonstrate its goodwill toward the Aborigines.” At that time, Taipei’s mayor was Chen Shui-bian (DPP), later president of Taiwan. Further memorization efforts were undertaken on 10 December, 2002, when the Green Island Human Rights Memorial Park was opened on Green Island where, during the period of the White Terror, up to 1000 political prisoners were held.

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Furthermore, the former Jingmei military detention center in New Taipei City was reconstructed and renovated, becoming Jingmei Human Rights Memorial and Culture Park (景美人權文化園區) in 2007. The National Human Rights Museum was opened on December 10, 2011, on the International Day of Human Rights, opening two former political prisons to the public.

The Taipei Women’s Rescue Foundation was founded in 1987. It was the first forum where victims who were forced into prostitution could document their story. Moreover, so-called comfort women could openly raise their voice and tell stories of their lives during the Japanese colonial period. Comfort women were forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army and had to serve in military brothels, particularly during WWII. It is estimated that around 2000 Taiwanese women served as comfort women. Collective reprocessing is an important step to address past injustices and redress human rights abuses. In December 2013, an exhibition in Taipei was dedicated to the comfort women with the aim of drawing attention to the victims and publicly coming to terms with the past. Personal memories were collected and published. The Taipei Times describes the exhibition on 29 December, 2013:

The large-scale exhibition includes two video installations that bear the images and voices of a former Japanese soldier and six surviving comfort women. One victim is Chen Lien-hua (陳蓮花) from Taiwan, who at age of 19 was lured into prostitution by the false promise of a job abroad that could help support her poor family.[...] It wasn’t until the early 1990s that the survivors began to come forth. Gradually, a global human rights action took shape, with victims calling for legal reparations and a formal apology from the Japanese government, which has yet to unequivocally acknowledge that forced prostitution occurred.

In 2007, the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Woman (CEDAW) was ratified. The Department of Gender Equality was established in 2012 under the Executive Yuan in order to promote the implementation of CEDAW (TAHR, 2013:18). For the indigenous peoples, significant steps in the transitional justice process were achieved with the amendments to the constitution, the establishment of an indigenous representative body at national level, and the adoption of the IPBL.

The first action by the government to reconcile with the indigenous peoples is to include indigenous article in the constitution, and then set up a cabinet-level indigenous council. The last step is the legislation of a number of different laws and then its implementation (Awi, 2013*).

Furthermore, in 2009 the legislature ratified the ICCPR and the ICESCR, making them legally binding obligations. The ICCPR and the ICESCR were both signed by Chiang Kai- shek in 1967 prior to Taiwan’s exclusion from the UN in 1971. During the DPP’s governance, as President Chen Sui-bian emphasized in his second inaugural speech, the building of a “Human Rights Nation,” focused on the implementation of human rights instruments, international recognition, and further measures to achieve transitional justice were to be priorities. The Taipei Times of April 28, 2014 reports:

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In former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) time of office, there was an effort to establish a national commission that could investigate rights abuses, issue annual reports, suggest amendments to improve legal protection of citizens’ rights and push for Taiwan’s participation in international human rights associations.

Human rights organizations were founded in the 1980s however, the Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR) received legal recognition only in 1995. In 2002, a Human Rights Policy White Paper was published. The preamble emphasizes individual freedoms and the promotion of a pluralistic and autonomous civil society.

All human beings have equal moral value and therefore should enjoy equal respect and liberty. […] The five-fold classification customary in the international human rights community divides human rights into the categories of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. Civil rights are designed to protect and promote a vibrant, pluralistic, and autonomous civil society made up of free individuals. […] Hence civil rights include those of integrity of the person: freedoms of thought, belief, communication, speech, assembly, and association; as well as judicial rights. Political rights are designed to protect and promote the participation in and governance of public affairs by the members of civil society. They therefore include the right to vote and to be elected in free elections, the right to equality of participation in public affairs, and the right to equal access to public service positions. Economic, social, and cultural rights are designed to protect and promote the basic livelihood and knowledge conditions indispensable to the exercise of civil and political rights. [...] This category includes such rights as those to work, to create and join labor associations, to social welfare, and to education (Human Rights Policy White Paper 2002:4).

Even though Taiwan still lacks a national human rights institution, a Presidential Office Human Rights Consultative Committee was established on 10 December, 2010. “It added to the existing Executive Yuan’s human rights task force and the Control Yuan’s Human Rights Protection Committee” (TAHR, 2013:8). The committee has the following roles:

• promoting and advising on human rights policy; • producing national human rights reports; • research on international human rights systems and legislation; • advising the president on other human rights matters.

In 2012, President Ma publicly apologized for the wrongdoings and human rights abuses of previous KMT regimes and the bad treatment of political prisoners during the White Terror.

More than 2,000 victims of the “228 Massacre” have received compensation in addition to 5,000 White Terror victims. Another 3,000 have never received any compensation. The government has also constructed a 228 Incident Memorial Park, Museum and Monument (TAHR, 2013:10).

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In 2013, state reports on both ICCPR and ICESCR were launched. One year later a review committee consisting of international human rights experts, among them the Austrian human rights lawyer Manfred Nowak, former Special Rapporteur to the UN, investigated the state report and the human rights situation in Taiwan. Regarding transitional justice, the expert group recommends further action:

The years of repression and gross violations of human rights before the lifting of martial law have left large scars on Taiwanese society. Certain measures were taken for the sake of healing and reparation, including the adoption of the 228 Incident Dispensation and Compensation Act and the construction of the 228 Incident Memorial. However, the period of transition has not ended and more is needed to reconcile Taiwanese society. The right to reparation should include measures of social and psychological rehabilitation of the victims and should be accompanied by the right to truth and justice (MOJ, 2013:Article 20).

Even though democratic institution-making and transitional justice are fully underway, victims of the authoritarian era still demand justice and special laws allowing them to access legal remedy for their suffering. As for the nuclear waste facility on Orchid Island, the human rights experts are concerned about the fact that repository is designated a permanent disposal site. According to the IPBL (Article 31), “the Government shall not store hazardous materials in the indigenous peoples’ regions without the agreement of the indigenous peoples” (MOJ, 2013:Article 24).

Chapter 23 Affirmative Action

Affirmative action is also known as positive discrimination for the benefit of minorities and aims to promote equity and equal chances for disadvantaged groups. Affirmative action aims to compensate for the injustice perpetrated in the past. Unjust treatment by the government has left the indigenous peoples a legacy of poor education, lack of self-esteem, and low life expectancy. In a transition to democracy the state is required to deal in a positive way with the people discriminated against and offer them access to enabling resources in order to create equal opportunities. Affirmative action measures were implemented through several acts and regulations which favored the indigenous peoples. Sowell defines affirmative action:

“Equal opportunity” laws and policies require that individuals be judged on their qualifications as individuals, without regard to race, sex, age, etc. “Affirmative action” requires that they be judged with regard to such group membership, receiving preferential or compensatory treatment in some cases to achieve a more proportional “representation” in various institutions and occupations (Sowell, 1997:100).

Pojman divides affirmative action in weak and strong actions taken by the government.

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Strong affirmative action involves more positive steps to eliminate past injustice, such as reverse discrimination, hiring candidates on the basis of race or gender in order to reach equal or near equal results, proportionate representation in each area of society […] weak affirmative actions are measures such as the elimination of segregation, widespread advertisement to groups not previously represented in certain privileged positions, special scholarships for the disadvantaged class (e.g., all the poor), using underrepresentation or a history of past discrimination as a tiebreaker when candidates are relatively equal, and the like (Pojman, 1992:183).

In Taiwan, the government approached the indigenous peoples in a positive way with the implementation of affirmative action policies to address the inequality with the majority population in several spheres. The Indigenous Peoples’ Education Act, for instance, ensures easier access to universities for indigenous students. Indigenous children have priority enrollment in public kindergartens and nursery schools and the “fees are subsidized accordingly to create the equality for the indigenous peoples in the starting point of education” (CIP, 2007:16). The Indigenous Peoples’ Employment Act of 2001 states “that government organizations, public schools, and state operated business organizations should hire aborigines of certain ratios in both non-indigenous areas, as well as indigenous areas” (ibid.). Indigenous people over the age of 55 receive a pension each month whereas the retirement age for the non-indigenous is 65 years, as promulgated in the Act for Indigenous Senior Citizens’ Welfare Living Allowances. Affirmative action is a measure taken as part of the transitional justice discourse.

Indigenous people are different, we should be treated differently. We have different values, we come from a different culture, and we went through a terrible history that didn’t recognize us. And now we are using these affirmative action policies which we recognize not as discrimination, but as a policy of acknowledging the difference we demand (CIP, 2014*).

Although the aim of affirmative action is to create equal opportunities for all citizens, in particular strengthening the position of the minorities and vulnerable groups, some might argue that it creates new form of inequity. Even some indigenous people are not pleased by affirmative action, because they feel they are being considered lower class or weak and therefore in need of this protection.

Summary

Michael Rudolph (2003) explains that the indigenous movement can be divided in two phases. The first phase is considered as being the time before 1990. Back then, the indigenous peoples were in a serious condition of powerlessness in political and social terms, victims of economic exploitation, and at risk losing their culture entirely. The indigenous peoples often suffer from alcoholism and mental health problems. They demanded freedom from Han colonialism and assimilation. The period after 1990 saw the rise of calls for recognition and multiculturalism. Martial law was lifted and the indigenous peoples fought for integration in

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decision making. The demands initiated by the indigenous peoples became increasingly politically significant and were finally put on the agenda of the government.

The indigenous elite (mostly KMT loyalists) offered their support to the protesters and slowly the demands of the indigenous peoples were heard at government level and action was taken in favor for the oppressed ones (Rudolph, 2003:99). The demands became more important due to democratization. The people wanted the government to recognize indigenous status in the constitution which would be protected by law. The constitutional amendments expanded fundamental national policies in order to promote culture, science, and technology, protect the environment, promote economic development, and to safeguard the interests of women and indigenous peoples.

The history of the indigenous Tao illustrates the rise of a marginalized community that voiced their concerns about the injustices they had faced during the last few decades. Starting as a grassroots movement, they managed to speak in front of the UNWGIP meeting in Geneva and the World Congress on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993. These bottom-up approaches and grassroots movements were necessary to improve the indigenous peoples’ political and social status within society. Taiwan’s government responded to the social movements and the demands of the activists by recognizing indigenous concerns and incorporating indigenous peoples in the legislature.

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PART SIX Dilemma, Achievements, and Challenges

In the previous chapters I have illustrated the Tao’s traditional way of life. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Tao lived in a self-sufficient economy based on fishing and small- scale agriculture. There had been only moderate interaction with outsiders before that time. The Tao’s maritime culture was entirely adapted to the natural conditions of the island. The traditional dwellings, for instance, were built into the ground as a protection from typhoons, heavy rainfall, and heat. The evil spirit anito dominated the actions of the Tao, keeping them in constant fear. The Tao’s traditional customs, cosmology, diet, and material culture are unique and found only on Orchid Island. However, since the arrival of the Japanese anthropologists who set up an ethnographic research station, the Tao have been exposed to influences from alien elements, such as alcohol and a cash economy.

This chapter addresses the current situation on Orchid Island. Due to their past experiences, the Tao find themselves in a difficult situation. On the one hand, the introduced modern lifestyle has had vast impacts on the self-esteem of the community and individuals. On the other hand, the Tao have been strongly empowered as a result of their desperation about their exploitation with respect to the nuclear waste issue. Hereinafter, I will focus on the dilemmas, difficulties, achievements, and challenges the Tao deal with today.

This Part looks at the still-emerging impacts of alien influences and at the situation the Tao find themselves in today. The benefits as well as the negative aspects of integration into a modern society are elaborated. The questionnaires conducted on Orchid Island will give an idea of the locals’ opinions on the nuclear waste repository and Taipower’s compensation money, increasing tourism, the health situation on the island, the locals’ relationship with the environment, and the matter of migration. Furthermore, the achievements of the Tao and the challenges they face will be addressed in the final chapter of this section.

Chapter 24 The Dilemma on Orchid Island

As described above, the authoritarian policies of the period of martial law not only had a tremendous effect on the indigenous communities in Taiwan itself, but also the Tao on Orchid Island. Assimilation and structural discrimination against the indigenous peoples dominated during the governance of the KMT. Missionary work transformed Tao spiritual life. Its impact has changed the islander’s cosmology and turned the people into Christian believers. Within two generations, the Tao found considerable difficulties in continuing to exist as a traditional autonomous society and were threatened by projects implemented by outside powers. Anthropogenic intervention by the government and other arbitrary decisions affecting the Tao, made without consulting, informing, or integrating the locals in decision- making processes, reflected various forms of injustices, such as social, procedural, and

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distributive injustice. In the course of democratization and empowerment, the indigenous peoples strengthened their legal and political position. In order to achieve transitional and environmental justice, compensation for the nuclear waste repository was guaranteed and affirmative action measurements introduced. However, the financial benefits do not solve the problems. The nuclear waste facility is still in operation and located on Tao homelands.

24.1 Transformation to Modernity

Until the Japanese colonial era, the Tao lived according to their traditions without much interruption to their daily lives from outside. This slowly changed when the Japanese authorities arrived on Orchid Island and an anthropological work station was established in order to study the unique anthropology of the Tao. As a consequence, the islanders were not integrated under Japanization policies whereas all the other indigenous groups in Taiwan were forced to learn Japanese and to move from their ancestral lands. The colonialists instead studied the Tao’s habits and cared for their distinctive cultural features. Nevertheless, this time did not pass without impact. The Japanese brought their own traditions to the island, such as eating rice with chopsticks, alcohol consumption, domestication of dogs, and wearing cotton clothes. The Tao were asked to learn Japanese in order to facilitate better communication. A few of the elderly are still able to speak a little Japanese today. The Tao learnt about commercial trade and began to wear cotton trousers and shirts instead of their traditional costumes.

Since Japanese colonialism we use money. We exchanged a special shell with the Japanese. We used the money for knives and clothes. Before that we didn’t use any money. Sometimes when a ship was stranded we stole some things or we exchanged things (Iratay pastor, 2008*).

Modernity, in the sense of constant economic growth, industrialization, and prosperity, was established on Orchid Island when the national government began to follow a development policy aiming to modernize and ‘civilize’ the indigenous peoples. Therefore, the importance of having money and cash increased. The assertion that money plays a crucial role in decision-making processes is, according to my experience on Orchid Island, quite reasonable. Taipower uses the power of money to pursue its objectives. Certainly, the locals welcome it very much.

We did not use to have cash trade. But then we certainly needed money, because we wanted to buy a lot of things. We needed to pay for school and electricity. Compared to Taiwan the school fee is much reduced, however there was still a money requirement. Before Taipower didn’t pay compensation so we had to pay for electricity. And also we needed money for our daily supplies that we needed to buy from the shop, like cigarettes. And then the government introduced cooking classes for the housewife in order to learn how to cook Chinese style. And then we needed oil and this and that to cook Chinese style. And we also needed fuel for the motor boats.

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In our traditional economy there was no cash income, but now we need it and we are glad to take it (Tao VII. 2012*).

Money, however, can have quite negative effects on some people’s attitudes when its management fails, as this statement elaborates. In a very intense and long interview, a representative the Imorud village association explained the Tao–money relationship like this:

There is a constant concern about where to get the money from. The compensation money is, in my regard, not good. People don’t have a feeling for dealing with money, they get and spend it immediately. But many people don’t like to do anything for money, because they are used to getting it without doing anything. Maybe, the removal of the nuke will happen someday, and compensation stop. What happens then (Shulin, 2014*)?

In terms of diet and clothing, the Tao have developed a kind of synthesis of traditional values and modernity. Pictures taken by anthropologist Chiang Bien in the 1980s illustrate the Tao society during these transformation and adaption processes. Back then, some people still wore their traditional clothes, whereas others were dressed in western-style clothes. When I first went to Orchid Island in 2007, I still saw some seniors wearing the traditional male loinclothes. However, the same men put on western-style shorts seven years later. Traditional foods are entirely replaced by the Chinese diet. Thus, rice, noodles, meat, and different kinds of vegetables have become daily food for the Tao. Although the elderly, like my Tao mother Ina, still appreciate and prefer to eat taro, sweet potato, fish, and other sea food as their daily diet. The introduction of alcohol has had far-reaching consequences for the locals. Traditionally, the Tao did not produce any kind of alcohol. As in many other indigenous communities, addiction to alcohol became a serious problem with grave social and health impacts. In interviews and formal talks the Tao explained:

In my generation something as happened, because wine and beer came to Lanyu and people began to drink and drink (Syaman Rapongan, 2008*).

Young people started to drink, maybe it is because of loneliness, boredom, and depression. That’s a reason why many girls got to Taiwan, they don’t like Tao men because they drink and have no money (Zhang, 2007*).

Father Gassner elaborates possible reasons why people might begin to drink alcohol and why indigenous peoples are in particular affected.

The Japanese and later the KMT have planted rice, because they eat rice and use chopsticks. Of course, alcoholism is certainly a big problem. Alcohol problems exist in every once-colonized indigenous society, in Australia, in the US, not only in Taiwan and not only on Orchid Island. This has to do with the loss of vision and the future, when the ideals that were followed for generations are all of a sudden not important anymore. However, the situation has improved, there are less drunk people on the island now. Especially in Orchid Island a lot of families were rocked by alcoholism (Gassner, 2008*).

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The experience Father Gassner shares here describes the situation on Orchid Island at the turn of the 21st century. As I learnt, 15 years ago the condition of alcohol addicts was worse; many Tao families experienced the sorrows that come with alcohol addiction, like my Tao family who lost a family member due to overconsumption. The pastor refers to a “loss of vision” which brought the indigenous peoples such misery. Misery is not the only cause of addiction to alcohol and its consequences, but finds its roots in the denial of ethnic identity. Moreover, modernization was brought in by outside authorities, without any contribution from the islanders themselves. The Tao had led their lives in an autonomous and self-subsistent economy, characterized by the rule of the spiritual world. With increased influence from outside, and the imposed Chinese and Christian culture, the Tao’s traditional lifestyle began to lose its significance. The Tao could contribute little or nothing to this transformation as it was forcibly imposed on them. The assimilation policy during martial law had the most impact on the Tao’s traditions. Suddenly, the language that had always been used was forbidden and traditional houses were destroyed as the authorities in Taipei considered them primitive and uncivilized. Development projects introduced by the KMT in the 1960s and later on the one hand, caused environmental degradation, but on the other hand offered income to the islanders. The government projects involving the felling of native trees and gathering of orchids and butterflies changed the natural landscape and biodiversity. In the 1970s “the Forestry Bureau and its national projects on Orchid Island had managed the land and people through sovereign dominance. This has had a profound impact on both native species and human social life. Under large-scale state projects such as resource extraction […], place memories are no longer a repository of local symbolism, but rather have become embedded in a complex network between local cultural negotiations and international agendas, creating new meanings” (Hu, 2012:177). All these undertakings should be critically questioned as a means of improving the socio-economic situation in Orchid Island. Were the government projects successful enhancements or were they rather in the government’s own interests, given that the locals were not given the chance to voice their opinion in the decision-making processes?

This kind of development has been too fast for the indigenous peoples. Within only half a generation the Tao jumped from a very traditional society without electricity into a computer technology age. The elderly are over-challenged, suddenly they can push a button and they have electric light. Furthermore, they could not contribute anything by themselves to this development. It was just thrown at them. If somebody can contribute, participate, is integrated in such undertakings, then it is different and probably not such a misery (Gassner, 2008*).

The Tao experienced a lot of sorrows during the time of martial law. Nevertheless, with democratization, the life of the islanders also started to improve. Transitional justice measures were undertaken, such as compensation, legal recognition, and affirmative action. Nevertheless, due to the experience of structural discrimination and exploitation, the Tao became were suspicious about governmental projects and this is elaborated in the next section.

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24.2 Benefits

The Tao certainly experienced unjust treatment from the authoritarian governments prior democratization. Nevertheless, the islanders did indeed benefit from some government undertakings. To consider the missionary work only as a form of colonialism that suppressed local belief and spiritual entities, as it was in many other parts in the world during the period of conquest and imperialism, would be too harsh a criticism in the case of Orchid Island. Even within Taiwan, the policy of missionaries was quite diverse and not exercised in the same way among different indigenous communities. Jesuit missionary Barry Martinson described the relationship between himself and the Tao as one of curiousity and goodwill (Martinson, 2007). The Tao emphasize that the villains in the recent history of Orchid Island are the government and not the missionaries. The Tao’s respect of anito dominated the whole socio-economic structure of the indigenous group. As the anito are related to misfortune, illness, and death, the Tao were much afraid of being close to people who were sick and understood them to be possessed by the evil spirits. For that reason, the Tao would take ill people into the forest and let them die since they feared that anito could also take possession of them and infect them with some disease. With the introduction of Christian beliefs to Orchid Island, these strict traditional rules became loose. The missionaries were successful in converting the Tao from animists into Christians. According to Stainton (1999), almost 91% are Christians. However the new religion did not replace the Tao’s animism entirely, but a synthesis between the traditional belief and Christianity was formed (Enn, 2009:76). Pastor Zhang outlines some examples:

Christianity changed some negative conceptions in our tradition. For instance we don’t kill a twin anymore. Many superstitions about nutrition have also vanished. Pregnant women especially had a lot of food restrictions (Zhang, 2014*).

Limond describes the symbiosis of tradition and modern belief as follows:

One really harmful superstition, however, was the habit of killing one of a pair of twins at birth: “If one were to go by past traditions then one would inevitably have to sacrifice one [of a pair of twins], yet it has been possible for two children [twins] to be raised and grow up without any problems. This shows that the Gospels have already produced results in Yami society (Limond, 2002:10-11).

In summary, the Tao adopted those features of Christianity that were appropriate to them into their daily life and replaced the most inconvenient of their traditional spiritual beliefs.

Alongside the undertakings of the KMT during martial law, human rights violations definitely took place on Orchid Island. The Tao were never included in decision making, but had to endure the consequences of the government’s arbitrary policies. Furthermore, a number of rights as stated in the Bill of Rights were denied. Nevertheless, some innovations, such as running water and electricity, brought infrastructural improvement to the island. Even though road building was undertaken by unwelcome prisoners, the construction of the roads should be considered a contribution to infrastructure. Since the early 1980s, the islanders

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have been provided with electricity since it was required in order to make the nuclear waste repository work. Benedek (1991) did his field work in the late 1980s and therefore he experienced the transformation from using light from the sun and candles to electric light. He observed that it was not only sleeping habits that changed with electricity, but also the behavior towards the spirit anito. Anito only appear at night and in the dark, therefore people would not leave their houses at night but sleep during the darkness, allowing them to get up early. The early morning hours were perfect for tilling the fields as it gets very hot during the days in the summer months. In that sense, waking up at dawn was advantageous for the Tao, because it is the best time for work in a tropical climate. However, with light available at all times it was possible to stay awake late at night, because anito would not dare to come close when it was bright. Therefore, one remained safe from anito’s evil powers. In consequence of altered sleeping patterns, the people neglected work on the fields.

The availability of electricity was seen by the Yami as opportunity for the total elimination of darkness from the house, which means more protection from ghosts. As a consequence, the Yami never put out the light in the evening. From 1982 to 1984, electricity was turned off at midnight from the central power plant, so the natives could finally go to sleep at that hour. In 1985, a twenty-four hour electricity service was introduced, and as a result TV-watching, drinking, singing, and fighting reach late into the night. […] work in the field is often delayed because people are not rested and cannot get up early enough. Thus the work-metabolism of the communities is changing and it is safe to assume that such changes in subsistence activities are bound to have a great impact on folklore as well (Benedek, 1991:217-218).

In my Tao family’s house, Ina, the mother, never turns off the light when she goes to bed – to my despair, because the light attracts mosquitoes and apparently the insects prefer my blood to Ina’s. When I shared a room with her, as soon as she fell asleep I turned off the light. She always noticed, woke up, and turned the light on again. As the household does not have to pay electricity bills, nobody bothers about high energy consumption.

24.3 The Issue of Money and Compensation Management

As a result of empowerment, democratization, and transitional as well as environmental justice measures, the Tao managed to obtain collective monetary compensation. Furthermore, the islanders are provided with free education, electricity and health insurance, as well as financial assistance to cover the transportation costs for patients who need to be transferred to Taiwan for better medical treatment. However, the compensation money is probably the most controversial issue. On the one hand it is a deliberate tactic on the part of the government to reconcile themselves with indigenous peoples through reparations, or comfort money as Taipower calls it. Furthermore, it is an important feature of transitional justice policies as elaborated in Chapter 22. On the other hand, it is not what the Tao demanded and fought for when taking to the streets. The protesters’ aim remains (environmental and social) justice and the relocation of the nuclear waste. The problem with the compensation is that it creates a

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deep dependency in the islanders. Certainly, compensation is a method for making reparations and a route to transitional justice. Nevertheless, compensation in the form of money is a double-edged sword: it comforts the people and, at the same time, excuses the perpetrators of injustices initiated in the past. It is a strategy to placate and calm down the people and discourage them from protest and riot. Therefore, compensation is a complex issue.

So, Taipower has a strategy. Now make peace with the Tao. They give them money. The Tao ask the minimum, like if you ask for something once a day, they will give you once a day, but if you are unhappy they will give you one more. But they won’t give you ten. Taipower keep it to the minimum possible in order to comfort the Tao people. But they are not solving the problem (Peter, 2014*).

As Kao (2012) outlines in his investigation of the Tao’s economy, “most of the locals remain dissatisfied with Tai-power, they are satisfied with the money, and the tangible benefit raised an alternative attitude towards nuclear waste [among the Tao].” Limond (2002:30–31) discovered the financial dependency the compensation has caused and its impacts on the local economy during his field research on Orchid Island in 2002.

The Waste Storage Facility clearly has had a tremendous influence on Lanyu’s economic and social organization. Not only have the grants [compensation] it awarded prevented Lanyu from developing a viable self-sufficient economy of its own, but its presence has also influenced individual and group power dynamics. Taidian [Taipower] has made at least two major concessions to anti-nuclear activists: it has stopped moving waste in; and it has agreed to settle the back payments […] As well as gaining these two concessions, the individuals involved in mobilizing Lanyu’s population have also procured political influence and financial advantages for themselves and the groups they represent. There remains one paradox: Lanyu is financially dependent upon the Storage Facility (the nuclear waste’s presence provides grant money that effectively supports social security on the island).

As Limond elaborates, the compensation money has an impact in removing the motivation for establishing a local self-sufficient economy. The people enjoy free money instead of putting too much effort into earning it and making a living in that way. Barry Martinson reports a similar issue related to the retention of free goods in a conversation with one of the Tao in 1971:

[…] since we ate only sweet potatoes and fish, they gave us flour and rice and canned meat from America. That lasted quite a while. As long as we received the clothes and food, we rarely went to the mountains to take care of our fields. People started to work again after the relief goods stopped coming (Martinson, 2007:15).

Even though Taipower promised to pay reparations, individual Tao received compensation money (so-called ‘comfort money) only three times in 30 years. However, each village receives NT$ 2 million each year as collective compensation. This money comes from the Decommissioning Fund. The individual payments were as follows:

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• NT$ 63,000 in 2003 (according Tao informants) • NT$ 48,000 (according to Taipei Times of March 19, 2013) • NT$ 92,000 in 2013 (according to from Tao informants

Only Tao people who permanently live on the island are eligible to receive the money and people from other groups are eligible only if they are married to a Tao and also permanently residents on Orchid Island. Newborns and children also obtain it. Even though is sounds like quite a lot of money, it is not enough to live on and, therefore, people still rely on other income sources. The locals do not so much depend on their individual allocation of comfort money as on the other benefits, such as the free electricity and the free transportation to Taiwan for medical treatment. These expenses are borne entirely by Taipower. The Taipei Times reported on March 19, 2013 that Taipower claimed to have spent almost US$ 60 million on compensation for Orchid Island:

According to Chih Kuo-tai ( 池國泰), manager of the Taipower Lanyu Storage Facility, the utility has spent more than NT$ 1.7 billion (US$ 57 million) in compensation for Lanyu. That figure includes an annual NT$ 20 million payment spread among the six villages on the island — which is managed by a commission at the Lanyu Township Office — between NT$ 2 million and NT$ 3 million a year to lease the land on which the storage facility sits; an annual employment service fund of NT$ 440 million; and a “good neighbor fund” of NT$ 4 million to NT$ 5 million a year for emergency assistance and scholarships, Chih said. “We also spend about NT$ 90 million to NT$ 100 million a year to provide free electricity for all [residents],” he added.

The supply of free electricity is not the most sustainable form of reparation. The result of this method of compensation is that lights, air-conditioning, and TVs are constantly on and therefore energy consumption is quite high. However this seems not to be of importance to the locals, as they do not need to deal with the costs. Only if households run a tourist or other commercial business, are they charged for electricity. Anthropologist Chi Chun-chieh (2011*) gives his opinion of the compensation money:

The Tao are to some extent dependent on the compensation money. But not entirely, because they don’t get that much in their pockets […]. It depends more on the free electricity, which is not so good in my opinion. The Tao should get compensation, but not totally free, otherwise it is too easy to become stuck.

In this regard, it is ironic that the Tao have to carry the burden of a nuclear waste repository, a consequence of cheap energy production, while on the other hand, so far, there is no sustainable or sparing use of electricity on Orchid Island. During my many visits, I noticed that older people especially are in the habit of keeping the light on all night long due to the fear of anito, who might appear at night when it is dark.

The collective compensation is given to the Lanyu Township Office and then further distributed to the village associations. It is invested in several projects related to welfare and

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development. Every village has an association that is in charge of the investment. The structure of the Imorud association is as follows: village chief 鄉長  chairman 理事長  11 committee members elected for two years, by a vote of at least 30 members of the village association. In total, the Imorud village association has 200 members. The elected members meet on a regular basis to discuss any issues that concern the village and the compensation money. Last year, 2013, the NT$ 2 million compensation from Taipower was invested in four categories:

1. Cultural activities: NT$ 550,000 2. Livelihood activities: NT$ 970,000 3. Social activities: NT$ 80,000 4. Miscellaneous: NT$ 40,000

Figure 43 Investment of compensation money in 2013 (Imorud village)

However, nowadays the Tao’s opinions on the compensation money are divided. The older residents in particular welcome it. Some seniors told me that they were tired of fighting against the repository. “At least we have achieved the comfort money. But now it is a matter for the youth. We are old and retired,” as one of the Iranmeylek village elders told me. It is notable that some islanders indeed approve of the nuclear waste repository as long as they receive the money and other benefits. Some might fear the end of financial advantages were the nuclear waste facility to be removed as promised several times by government authorities.

If the nuclear waste is removed and compensation money stops, it will be a problem. Because when we go to Taiwan to the hospital where do we get the money from (Dong 2008*)?

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Considering that money generation and income sources are scarce, fear of a lack of compensation is not too much of a surprise. The elderly especially face impoverishment, particularly if they do not have relatives in Taiwan to financially support them. According to my data, the generation from 20 to 40 years of age is rather against the dump than the older generation and is more likely to approve of the consequences of compensation cessation.

The young activists are convinced that they can live without the compensation and they are able to afford a life without it and without radioactive waste. I think it is the older generation’s concern that if the young people don’t come back to the homeland [from Taiwan] and are going to support them. […] They thinking is very different from the older generation, it’s difficult to convince them (Echo, 2013*).

The division of the Tao’s opinion on the compensation money is illustrated in the next figure. Half of the respondents think that compensation is positive and two people entirely refuse compensation. Interestingly, 45% did not answer the question. An explanation of this is the love–hate relationship there may be to the money. On the one hand, people think that compensation is the least Taipower can do and something it has to do; on the other hand, they would rather see a relocation of the dump and more local income opportunities instead of compensation.

Figure 44 Opinions towards compensation

In my informal talks, I discovered that most islanders think that even if Taipower removes the waste, as promised by former president Chen, they would want Taipower to continue pay reparations, because of the exploitative treatment. The way the government established the repository was a clearly severely unjust and demonstrated structural discrimination towards the Tao. The younger generation does not tolerate this behavior and does not agree with

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hosting the radioactive waste. According to my questionnaire, 98% definitely want to get rid of the repository and only 2% do not care about it as long as they receive compensation. The 2% may fear of loss of benefits if they oppose the repository. Mash et al. explain, in a report from 1993:

Nuclear opposition […] claim that those who keep their mouths shut about the waste site are favored for secure government jobs on the island, and scholarships for their children. Those students on government scholarships aren't likely to protest for fear of losing their scholarship.

25% of the respondents pointed out that even though the nuclear waste is to be removed, the damage through contamination has already been done. Therefore, Taipower must continue the reparation payments and clean up the site.

Figure 45 Opinions on the LLRW repository

Besides the compensation by Taipower for the repository, the Tao have another source of government money. The Ministry of Cultural Affairs has offered a single grant of NT$ 30 million to every village for the preservation of cultural heritage and revitalization. The money was invested over the duration of more than ten years and will end this year, 2014. So far NT$ 20 million have been spent. The idea of this investment is to promote cultural activities. The village association develops the projects which have an emphasis on culture. An annual budget and financial plan had to be produced and presented to the Ministry of Cultural Affairs. In Imorud, the NT$ 2 million were used in 2013 for:

• collective village cleaning and garbage collection (three times a year)

• construction of an adventurous forest cultural trail

• boat building.

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The locals to take part in the above-mentioned investment projects voluntarily. For example, every person can register too help with the village cleaning and join in the action. In exchange, the participants receive NT$ 500, free drinks and snacks. It is the same procedure for the boat building and construction of the trail. The workers get NT$ 500 daily. At the end of a project, the Imorud association organizes a feast in order to celebrate the successful completion. When I conducted the interview with one of the Imorud association members in April 2014, NT$ 10 million were still available to spent on cultural infrastructure. The association was still discussing how to use the money. The member I was talking to is a very engaged and dedicated person who fosters sustainable and positive development on the island. She shared her ideas, worries, and concerns about compensation and its investment with me. One of her ideas for investing the NT$ 10 million was to repair Imorud’s main road that leads through the village. “The road is in bad condition and has potholes and accidents have happened several times already. It would be a quick and simple undertaking to fix it” (Sh, 2014*). Another idea was the renovation and painting of the village houses. “Most houses are grey and don’t look very charming, especially for a place that lives from tourism” (ibid.). According to my informant, every household could ask for paint from the association for free and then paint the exterior walls by themselves. Another idea was to brighten up the concrete wall along the main road that divides the village from the seaside. The wall is grey and it could be painted with pictures from the Tao’s oral history or other cultural symbols, as has been done in other villages. A further suggestion was an “education tour” for people who work in the tourism sector or others who would like to know more about design or sustainable techniques. My interview partner’s recommendations often encountered rejection, however, because the other committee members evidently considered these ideas a waste of money. She emphasizes that many people are only interested in making easy money without understanding the importance of sustainable investment. Her idea of inviting some architects and engineers from Taiwan and Japan in order to teach the locals about efficient architecture, construction plans, and recycling did not find agreement with the other association members.

But when somebody brings the suggestion of opening a night market, everybody is very much in agreement with it. Why? Because of the money that the tourists will spend. I think the idea is bad, because the money will go into Taiwanese pockets for sure and not to the locals. Additionally, it won’t be a nice market just some stands made of wood and plastic and not made with love. And when I invite some architects to teach us how to do it nice and pretty, the others will refuse (Sh, 2014*).

In discussions on how to spend the money, there is again a conflict of interest between the generations. Younger people especially have more inventive and resourceful ideas when it comes to money investment. For instance, one of the association’s younger committee members has suggestions regarding irrigation systems and better water management conservation on the island. The water pipes often break or leak due to the typhoons and torrential rain. Every household has its own pipeline and the people are responsible for fixing them. Household reservoirs, such as water troughs would improve the situation, according to his understanding. But as he is younger than most of the others in the committee, he feels that he cannot present his ideas. He says that the seniors often ignore his objections and say he

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should not argue with the elders in order not to lose face. I heard of such problematic confrontations from several local people. They complain that they cannot follow and realize their ideas, because they need to show respect toward the opinions of the elders even if this hinders their projects. A rather frustrated association member states that “everybody has only interest for his or her own [idea]. Except for some few younger people who really care about the future of Lanyu, but I think most of the people have no interest at all in working for for the collective community welfare” (Sh, 2014*). Those beneath the age of 50 have more ideas for sustainable development and long-term projects that would bring benefit for the whole community. Probably this is due their education and collective experience of living in Taiwan and other places abroad. One could claim that these generations have extended horizons compared with the senior islanders.

They [seniors] have ideas, but not very good ones, like they say that something must be done, like new pipelines, but when it’s not done properly and only works for the moment it’s ok. They don’t think about using a better, stable idea and enjoying it for a long time, instead of acting for the short term only. But long-term improvement also requires more investment, but it would be for better use! (Sh, 2014*).

From my own experience, I can say that money is very important to the Tao and when talking to the elderly it often dominates discussions. Kao (2012:38) describes money as an “enormous driving force in their society – [and] the money temptation, has just begun surfacing.”

Some islanders make judgments of others based on how they do not think about sustainable long-term improvement of the island, but only on the immediate benefits for them.

We had the idea, even the plan already to send people to Taiwan in order to give them the chance to learn about how to solve the water problem, or even to engage them in some training to learn about solar and wind energy generation. Both we have a lot here on the island. We just need the know-how and the techniques. The money we have. But our chairman read the plan and just asked what should that be, I don’t understand. Nobody else in the meeting said something, and L. [the youngest committee member] did dare to speak out. So, the idea was rejected. Sometimes we are very lonely with our ideas and enthusiasm (Sh, 2014*).

The younger generation, by contrast, is open to new technology for sustainable management of resources, in the hope of increased autonomy and independence from the Taiwanese government. These motivated people are currently raising their children; understandably they worry more about the future than somebody who is tired of their experience of protests against government projects over the last 50 years. This generation gap is based on different (historical) experiences and education, and results in a conflict of interest. New technology might be incomprehensible to elderly people considering that they have used electricity only for the last 34 years. According to some young middle-aged people, the seniors form a majority in the village committee and therefore it is rather difficult to fund innovative projects.

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24.4 Land Issues and Urban Planning Projects

Orchid Island is entirely indigenous reservation land. It can be divided into private and public indigenous reserve land. Since 1966, indigenous people have been able to apply for ownership when they have cultivated land for a minimum of ten years. This regulation was revised in the 1990s, the duration of land use was lowered to five years in order to enforce government privatization projects (Daya, 2014*). Private indigenous reserve land means that there is legal evidence of ownership by an indigenous person. In the case of Orchid Island, the owner must be a Tao person. Han Chinese and others are not eligible to buy indigenous land. This regulation however can be obviated when a Tao ‘lends’ his or her name to foreigners. This makes them eligible to lease land and the Tao person receives the rent in return. These outsiders are mostly interested in investing in Orchid Island’s blooming tourism sector.

This is indigenous land; some people rent it to Taiwanese. That’s why some businesses are being run by the Taiwanese now, because the locals rent out their land (Pace, 2014*).

Property and land require different regulations. Orchid Island falls under the Non-Urban Land Use Regulations from 1974. The land is divided into six categories, such as conservation land and agricultural zones. An index (which takes into account depth of soil, erosion, etc.) defines the land categorization. The land of Orchid Island is categorized as class five and six, which mean the people are neither allowed to use the land for farming nor for housing. The construction of houses on indigenous land that belongs to class five and six is therefore technically prohibited. The government is certainly aware that all housing being illegal is a controversial issue, but the situation is tolerated due to the lack of solutions.

The Lanyu case, because of this regulation and the index, the Tao are not allowed to build a house, they cannot get the building license. This is very common in indigenous villages, so the government kind of keep an eye closed, unless there is some conflict [occurring] (Daya, 2014*).

The Taipei Times writes of Orchid Island’s housing policy that “aside from township offices, schools, public facilities and a Taiwan Power Co nuclear waste storage facility, almost every other building on the island has been built without a permit” (Taipei Times, July, 19, 2014).

Public indigenous land is often divided into special zones by the government, which makes it easier to decide on development projects. Urban planning projects are undertaken in order to develop Taiwan’s remote areas. These projects are initiated by the government and financed by the Council of Economic Planning and Development, Taidong County Council, and the Architecture and Building Research Institute under the supervision of the Ministry of Interior Affairs. For Orchid Island and other islands the Offshore Islands Development Act is of importance. It is a four-year project that should “assure sound island infrastructure and

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industrial development, sustain natural ecological environment and cultural features as well as improve the quality of life and welfare of residents” (Pace, 2014*). The act was modified last year, accentuating of environmental protection, disaster prevention, and medical services. It was renamed the Taitung Comprehensive Offshore Island Development Plan. One of my interview partners argued that the name of the urban plan was changed to confuse the people and to try to find new support among the Tao as the previous act encountered strong opposition from the islanders. It is hoped that the Taitung Comprehensive Offshore Island Development Plan meets the Tao’s requirements and claims (Pace, 2014*). In the case of anthropogenic intervention by the government, the IPBL, Article 21 states that the implementation of a project on indigenous land requires the consensus of the local people.

The Tao are afraid of the government taking their land, which they don't want to lose. So, this time they change another title. They want to rearrange the land. It's urban planning. There is a very huge urban planning in a village place (Taitung). By re- arranging the land, the Taitung government could get land for their own (Pace, 2014*).

The new plan affects the areas of Taidong city, two Taidong townships, and 13 villages, including those on Green Island and Orchid Island. In the beginning, meetings and hearings took place in five villages in Taidong and Green Island, but not on Orchid Island. The plan is divided into three spheres of development: of economic, cultural, and environmental. Phase III, which started in 2011, is going to be completed by the end of 2014; Phase IV is to be launched in 2015 and continue until the end of 2018. The abstract of the Taitung Comprehensive Offshore Island Development Plan Phase IV notes that the plan is guided by the central government and begins by listing four key tasks:

1. Vision and objectives of offshore islands development. To promote local cultural identity, infrastructure and facility service, built environment, economic autonomy, and a low-carbon islands, especially for Lanyu (Orchid Island) and Lyudao (Green Island), prime visions maintain as: Lanyu: an Austronesian aboriginal autonomy economy with friendly built environment.

2. Comprehensive development plan. Based on offshore islands’ uniqueness, different ecotourism models are built for Lanyu and Lyudao […] As Lanyu is correlated to Austronesian culture and an extension from cultures of Batan Islands, Luzon Island, Polynesia, New Zealand, and some from North Africa, it’s an ideal place to promote ecological and Austronesian cultural tourism.

3. Six dimensional implementation strategy. To sustain the planning of comprehensive development plan, a six dimensional development strategy is promoted as ecotourism, blue-water adventure, low-carbon islands, cultural heritage, landscape and public realm quality.

4. 80 implementation projects derived from 11 governmental agencies. Based on six strategic visions, 80 implementation projects were proposed and divided into categories of infrastructure, industry, education, culture, transportation, medical,

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tourism, environmental protection, disaster prevention, social welfare, and police service.

The 80 projects mentioned in Point 4 are rather ill-defined and blurry. In order to improve the Tao’s welfare, the project designers need to involve the local people by law. Moreover, from an anthropological perspective, it is necessary to include local people’s opinion in projects that affect them, because who knows better what is best for them than the people themselves. Often these projects emphasize cultural revitalization, but denied] the people concerned are denied access to decision-making processed. In terms of medical treatment and health care, there was certainly positive progress through the establishment of several nursing and volunteer projects on Orchid Island, caring in particular for the elderly. Nevertheless, studies on the holistic welfare of the Tao, including data from social, political, cultural, economic, and environmental spheres, have never been undertaken.

The urban planning project aims to map the whole island in order to arrange the land into different categories, one of these categories being a special zone. The definition of a special zone remains unclear. However, it is understood that the special zone category has been created in order to offer opportunities to invest in further development projects. These projects would mostly involve industry. To that end, the company responsible for construction has a BOT agreement with the government. BOT is an abbreviation of build- operate-transfer which is a common investment system in Taiwan for situations where the government is the landowner. Since Orchid Island is indigenous reserve land, the government can use the public land, but only by agreement of the Tao. The usual BOT process begins with land investigation by the government. Afterwards a public auction is held for potential investors. The company with the highest bid will realize the project by building then operating it. How long the company operates the project is determined in the contract agreements, nevertheless the ownership remains with the government during the entire process. At the end of the contract, the investor has to transfer the project to the initial investigator and land owner, so the government is then the sole owner of the investment once again. Famous BOT projects in Taiwan are the Taipei Dome and Taiwan High Speed Rail.

Some of the Tao oppose such urban planning projects for several reasons. First the relation between the government and the locals is overshadowed by mistrust due to the past experiences and therefore the islanders do not believe that the urban plan is for their good. Second, the whole project is written in very positive language that raises suspicion. In general, the language of such projects is problematic and it is a challenging task to understand the intentions written between the lines. Third, the people have learnt from urban planning projects on other indigenous land in Taiwan which have turned out not to be always for the benefit of the local communities. A very recent example of conflict in the course of an urban planning project implementation and the investment in special land use zones (蘭嶼特定區) emerged in 2013. The government planned to build a cement factory (混泥土預拌場) as part of the urban planning project near Iranmeylek village on a piece of land that is not used by the locals. The initiators did not consider consent from the locals to be necessary. The project was decided upon, evidently with the agreement of some of the indigenous political elite.

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Caterpillar trucks and workers were suddenly present to begin the construction. The people became angry as they did not agree with the undertaking and occupied the land, protesting for several days.

Figure 46 Protest in Iranmeylek (Chianan, 2013)

The whole village community gathered together to protest against this project. The Tao emphasized that this land belongs to the islanders and therefore the government has no right to perform any construction or carry out any undertaking on this land. Because of a strong network including Taiwanese NGOs, scientists, the people were aware of the legal situation regarding indigenous land and their right to be integrated in decision making. According to the IPBL, the government needs the consent of the locals before implementing any undertaking. A local friend remembers this event:

Last year, there was this issue. Next to [xx] place there is a huge [piece of] land and there is nothing, just the empty land. And then one day the news came and some people told us that the government wants to build a factory there. […] The government would say, because there are no crops and no one owns the land here, so we are going to use it and build a factory. People got angry, because this is their land. When the first caterpillar was there, people gathered at the site, half of the villagers went there and even from other villages. The people stayed there day and night, because they don’t want any construction there, and this is their only weapon. And then one time they [the construction workers] even tried to do it very late at night. The people found out of course and went there again. Finally, because we have some people who help us, they know the law, some experts helped us with the information and then finally we proved that this land is indigenous land. So you

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cannot just do whatever you want without the agreement of the local people, it’s against the law. So it stopped (Pace, 2014*).

The persistence of the Tao and their tenacious fight for their rights has suspended the construction. The Tao have once more proven to be successful in hindering the government from introducing something on Orchid Island without their consent. The islanders became very much aware of how to use their own ‘weapons’ and strategies to resist undertakings they do not agree with. However, the construction of the cement factory has just been postponed, not definitely annulled. Evidently, the people suspect that something negative is about to happen when the initiators of a project do not put effort into educating the locals about the undertaking and exclude them from decision making. Government intervention and the resulting protests on Orchid Island have become a powerful issue that must be addressed and cannot be ignored anymore.

Figure 47 Cement factory protest (Chianan, 2013)

In the course of proceeding with the Taitung Comprehensive Offshore Island Development Plan, a hearing took place in the Lanyu Township Office in Imorud village on May 16, 2014. Information about that event was distributed mainly by the local associations and networks, not by government representatives. Most of the attendees belonged to the younger generation and were below 50 years. It was possible to follow the discussion on an online live stream. Three people introduced the development plan to the Tao: one was the mayor of Orchid Island, one an engineering consultant, and the third was the vice-present of Taidong County Public Work Bureau. Around 40 people attended the hearing. It was announced as a discussion to which the representatives from the six village associations were invited. Local people were not explicitly asked to participate in the meeting. The households did not receive a public announcement; the information was distributed solely by activists and interested

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people. The representative from Taidong County government emphasized that the meeting had been organized in order to hear the locals’ voices and to focus on island development. Tao people demanded improvements in medical treatment, infrastructure, transportation, road maintenance, and education. New hotels and restaurants were not necessary, according to the comments of locals, and businesses run by Taiwanese were not welcome either. During the meeting, one elderly person raised his voice and showed his anger against the government and its development plans. An attendee explains his rage:

There is a historical reason that the Tao people have strong anger toward the government, according to how they were treated by government before. Therefore, once they got a chance to meet people from the government and can express their opinions they vent their anger on the people from government (Pace, 2014*).

Indeed, the story of development programs had been heard often by the seniors as it was told many times in the past, with the establishment of a national park for instance. In Orchid Island many Tao definitely mistrust the government. Connection to their land is essential for the identity of indigenous peoples, as are the cultural practices adapted over the centuries to their natural environment. Methods of sustainable management of natural resources through agriculture and fishing as they were traditionally practiced are unique to many indigenous communities. Therefore the planning projects initiated by government institutions may have implications for the islanders, because of the reorganization of land. Due to the Tao’s empowerment, a few projects that the government aimed to initiate on Orchid Island successfully been delayed. The Taitung Comprehensive Offshore Island Development Plan is currently temporarily postponed, because the locals have added some requirements to the original plan. The Tao are aware of their rights and will not tolerate arbitrary governance.

24.5 Mistrust in Politics and the Tao Elite

In conversation with my interview partners, oft-raised issues are the corruption and lack of capability of politicians. There were many stories of vote-buying and presents offered to the islanders when their political support is needed. In the urban planning meeting in Imorud on May 16, 2014 the suspicion that the mayor of Orchid Island was corrupt provoked a conflict. The mayor agrees with the urban planning projects and supports them. A villager raised his voice and accused the mayor of being insufficiently critical of governmental undertakings with which he obviously often agrees. The islanders reproach the mayor for not representing the people, but rather doing business with the government. An attendee describes the situation (Pace, 2014*):

The mayor tried to say something that was not about the plan. He said something about what he had done in Lanyu in a good way, but Tao people didn't like the mayor since he is pro-nuke waste in Lanyu. And some people believe that the mayor is strongly connected with the government and doesn't stand for his people. Also there is the land issue of Dongqing [Iranmeylek] [and] what happened last year. He

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supports [the idea] that the cement factory should be built there. People were very angry at him. I think he has lost his reputation among Tao people. Therefore, when he said something in the meeting, some Tao people said something against him, and he flew into a rage out of humiliation. I think he deserved that. Lanyu’s mayor does not represent Lanyu local people.

The opposition of the local Tao to the government’s initiatives is illustrated by various issues. The Youth Alliance and the Tao Foundation are especially important organizations for giving the islanders a voice in terms of leading resistance, distributing information, and awareness- raising. During the meeting, an attendee waved a banner which said: “Government, please listen to us and understand our needs. The Tao people cannot afford the program that is planned by the government since losing land is the root of a group’s extinction” (L, 2014*).

Another recent land-use issue on Orchid Island is the newly opened 7/11 convenience store near the main harbor. 7/11 is a very successful 24-hour convenience store chain found everywhere over Taiwan and southeast Asia. Until recently, there was not an outlet on Orchid Island, just the small shops in every village and two markets. The land where the 7/11 is located is owned by a Tao person. The landowner was criticized for being corrupt as he was given a large amount of money in order to make his land available for such an undertaking. Some accuse him of cheating as he was willing to set up a 7/11 which does not support local business, but might steal all the clients from other smaller stores. Furthermore, with a 7/11 Orchid Island will become more Taiwanized rather than emphasizing indigenous Tao culture (Enzi, 2014*). A friend reported the 7/11 conflict (Pace, 2014*):

Because of this 7/11 issue, there is almost a civil war inside Lanyu. He [the landowner] cooperated with Taiwanese businessman to build the 7/11 store. However, the owners denied that they get money to start the business from the Taiwanese businessman, but most people don't believe that since they need lots of money to start the business. Some people criticized that and the owners were very angry and fought back. The owner claimed: why can many people run hostel and restaurant and other different business without being blamed, and I cannot bring home bread by opening a convenience store?

The 7/11 issue aroused dissatisfaction among the islanders. On the one hand, the Tao opposed this business from outside, because it has no relation to the local Tao culture, and some seem also to be jealous that they cannot benefit from the well-run business. But ever since the shop opened, it has been very popular among the islanders. When I last visited Orchid Island, in October 2014, the stock in the store was often sold out. For some islanders, the 7/11 brings modernity and progress to the island. Others completely refuse to buy anything from there, because they disagree with the lack of transparency surrounding the opening of the shop. Some others point out that the problems of urban planning and the nuclear waste site are worse than a 7/11 store and that people should rather focus on those issues and expend their energy in fighting them. “The problems of nuclear waste and urban planning are more important and need attention; people should save their energy and care about these issues instead of a 7/11 that might benefit to all of us” (Ya, 2014*). Weeks after the opening of the

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7/11, the business is still a great success. Supplies are often sold out and the store has become like a shopping adventure for the locals. I noticed that the 7/11 contributed to local entertainment. For instance, if I or some of the girls in my friendship group on Orchid Island are bored, we suggest to going to the 7/11 to get a coffee and look around to see what is new.

Profound mistrust and opposition towards government implementation of land development projects are prevalent sentiments among the Tao people. Looking at their history and the government projects which have been implemented, one may understand why the Tao would rather not collaborate with the authorities, but instead refuse to co-operate with their intentions due to the injustices experienced and disappointments of the past. Considering the nuclear waste disposal alone, government undertakings on Orchid Island are evidently sufficient to make the Tao people mistrust and oppose them. This becomes a problem because not necessarily all projects initiated by the government on Orchid Island will be to the locals disadvantage. A Tao man explained that his people should not refuse everything the government suggests; there might be some good ideas.

I don’t say trust the government, but we have to find a way. We need to find another way and not only protest. I mean everybody can say bad things about the government or politicians, but if you don’t have a way, the same things will continue every year, like water pollution for instance due to the lack of an efficient sanitary management (Tao II, 2013*).

According to my questionnaire, 70% have a negative opinion of the government and would not trust any undertaking implemented by them. Only 7% have a positive attitude towards the current government and 23% gave no answer.

Figure 48 Opinions of the government

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When asking the interviewees why they have a negative attitude towards the current local and national government, the following answers were given (this was an open-ended question and the respondent could state their own opinion without response options):

Figure 49 Reasons for negative attitude towards the government

It is noticeable here that the Tao are obviously disappointed by state institutions, and this is reflected in the answers given by the respondents. 36% think that the authorities do not care about the Tao. “If they cared about us, they would treat us more gently” states a young Tao person” (L, 2014*). Extrapolating from the answers given to my questionnaires, the islanders apparently feel marginalized and stigmatized. 6% request that the government show more respect towards the Tao culture. 22% would like to see a more effective handling of the nuclear waste. It is the harsh combination of “assimilation, the dumping of highly toxic waste, and several so-called development projects that made us mistrust the government” (Tao III, 2013*). “We live on a small island, we are disadvantaged people compared to the dominant Han society. Why should they care about us?” (Tao II, 2013*). 16% of the interviewees refer to the greed of local and national state representatives, as they are accused of only caring about their own good, instead of being seriously concerned with the Tao’s welfare. 10% relate their negative opinion to a corrupt and powerless government. In this regard especially, local politicians are accused of being “marionettes of the state and [people who] have actually no power at all, but to represent the opinion of higher politicians” (Guo, 2013*). A Taiwanese who lives on Orchid Island explains the relationship between the Tao and the government as follows:

The Tao people think that they are always fooled. The government always says that they know what the Tao need and they’ll try to improve, but they never did what they said [they would]. They did totally different things (Pace, 2014*).

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Her answer reflects the 10% of responses equating mistrust towards the government with the claim that they are not honest and would fool the Tao people. Author Syaman Rapongan states in an interview with the Taipei Times: “since our encounter, the RoC government brings us only threats to our survival” (Taipei Times, December 31, 2011). After learning that the majority of the Tao mistrust government undertakings, I was wondering what changes the respondents would like to see and think would bring improvement. Question number ten was again an open-ended question without response options: “If you could change something in the government, what would it be?”

If you could change something in the government, what would it be? 如果你可以改變政府, 你想做什麼

5 5

2 2 2 2 2 2

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

Figure 50 Changes respondents would like to see in the government

Only 32 people out of 80 gave an answer to this question. What is remarkable is that almost one third of the respondents refer to a nuclear-free Taiwan and the removal of the radioactive waste facility.

24.6 Radiation and Health

Health is an important topic on Orchid Island. The remote location makes the guarantee of appropriate medical care a challenge. Basic health services, however, are accessible at the clinic in Imorud and treatment is free. Nevertheless, indigenous peoples are vulnerable when it comes to alien pathogenic agents. The Spanish influenza, for instance, had its impact in the

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1920s and a cholera epidemic after WWII reduced the population to 1273, the lowest since 1906. Many indigenous peoples around the world suffer from high rates of physical and mental illness, Among Aborigines in Australia and Native Americans in the US, addiction to alcohol and drug abuse have become a serious problem that leads to further frustration. Alcoholism was also a serious issue among the Tao, however numbers have shown a positive improvement and there has been a decline in alcohol consumption. A new concern is the increasing cancer rate on Orchid Island. Local voices became loud as a five-year-old girl was diagnosed with a brain tumor in 2012 (Taipei Times, March 2, 2012). Recently a case of leukemia among the Tao became known to the public. Thyroid cancer and an increased number of children being born with disabilities have been reported. All these symptoms could be caused by radioactive contamination. The emergence of cancer on Orchid Island cannot, however, be simply attributed to the waste disposal facility since cancer is increasing in other indigenous communities in Taiwan as well. Nevertheless, in the case of the Tao it is possible that the repository has had an impact on peoples’ health particularly if radioactive material is leaking. During my field study on Orchid Island, I learnt about quite a few cancer cases; even within my Tao family one man had died from cancer and the older sister had had successful surgery for thyroid cancer. Medical doctor Peter Chang explains what kind of health problems emerge when the human body is exposed to radiation:

Usually it is cancer, and some are non-cancer. Cancer including the more aggressive ones is leukemia, thyroid cancer, breast cancer, lung cancer. There are a series of cancers depending on where the radiation comes to the body, there it will generate cancer. Some are non-cancer which means the children cannot grow up, […] also infertility and abortion, this all can be caused by radiation. There are many, many what we call systemic whole body effects, radiation is not only limited to hand or head, but affects all of the body, because it is [acting] on the cells (Chang, 2014*).

Doctor Chang furthermore explains that there is no internationally recognized safe level of radiation for the human body because of the limitations on scientific research. However, in the 1980s the safety level for radiation was set by the Taiwanese government at 10 millisieverts per year. In the 1990 it was lowered to 5 millisieverts per year. If a person is exposed to more than 5 millisieverts per year, the AEC takes care of them. If the exposure is less than 5 millisieverts and above 1 millisievert, Taipei city government offers financial compensation and medical treatment. “There is a law on that. Last year, Taipei city government made an extra effort. If somebody dies, got cancer, mental distress, or a cataract, the person gets compensation. I think if somebody has the diagnosis of breast cancer, the city government would give them NT$ 30,000–50,000 compensation. This development and awareness however took around 15 years” (Chang, 2014*).

In order to measure radiation on Orchid Island, several investigations were conducted with different results. In 2012, a study was carried out that attracted wide public attention and caused controversy. Japanese scientists Katsumi Nakao, from Oberlin University, and Yoh Kato, of Tokyo Metropolitan University, conducted a three-day survey at different spots on Orchid Island to measure radiation. Indeed they found abnormal and significantly high levels

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radiation in Iraraley village. The AEC however denied the results arguing that the “detection equipment was of questionable reliability” (Taipei Times, November 21, 2012). A few years earlier, the Academia Sinica’s Institute of Earth Science carried out an investigation under their Uranium Series and Anthropogenic Radionuclides Lab. The research group, with geologist Chih-An Huh as principal investigator, conducted surveys on Orchid Island from 2005 until 2009. Huh also carried out important work for Taipower when he was invited to monitor the reshaping and replacement of the barrels on the site. The findings of the Academia Sinica research groups demonstrated an increase of cesium-137 (Cs-137) in particular areas in Orchid Island. Cesium-137 is a highly radioactive element the concentration of which has increased quickly around the repository. It is a fission product of uranium-235 and has a short-to-medium lifetime. The US Environmental Protection Agency describes Cs-137 as follows:

The half-life of cesium-137 is 30.17 years. Because of the chemical nature of cesium, it moves easily through the environment. This makes the cleanup of cesium-137 difficult […] People may ingest cesium-137 with food and water, or may inhale it as dust. If cesium-137 enters the body, it is distributed fairly uniformly throughout the body's soft tissues, resulting in exposure of those tissues […] Like all radionuclides, exposure to radiation from cesium-137 results in increased risk of cancer. Everyone is exposed to very small amounts of cesium-137 in soil and water as a result of atmospheric fallout. Exposure to waste materials, from contaminated sites, or from nuclear accidents can result in cancer risks much higher than typical environmental exposures (US EPA, 2014b).

In 1998 and 1999, Dr. Peter Chang initiated and conducted research resulting in a paper entitled Environmental Pollution Survey of Lanyu Island. Plant and soil samples were collected from four different sites on Orchid Island in order to measure potential radiation. Two of these samples displayed a concentration of Cs-137 high enough to be of concern. The final report states that “these sampling sites were located in the opposite direction from the nuclear waste storage site. It confirms the fact that Cs-137 and, apparently, other radionuclide concentrations and distributions in the soils of the island should be studied with great attention” (Chang, 2014*). In order to ensure data quality and reliability, a comparison study has been performed in cooperation with Idaho State University, USA. According to the final research reports, there was also a high concentration of Cs-137 in the samples sent to the US.

With increasing concern, the Tao and representatives from the Green Party Taiwan accuse the government and Taipower of being responsible for the growing cancer rate on Orchid Island (Taipei Times, March 2, 2012). Official figures show that the cancer rate on the island has risen since the nuclear waste facility was opened in 1982. So far, there has been no research establishing a firm connection between cancer and the nuclear waste on the island. Sociologist Tsai (蔡右月) discovered that the Tao are afflicted with higher rates of mental disorders than average among the national Taiwanese population. She emphasizes (Tsai, 2012) that “the higher rate of mental disorders only appeared in recent decades among the middle-aged population, who are actually the first generation to receive a so-called ‘modern education’. […] The high number of Tao with mental disorders is probably a social, rather

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than a genetic problem.” Kao notes that suicide among Taiwan’s indigenous peoples is of increasing concern. A survey conducted by the Institute of Ethnology of the Academia Sinica on indigenous peoples and health (Huang & Liu; 2011) demonstrates that indigenous communities in rural areas suffer more from tumors, liver and heart diseases, strokes, and mental illness than indigenous in urban regions and the majority Han population. The death rate is also notably higher than the national average and the main cause of death is through car accidents. The survey emphasizes “the exceedingly high ratio of deaths caused by accidents and liver disease among the hill indigenous. Both causes can be related to high alcohol consumption, which has become epidemic in many indigenous communities” (ibid.:16).

If this [health condition] has a direct connection to the nuclear waste dumpsite remains unclear. However, Taiwan’s indigenous people suffer more percentage-wise from physical and psychological health problems than the majority of the population. Experts infer this is due to the hopelessness felt from the degrading treatment of their ethnic identity and the abuse of their rights (Huang & Liu, 2011:16-17).

Another study carried out by the National Tsing Hua University (Chuang & Huang, 2007) demonstrates that social and economic factors do indeed contribute to people’s health and to such decisions as to commit suicide. Men are evidently more susceptible to economic misery than women. Unemployment, loss of vision, and self-doubt increase the risk of addictions, health problems, and suicide.

[The] economic variable, the unemployment rate, poses a significant influence overall and on the male suicide rates, but not on the female suicide rates. […] That is, men tend to be or are expected to be the primary breadwinners of the household, whereas women are relatively more likely to be secondary workers. If so, losing jobs (especially chronic unemployment) may impact men more than women as it entails not only a serious economic crisis and pressure on the family but also a humiliating loss of social identity and status (Chuang & Huang 2007:17).

Besides social factors, diet and poor environmental conditions also certainly have an effect on people’s health, as a Taiwanese teacher (Jenny, 2008*) on Orchid Island argues:

I don’t think that the nuclear waste makes people sick, but I am not saying it’s not a problem. Maybe health issues emerge due to the modern lifestyle. In the past the Tao used only water and not oil, now people drink alcohol, cooking and cleaning material comes from Taiwan. Are they aware that the soap contains chemicals?

Orchid Island’s health services are considered insufficient by the local people. Medical infrastructure and equipment levels in the clinic in Imorud village are thought of as poor. There are complaints about poor treatment for the patient and a lack of qualified doctors. For more serious symptoms, the patients must be transferred to Taidong or Taipei as the local clinic cannot provide adequate treatment. In this instance, all costs incurred (for travel, hospital stays, appointments, etc.) are covered by the government and Taipower. Last year, 2013, a program was initiated to improve health care especially for the elderly who are not

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mobile anymore and have difficulties in accessing the clinic and medical services. Once a person is registered as senior citizen, they additionally receive additional welfare payments and other benefits such as free daily lunch and dinner delivery.

According to my questionnaire, 77% of respondents think the material stored in the nuclear waste repository has certainly had an impact on their health. 13% answered that they are not sure, and 10% think the nuclear waste has had no influence on their health.

Figure 51 Opinions on the impact of nuclear waste on health

In a similar question, I asked whether the locals believed the cancer rate is related to the presence of the repository and to leaking radioactive materials. 52% think that the increasing cancer rate on the island is certainly caused by radiation leaking from the nuclear waste. 4% of the respondents answered that there probably is a relation. 22% people think there is no connection and 22% do not know.

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Figure 52 Cancer and LLRW

The government has proclaimed that nuclear waste is 100% safe, so the Tao people should not be worried about the facility. “Taipower argued that the amount of radioactive material detected was minimal and could not be considered a leak” (Taipei Times, December 31, 2011). However, these words did not comfort the Tao people. If nuclear waste is 100% safe, why bother shipping it 400 kilometers from northern Taiwan to Lanyu (Chi, 2001; Huang, 2010:230)?

24.7 Vulnerable Environment

The natural environment is an essential part of the Tao’s identity. Traditionally, the Tao’s main sources of nutrition were fish from the sea and vegetables from their fields and gardens. With more influences from outside and the increased interest in a cash economy, socio- economic structures began to alter and the people adopted a Taiwanese lifestyle and diet. In the course of transformation and the adaption to modernity and Christianity, traditional rules governing the use of the coastal fishery have lost significance. Moreover, the common cultural practices of environmental conservation have changed due to increased demand and a desire for profit which are attributed to the flourishing tourism sector on the island. Consequently, traditional ecological knowledge came to be valued less. Hu states that “fading TEK and disappointing land production [productivity] reflect rapid social change, unbalanced economic development, and increasing social inequality” (Hu, 2008:55-56). The application of modern technology, such as the use of motorboats, has allowed greater yields. According to Tang and Tang (2009:2) these transformations have resulted in rapid depletion of the fish stock.

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Now the Tao have modern motorboats. So they catch a lot of fish, too much to consume, so they will sell them to some Han Chinese restaurants and earn a lot of money and they will have beer to drink. In traditional knowledge, they were not allowed to fish so much, but now times [have] changed and they also have the technology that allows that (Hu, 2008*).

In the past, Taiwanese and Japanese fishing boats had extensive rights to fish around Orchid Island. Inhabitants reported a decline in fish stocks and a decimation of biodiversity in the underwater environment (Limond, 2002:16). Since then, as a result of this resource depletion, the government has introduced a regulation that restricts offshore fishing by non-Tao fishermen. Whether there is a connection between the nuclear dump, overfishing, and the decline in the numbers of fish remains unclear. However, locals seek the cause of the problem of environmental change in outsiders’ actions rather than in their own possibly unsustainable way of dealing with modernity, as a Tao reports:

They [government] damaged the ecological system. In the past outsiders caught a lot of fish, now the fish are fewer and fewer. We found deformed fish, maybe caused by radioactivity. The fish don’t want to come close to the shore, they moved away from the seashore, around the whole island. The area is polluted and many people are not as healthy anymore as in the past. Illness and cancer do increase (Tao VII, 2012*).

One of my questions was whether the respondents think the nuclear waste repository contaminates the environment; the sea and the soil. 52% have no doubt that the quality of the facility is inappropriate and the barrels are not safe and therefore leaking radioactive material contaminates the environment. 39% do not know, 8% do not think so, and one person answered possibly. This survey illustrates certainly that the Tao have concerns about the safety of the repository and contaminated environment.

Figure 53 LLRW and environment

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A representative from the NGO Environmental Jurists Association says in an interview (Echo, 2013*) that “it would be easy to prove that there is contamination and there are technology and instruments” to do so. Some Tao men emphasized that there are fewer fish compared to ten and twenty years ago. This may possibly be linked to pollution that is caused by radioactivity. Furthermore, the demand for fish has increased and the environment is given shorter recovery phases. Two Tao men and a Taiwanese teacher living on Orchid Island state that the reducing number of fish is indeed a result of people’s actions:

The sewage is going to the ocean, this is bad for nature […] the fish is fewer, because more pollution; the more people on the island, the more pollution (Enzi, 2014*).

Pollution comes with tourists too, a lot of plastic bottles. However, not everything is bad, the money from them is good (Z, 2012).

Are the Tao people aware that turtles could eat the plastic that is thrown in the ocean? Sometimes there is a lack of knowledge and I think this is more dangerous than nuclear waste (Jenny, 2008*).

Garbage management used to be another concern on Orchid Island. In the Tao’s traditional way of life, garbage and pollution were never an issue. As everything was taken from nature, the Tao did not need to deal with plastics, cans, and other kinds of trash. Therefore, the elderly especially still have the habit of disposing of garbage in the environment instead of a trash bin. This year (2014) Orchid Island “has been ranked as the dirtiest township in Taitung County.” It earned last place among the “county’s 15 townships in a biannual clean environment competition organized by the local government” (Focus Taiwan News Channel, 2014).

Figure 54 Hermit crab with a plastic cup as house (Focus Taiwan website, 2014)

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In recent years however, the garbage management has become quite efficient. The collective dump is close to Imorud. The Imorud village association receives rent for this land from the Taidong County government. It is the only garbage site on the island and so is where all the other villages dump their trash. It is only recently that the garbage has started to be brought back to Taiwan, primarily for recycling purposes, but also because the equipment and management capacity were no longer sufficient as the amount of garbage rose. As there is less garbage there now, the annual rent has decreased.

The sustainable uses of environmental resources are obviously challenged by the increasing consumer demands leading to exhaustion of natural resources. The conversion from a traditional to a modern lifestyle has led to subsistence economy being replaced by profit- oriented businesses. Before influences from outside reached Orchid Island, the Tao lived with their spiritual world, its rules and taboos. Exploitation of natural resources took place only in a sustainable way. For instance, during the flying fish season, no other fish was caught. This traditional knowledge reflects the Tao’s respect for the reproductive phase of other fishes’ life-cycles and the need for a recovery phase in fisheries management. Another example is the taboo prohibiting fishing in some specific zones around the island. Those taboos may have emerged for several reasons, such as memory of a diving accident or death that occurred in this area, but it is also possible that such regions or their shorelines are nesting and hatching grounds for turtles and fish.

24.8 Migration

Salick and Byg (2007:20) point out that the vulnerability of indigenous peoples is increasing due to environmental changes. If nature is contaminated by leaking radioactive material, the Tao might face relocation. In the past, the government wanted Orchid Island to become the waste site for all nuclear waste, including high-level radioactive waste generated by the power plants. The plan was to relocate the whole population to an area in Taidong. This project was, however, never realized. “They would rather sacrifice their lives and die before moving voluntarily to a mountain in Taidong” (Pace, 2014*).

Relocation in connection with anthropogenic intervention would in this case not be voluntary at all. The migrants would be, in reality, refugees and displaced people. Relocation from the natural habitat would have tremendous consequences on the Tao’s indigenous identity. Were there to be contamination and relocation, the Tao would become environmental refugees. Essam El-Hinnawi framed the discussion of environmental refugees and was the first to recognize the heterogeneity among environmentally displaced persons. He defines environmental refugees as:

Those people who have been forced to leave their traditional habitat, temporarily or permanently, because of a marked environmental disruption (natural and/or triggered by people) that jeopardized their existence and/or seriously affected the quality of their life. […] By “environmental disruption” in this definition is meant

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any physical, chemical, and/or biological changes in the ecosystem (or resource base) that render it, temporarily or permanently, unsuitable to support human life (El- Hinnawi, 1985:4).

Bates (2002) identifies three categories of environmental refugees. The first group are those who are displaced due to disaster, whether natural or anthropogenic. In Taiwan, this category can be illustrated with the case of Haocha, an indigenous Rukai village. These people had to be relocated twice due to landslides and floods resulting from typhoons (such as Morakot in 2009) that destroyed their village. The second category of environmental refugees are people displaced due to the expropriation of their land for drastic environmental changes, such as the construction of dams. These people are forced to migrate on a permanent basis because their land is appropriated, mostly for infrastructural development, and the land becomes uninhabitable. Taiwanese examples of anthropogenic intervention that led to land expropriation are the establishment of cement production sites and the construction of reservoirs on traditional Atayal land. Refugees whose migration is based on the gradual deterioration of environmental conditions form the third group. Bates states that this type of migration in particular affects poor and marginalized communities as they live in marginal ecosystems that are heavily affected by deterioration. They become the most vulnerable groups as they have fewer resources to support their migration to other areas. However, these migrants have more time to plan their relocation as deterioration can be a rather slow and possibly foreseen process, whereas other migrants have to deal with a natural disaster immediately. According to Bates, these people share an almost universal lack of recognition as refugees and they may instead be classified as emigrants, since their chances of returning to the same area are often impossible (Bates, 2002:473). An example of the anthropogenic deterioration of an ecosystem may be pollution which gradually affects people’s health, such as industrial contamination of an area that leads to an inadequate quality of life. Intensive agriculture, or monoculture, may also decrease soil fertility and, therefore, change a once fertile area to an inhospitable place for its residents. In the case of relocation from Orchid Island due to contamination, the Tao would be included in the third category of environmental refugees would include.

There is a visible generation gap on Orchid Island not only when it comes to decision making in terms of sustainable development, but also when looking at migration. Because job possibilities are limited on Orchid Island, it was common for young people and their parents to migrate to Taiwan to find decent work as a way of being able to afford to feed the family who stayed at home on the island. Migration form Orchid Island to Taiwan was quite high, especially in the 1970s. When the migrants came back to Orchid Island, they brought knowledge and experiences that played a crucial role in the local social and economic transformation processes. Benedek noted while doing his field research on Lanyu in the 1980s that a generation gap in cultural heritage had also emerged. While the older generation still practiced their traditional habits, the younger generation had been subject to the assimilation policies introduced by the KMT regime. The Chinese teachers regarded the traditional male clothing barbaric and obscene. The younger generation wore western clothes

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and was educated to speak Mandarin and to adopt Chinese customs in order to be decent citizens of Taiwan.

Strongly discouraged and occasionally barred from taking over the cultural heritage of the older generation, the young Yami graduate from school without any traditional knowledge of how to survive on their own island. With no industry of any kind on Lan Yu to provide jobs in the modern sense, young people must go to Taiwan to find work. Once they encounter modernized life they do not want to return to live on their native island, although most of them will visit their parents and relatives during the time of the lunar new year holiday (Benedek, 1991:3).

Nevertheless, migration still happens, but it has been decreasing recently. This is certainly linked to the creation of new job opportunities, in particular in the tourism business. One can also survive with a small art shop; many artists on Orchid Island sell their handicrafts and home-made souvenirs to the tourists. Restaurants and homestays also offer employment and are an income resource: most income sources are related to tourism.

Migration is still ongoing, especially for the younger people. They go to Taiwan to find a future, some pursue their studies or find a job in the bigger city. Some parents with young families start to come back to this island, because one of the reasons is tourism. […] They think to have found an opportunity to survive in this island. For me, I am [one] of these persons; I came back 15 years ago. When I came back I didn’t see many young peoples or parents living on the island (Enzi, 2014*).

Whether the migration to Taiwan is due to concerns about environmental contamination or for economic reasons is not always elaborated. Nevertheless, it is to be assumed that most migrants leave the island out of economic rather than environmental motives. Then again, migration may also have positive impacts on indigenous peoples in terms of improved standards of living, better transportation facilities and social infrastructure, the possibility of higher income, access to better education and health care, and, in general, the opportunity to live a longer life than people in remote areas (Huang & Liu, 2011:16).

24.9 Human Rights

As explained above, there were matter-of-fact human rights abuses on Orchid Island, in particular during the KMT’s authoritarian rule. Until 1972, Taiwan, as the Republic of China was an official member of the UN and therefore had duties to fulfill. The UDHR applies to all UN member states and a high moral value is placed on it, even though it is not a legally binding document. The undertakings of the government that took place without the Tao’s consent, or even their participation in decision-making processes, violated various human rights as declared in the UDHR. Consider, for example, the housing policy implemented to destroy the traditional Tao dwellings and replace them with modern Taiwanese-style houses. The UDHR identifies the destruction of one’s house as human rights violations in Articles 12 and 17: “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home, or

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correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honor and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.” (UDHR, Article 12) and “No one shall arbitrarily be deprived of his property” (UDHR, Article 17, Par. 2). In terms of assimilation policies, the UDHR states in Article 18 that everyone “ has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance.” Moreover, the government has had signed and ratified international human rights treaties that do impose legally binding obligations. Those relevant for the indigenous peoples are the ICERD, ICESCR, and ICCPR. The ICERD was signed and ratified by the Republic of China in 1970. Article 1 of the ICERD defines racial discrimination as “any distinction, exclusion, restriction, or preference based on race, color, descent, or national or ethnic origin that has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment, or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedom in the political, economic, social, cultural, or any other field of public life.”. Moreover, Article 5 states that everyone, no matter what ethnicity, should enjoy equality before law. Race was evidently a factor in the decision-making process which led to the dumping of nuclear waste on Orchid Island – a clear case of environmental injustice. The ICESCR and ICCPR provide a catalog of economic, social, and cultural rights, and civil and political rights, respectively. Both covenants were ratified by current president Ma Ying-jiu in 2009. Article 1 of the ICESCR and ICCPR emphasize the right of self- determination and the principle of mutual benefit in economic and environmental undertakings.

All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development.

All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.

Even though the Taiwanese government under Ma has ratified the ICCPR and ICESCR, indigenous peoples still face difficulties in terms of self-determination. Scientist Awi Mona, who belongs to the indigenous Sediq, emphasizes that:

The struggle for indigenous autonomy is difficult in all countries, but if it improves livelihoods and empowers communities, it should be a priority for all parties interested in advancing human rights (Awi, 2013).

The IPBL is the most important national legal instrument for the protection of indigenous peoples’ rights. In terms of medical infrastructure and health care, the government is obliged to establish comprehensive and long-term health care by Article 24 of the IPBL:

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The government shall formulate public health and medical policies for indigenous peoples in accordance with the characteristics of indigenous peoples, incorporate indigenous peoples’ regions into the national medical network, implement indigenous peoples’ health care, establish comprehensive and long-term health care, emergency care and evacuation systems, and protect indigenous peoples’ health and physical safety.

For contemporary land development projects, the IPBL requires the consent and participation of the Tao in any undertaking on their indigenous land (Article 21):

In consultation with Indigenous Peoples, the Government or any private entity shall obtain their free and prior informed consent (FPIC) and/or maximum participation, as well as share with the concerned Indigenous Peoples benefits generated from exploration, development, exploitation and utilization of natural resources and lands within Indigenous people’s Regions, as well as ecological and academic researches thereon. In the event that any government and/or any enactments and rules of law may impose such restrictions on Indigenous Peoples as to limit their utilization of their lands and natural resources, the Government shall first consult with Indigenous Peoples concerned or Indigenous Persons concerned and obtain their free and prior informed consent (FPIC).

The constitution of Taiwan legislates for the wellbeing of indigenous peoples and environmental protection in the additional amendments, Article 10:

Environmental and ecological protection shall be given equal consideration with economic and technological development.

In spite of progress in the legal recognition of indigenous groups and the adoption and ratification of several acts and regulations for sustainable development and human rights, there are still barriers and mistrust between the indigenous peoples and the government.

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Which human rights were violated with the establishment of the nuclear waste repository? Right to live 2% Right to health 5% Right to a clean environment 9% 25% Any human right 4% Right to safety 5% Land rights 5% Right to self-determination

Right to equal treatment and respect 13% 25%

Right to free prior informed consent, people feel 7% deprived No human rights violations

Figure 55 The Tao’s opinion of human rights violations on Orchid Island

Besides legal issues affecting the successful implementation of these laws, the effective execution fails due to a lack of understanding of the indigenous peoples themselves and the deficient human rights education of government representatives.

The indigenous peoples feel they are treated unfairly, but they don’t know how to argue with them [state representatives] or what rights are protected in our constitution, or which laws they can use to protect themselves. That’s why they are calling us to help them. Indigenous peoples especially are really not familiar with Taiwanese law. First they say it’s a Chinese perspective, and the culture, tradition, and logic are Chinese. So indigenous people say; usually they don’t even pay attention to the laws. We have been asking the government: everything has to be equal, even lawmaking has to consult with indigenous people, with the issues that are concerned with their lives, and with their cultural community. And so far they [the government] have abused their power by law enforcement. We have stood challenging government agencies, the Ministry of Justice, to re-educate and to provide human rights education to the officers at the police stations with particular training focusing on the ICCPR and ICESCR (Echo, 2013*).

This statement illustrates that, besides cultural barriers and misunderstanding, there is a lack of willingness to understand contemporary lawmaking on the side of the indigenous peoples. Furthermore, it illustrates the position of government representatives trying to enforce the law.

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Here, the interviewee, who is a lawyer, stresses that there is also a lack of understanding of the law by those who should execute it at the local level.

Chapter 25 Achievements and Challenges

Referring back to the Tao’s history over the last hundred years, elaborating their experiences and transformation, this chapter looks at the achievements of the Tao after a time of repression. In the matter of nuclear waste management, the Tao and their culture were not respected in any sense. They were not invited to participate in decision-making processes, but were condemned to carry the burden of a nuclear waste facility without, initially, any benefit from nuclear power generation. According to Bullard (2001), this is environmental racism and injustice in its classic form. Furthermore, there has been social injustice due to assimilation policies and structural discrimination. Such history evidently left the Tao familiar with deception. . Nevertheless, the islanders have learnt about their rights and how to claim them. Tao university students of the 1980s led the first protests in Orchid Island and Taipei against the nuclear waste repository, the establishment of a national park, and other projects. The Presbyterian Church, the DPP, environmental organizations, and others supported the Tao’s empowerment. Additionally, international collaboration and organizations such as the UNWGIP, provided indispensable forums in which indigenous peoples’ concerns could be voiced. In the course of democratization, the status of the indigenous and their human rights were strengthened.

Modernization and improved infrastructure, such as medical services, have brought a certain wealth to the Tao. Indeed they enjoy the more comfortable trappings of daily life. Benedek notices in his study (1991:25) that: “[before] the Taiwanese established social aid programs, starvation was imminent when the typhoon season started, if, due to torrent action or unexpected drought, the root crops were damaged and the fishing season failed altogether.” Islanders have profited from the shops and commercial trade, as well as from improved health care. In former times, for instance, if the catch was small or people did not feel like going to sea, the local store substitutes the needs. Commercial economy was introduced on a small scale by the Japanese and has intensified ever since. Farming and fishing have become less essential. A serious problem the Tao have had to face was the high consumption of alcohol, particularly during the period of martial law when stigmatization and discrimination allowed the Tao’s social and economic structures to collapse. The traditional lifestyle was repressed and became indistinguishable from a Taiwanese one. The change from a traditional to a modern society came very fast for the Tao, and it was forced on them by outsiders. The Tao had to assimilate and modernize, and they were not given the chance to contribute anything to these processes on their own terms. Nowadays, Taiwan puts effort into attempting to be recognized by the United Nations and so tries to uphold its duties as a constitutional state. Although the legal framework to protect the indigenous peoples’ rights and interests is in place, it often fails to do so due to conflicts of interest with strong institutional influences. Indigenous communities often have only very few economic,

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political, social, and legal resources to wage a struggle against political and economic power. The Tao still take to the streets to voice their concerns and to demand a solution to the problem of the relocation of the repository from Taipower. Other issues which remain unsolved and are sources of considerable dispute are the urban planning projects and land rights relating to housing. The Tao’s relationship with the government is dominated by disappointment and mistrust. This remains one of the most challenging tasks: for both sides to get over these experiences and meet at a point were prejudices do not exist and transparency is guaranteed.

Until some years ago, the Tao were strongly dependent on jobs offered by the government, such as those at the airport or the nuclear waste facility, construction work, or in tourism or education. As scholars have outlined, compensation may not be the most efficient system for promoting sustainable use of resources to develop a viable self-sufficient economy. Resources such as electricity are over-consumed, as they are free for the islanders. A clean environment is taken for granted by some population groups without considering their own responsibility for keeping it that way. Recycling of garbage and sustainable use of water are not yet a matter of course. In particular, sanitary facilities and wastewater management are not suitable for the growing number of tourists on the island. However, the giving of compensation has the advantage for the government that people remain loyal to the party and, out of fear of losing jobs and the compensation itself, they prefer to keep quiet and not oppose governmental projects.

I know some people, local Tao people, they used to work at the nuclear waste site. Now they are retired and have health problems. However, they would not complain or raise suspicion against Taipower, because as far as I know they get money to keep quiet and not blame anybody responsible for the safety of the repository (Tao V, 2014*)

The Tao cannot rely solely on the compensation to make a living. The elderly suffer most from impoverishment, especially those who do not have children to provide additional finance. They still cultivate their gardens and eat their daily harvest. Sometimes they sell their vegetables on the street to supplement their income. My Tao brother Lumai often shares his fish with an old woman when he has had a successful catch. He told me this woman has no children and he is happy to share with her. Also neighbors and friends share fish, taro, potatoes, and other vegetables when they have a good harvest. Gifts, mostly fruit, seafood, beer, and wine, play an important social role. As I have described earlier, Ina once gave me her most beautiful sweet potato when I left the island. If she does not go to the field and therefore does not harvest vegetables, she feels very sorry and is even embarrassed. Such an appreciation of the importance of gardens and self-subsistence is less often shown by the younger generations.

As opportunities for income are scarce on Orchid Island people migrate to Taiwan in order to find work. Those who stay often work in tourism as it has become the most lucrative source of income. In the beginning, tourism was dominated and controlled by the KMT. There were

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discriminatory undertones as traditional places, and often sacred sites, were turned into tourist attractions renamed in Chinese. Nevertheless, tourism turned out to be to a sector which generated income for the islanders. In order to find out what the Tao would like to see change on their island, I included the question as an item in my survey and the following picture revealed.

What would you like to change on Orchid Island? 如果在蘭嶼你可以做什麼事改變這裡. 這件事是: 46 47

23 18 12 6 2 1 4 1

Figure 56 Requested changes on Orchid Island

18 respondents mentioned their desire for an increased income and 4 requested more work opportunities. Most of the jobs available are in the tourism sector, such as working as a diving instructor or guide, or running an accommodation or restaurant business. A few others have convenience stores, work at the harbor or the airport, are teachers or have other jobs which may be only temporary. Improvements to health services and a relocation of the nuclear waste dominate the responses. The elderly especially would like to see fewer tourists, whereas younger people do not mind hosting more tourists on the island. Better infrastructure in terms of sanitary facilities and roads are requested by a quarter of the responses. In informal conversations, I noticed that the increasing cancer rate worries the islanders deeply. The uncertainty of whether the islanders are exposed to radioactivity may also cause increased psychological distress.

25.1 The Youth

It is the younger generations and the middle-aged who make most effort to protect the environment of Orchid Island. A group of people between 20 and 40 years old founded the NGO Youth Action Association of Orchid Island (蘭嶼青年行動聯盟). It introduced itself on Facebook as a “local association that is voluntarily organized by the youth from the six tribes

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in Orchid Island. We deal with all the issues that are related with Orchid Island, like land issue, environment, society, human rights, inheritance of traditional culture and so on. We would like to invite all the people in Orchid Island as well as the Tao people in Taiwan to join us and show concern and support to our hometown – Orchid Island.” The youths’ objective is explained by one of the members (Pace 2014*):

We are about 20 people from six villages. We also have Taiwanese, not just Tao, but most of them are Tao. We get together to discuss any issues that relate to Lanyu, especially with the land, nuke, and environment issues. We join the anti-nuke parade every year and do coastal cleanups once a month. And one of the members does plastic recycling by himself (he bought the machine) since the government didn’t recycle at all. Also, if there are any issues that concern Lanyu, we get together and discuss how to deal with that; for example, the land issue.

Interestingly, the members of the Youth Action Association of Orchid Island are spread over the whole island and have representatives from every village. Traditionally, Tao villages did not work together, except when the collective Tao power was needed for the anti-nuclear protests or for resistance against the government’s urban planning projects. The youth organizes collective garbage collection in order to clean the shores of the island.

We usually meet once a month for garbage collection. Sometimes there are difficulties, maybe with the older generation; they don’t like us to do things voluntarily without any payment from the government. However, a safe and clean environment is very important for us. More and more young people [have] come back to Lanyu since tourism [has helped us] become more and more prosperous now. Thus, to have a safe and clean environment is more and more important to Tao people, this is the home and root of this group, the only home to us, if we can’t have a safe and clean environment, the whole group is doomed to die out (Pace, 2014*).

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Figure 57 Garbage collection (Lumai, 2013)

Some older people do not understand why the youngsters do such a thing as collecting garbage voluntarily and therefore without pay. This little issue illustrates quite well the conflict of the generations and also a conflict of interest. The elderly are those who have lived through the Japanese colonial period and under harsh martial-law policies, such as assimilation, discrimination, and rejection. They have experienced the sudden change from a traditional society into a modern one. This senior generation has been subjected to a rapid transformation of their daily lives. 70 years ago they were told to learn Japanese, later the Tao language was forbidden and they were forced to speak Chinese. At the beginning of the 1970s, the Tao still lived in traditional houses. In the 1980s, some the Tao still wore the traditional loinclothes, and had fish, taro, and sweet potato as their main diet. The generation who were 45 years or younger at the beginning of the 21st century were exposed to less change, and this may therefore be why they might have developed another attitude to certain things, such as garbage and the environment for instance. In one of my first interviews on Orchid Island in 2007, the interviewee (Zhang, 2007*) said the following:

The custom of the Tao people was just to throw the rubbish away. It doesn’t matter, because all our rubbish comes from nature. So we don’t care, it was easy to throw everything away. Some don’t care that the rubbish is not nature anymore, therefore we need education to make people understand.

And nowadays there are young people who collect the garbage voluntarily in order to maintain a clean environment. From my own experience, the situation on the island regarding garbage and recycling has improved a lot within the last seven years. The environment is cleaner and there is less garbage on the streets than a few years ago. In schools and at the community centers (e.g. Lanen), classes in garbage management and recycling have been introduced. However, walking around Imorud village, there remains carelessness about

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environment protection. I noticed it especially when senior groups or a group of men sit together to drink, smoke, and chew betel. The generations clearly have different understandings when it comes to environmental protection and awareness of garbage management. While some elderly people are often seen just throwing their plastic cups on the ground, the younger generation is much more aware of sustainability and are motivated to deal with contemporary issues. The clash of generations among the Tao is reflected in many spheres of the Tao’s livelihood. Fauvre (2009:109-110) noticed that “communal life came under great pressure as the older generation became isolated from the younger generation, now educated in Mandarin, who sought their careers away from home. The older generation that was very much a victim of these changes has moved on, and the 1990s has become very different.” A cultural gap between the generations slowly occurs because the generations have experienced different education and government policies, and because of the development of a market economy. This sometimes leads to disagreement and disappointment.

25.2 Tourism and Income Opportunities

In 1967 the government opened Orchid Island to tourism. In the beginning though, tourism was under strict Taiwanese control and the locals did not have positive experiences of the tourists, as the following experience of a Tao illustrates.

I remember, when I was a little child eating at home. Tourists from Taiwan came, surrounded our building; we were eating there, my parents, brother and sister. There was one lady, not too old; she put her finger in our soup. She said in Taiwanese, ‘It’s delicious.’ We were eating, we are not animals. How can you put your hand in our soup (Guo 2008*)?

The tourists did not show a lot of respect towards the Tao and ever since the elderly locals have reacted sensitively to some aspects of tourists’ behavior such as taking pictures. Several government projects were introduced in order to improve infrastructure for tourism. The first hotel was built in Imorud village and from then on tourism was in Taiwanese hands. Natural attractions, such as special formations of rocks were renamed to become more attractive as tourist destinations. For the Tao, these Chinese names were irrelevant and reflected neither their relation to these often sacred sites nor the traditional knowledge associated with them. The following map illustrates the tourist sites with names in English translation.

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Figure 58 Tourist map of Orchid Island (Taitung government website, 2013)

The renaming project worked out in the sense of providing entertainment for the island: the tourists’ favorite activity is to take pictures with various scenic backgrounds. With the renaming of sacred sites now being a long time ago, the younger local Tao have forgotten the traditional meaning of these sites and their spiritual significance in the Tao’s oral history.

Renamed local scenery along coastal roads has probably had the most significant impact on the Yami’s spiritual landscape, particularly when permanent marks of new Chinese places names for tourist snapshots have now become part of villagers’ everyday experience (Hu, 2008:64).

As it was introduced from outside, it is only in recent years that the Tao have begun to participate in the tourism business and establish tourism infrastructure of their own. Taiwanese tourists are now more sensitive towards the Tao and their cultural habits. On the other side, the Tao have become more open and tolerant as the tourists are a valuable source of income. Some islanders, however, are not happy about the increasing number of tourists, since the industry has grown quickly and there is a lack of control in terms of sustainable management. Nevertheless, tourism has become the biggest income sector on the island. The tourist season starts in April and peak season is from June until September. Winter is quiet and hardly tourists are found on the island.

In terms of other income opportunities, the Tao have access only to jobs that the government offers (at the repository for instance) unless they migrate to Taiwan for work, where only unattractive jobs might be available. Therefore, the easiest way for the Tao to have an income on Orchid Island is to work in the local tourism industry. Even so, some locals would rather

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see a decline in tourists, as they have come to know the negative sides of mass tourism. Besides packed streets and crowds at natural scenic spots, multi-storey buildings have begun to dominate the villages. Vehicles and discarded garbage pollute the environment. The following quotations capture the feelings of the locals towards the tourists.

The tourists rather bother me, we don’t have a relation to them, but for people who can make money with them it is good, for young people as well. But others they bother, because they drive motorbikes very fast, they are loud, shout and drink. Pollution comes with tourists too, a lot of plastic bottles. However, not everything is bad, the money is good. But the government doesn’t control the number of tourists. I prefer quality over quantity (Z, 2012*).

Tourism has many positive things, like homestays. The local people now have their own business. Before it was only run by outside Taiwan people. They have a big hotel, they run the whole business regarding tourism. But now, also negative sides are emerging, because there are many tourists now. They leave their garbage here, some do scuba diving and destroy some beautiful things under the sea. […] I worry about the people here who make tourist business, because sometimes we copy Taiwan business, and don’t show our unique culture here (Dong, 2008*).

A sub-question was which job profiles the Tao wish for Orchid Island; these are the interviewee’s suggestions. The most mentioned jobs concern tourism and culture.

8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 in eco-tourism Tour guides in ethno-tourism factories labor More jobs that introducing Tao jobs preserve the culture culture Requested job profiles on Orchid Island

Figure 59 Types of job people would like to see more on Orchid Island

The islanders learnt about ecotourism and ethno-tourism at the Culture and Education Foundation Center, Lanen (蘭恩) in Iratay village. Ecotourism and cultural tourism rely on the commodification of indigenous cultural practices and traditional ecological knowledge for (Zeppel, 2006:10). The Tao decide themselves how much of their culture they would like to offer to the tourists. However, the islanders are very much aware that their unique culture and natural environment attract tourists and are valuable resources for the locals as well as

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outsiders. A teacher who was involved in teaching about sustainable tourism explained the Tao’s motivation as follows:

I think the nature knowledge here is very good. You can’t learn this kind of knowledge from our school and books. So I came here to learn from old people and their daily life. Their knowledge is very, very good. The Tao want to establish ecotourism. The number of people who want to learn about the process is increasing. I teach ecotourism here. If you want to develop ecotourism you must have a good environment. Tourists come here to enjoy nature, ocean, mountains and our daily life here. You need to take care of your environment and maintain the traditional way of life. When it is similar to Taiwan tourists will disappear. Ecotourism is a very good kind of tourism here; it’s a good way to practice Tao language. People are more and more interested in that, because people have not many work opportunities here (Jenny 2008*).

The CIP and the PCT support the creation of job opportunities on Orchid Island in order to motivate people to stay on their homeland instead of migrating to Taiwan. Classes are given in different kinds of activities and occupations related to sustainable tourism, such as operating tours, diving instruction, handicraft production, hosting, and promoting Tao traditional ecological knowledge. In the last few years, the interest of tourists in traditional Tao culture and knowledge has been increasing (P, 2014*). In 2013, a cultural forest trail was constructed. This hiking path offers tourist opportunities to learn about the different plants of Orchid Island and their traditional use. Some spots on the trail illustrate historical events in the Tao history and travel operators offering educational tours or individual tourists are also able to discover the forest by themselves. Like the trail, a number of adventure hikes are offered on the island. These depend on local guides and what they are motivated to share with the tourists. The last time I visited Orchid Island, my Tao brother and tourist guide Lumai brought us (his girlfriend, me and four tourists from Taiwan) to some hidden caves on the shore. He told us that this area is home to anito, a ghost place. Lumai is not afraid of anito, therefore he is able to show us these caves. We found dead lobsters there and wondered why they might have died. Lumai’s answer is simple as he explains the death of these creatures as being a result of the anito’s power. Another site to visit and way to learn about traditional ecological knowledge is the hike to Tianchi (天池), a small lake in the mountains. Tianchi used to be an anito place as well and in former times, the Tao would have avoided this place. However, the Tianchi hike is nowadays a standard item on a tourist’s itinerary. Ina does not like Lumai taking people to Tianchi, as she still believes strongly in anito and their evil powers and therefore fears that her son or others might be hurt.

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Figure 60 Hiking and adventure path construction (Lumai, 2013)

25.3 Cultural Revitalization

Lanen is a charity foundation that operates one of the charities on Orchid Island along with World Vision and the Tao Foundation. It organizes a number of cultural activities. In 1998 it initiated the first Root-Tracing Tour that aimed to re-associate the Tao with their cultural ancestors on Batan Islands. 21 Tao visited their southern neighbors in order to find out what they had in common (Kao, 2012). By 2003, three excursions to the Batan Islands had taken place. A Tao participant told me that they indeed share a similar language and fishing methods and that they were able to talk to each other in their traditional language (Z., 2012*). Lanen has quite a collection of Tao artifacts, which are sold by the locals. Since a few years ago, the Tao have been developing their own economy based on tourism. This kind of ecotourism, combined with the Tao’s unique culture has become quite successful. Even the newly opened 7/11 convenience store is decorated with Tao symbols and adapted to its environment by carrying special supplies for the Tao (e.g. a sphygmomanometer is available for free blood-pressure measurements). Cultural customs, such as the flying fish festival and boat launching ceremonies, are experiencing a revival due to the interest of tourists.

In terms of multicultural education, the government has now introduced a two-hour lesson of Tao language in the weekly teaching schedule for junior high school. students Nonetheless, Tao people younger than 27 years old have a minimal knowledge of the language. Chinese has become the mother tongue of the local people (Enn, 2012). As youngsters view the Tao language as little use to them in modern Taiwan, it seems that the indigenous language may soon disappear, unless the attitude toward the meaning of language as cultural heritage does not change. In this regard, the participation of the Tao people is crucial because they themselves determine the level language use in everyday conversations. Elderly people have not forgotten their traditional knowledge. Most of them still speak the Tao language fluently

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and they use it in conversations with each other. It is still the elderly’s first language. Many still belief in the powers of anito, and like my Tao mother Ina, they ask which kind of fish is being served (for women or men; traditionally edible or non-edible) before eating it.

In junior high school, courses have been introduced that aim to empower students to learn their people’s traditional knowledge. Generally, these classes are possible when some local person is motivated to teach the children TEK. It is not part of the official curriculum. Financial support comes either from PCT, CIP, Taipower, village association, charities (e.g. Lanen, Tao Foundation), or other government sources. Experienced Tao, male and female aged between 27-65, teach the children various traditional practices regarding gardening, fishing, boat building, cooking, etc.. My Tao brother and his girlfriend Pace initiated the project in the primary school in Iranmeylek village. Initially, the lessons are theoretical and students learn about fish, other sea creatures, and the fragile maritime ecosystem. Classes take place at school, using Power Point presentations and other visual media. In an outdoor lecture, some of the elderly talk about their experiences and explain the role of anito in their former traditional way of life. The children learn about male and female fish, their characteristics, the Tao names and how to identify them. The flying fish has a particular priority in the syllabus. As a next step, the students are taken to the sea to apply their new knowledge in a practical way. The children snorkel and make their first attempts at free diving. In a fun environment they catch mussels and snails, and even fish with a harpoon. As soon as everybody has caught a sea creature that can be eaten, the students learn how to clean, cut and cook or preserve it in the traditional way, respecting the taboos. The class also comprises an understanding of plants and gardening. The teachers undertake excursions to the forest to teach the kids the TEK about healing plants, those that can be eaten or used in the material culture. Trees and their use for boat building are of special interest. A Tao man should at least once in his life build his own boat, made of the native trees without using any nails. Usually this tradition is passed from father to son. As the children at this age are still too young to cut trees down and build a boat, this task of transmission remains with the family. In the forest, the students also learn about the animals and their meaning in the Tao’s oral history and myths. Tao women and men teach the children how to grow their vegetables, how to build a garden respecting the traditional rules of cardinal points, wind direction, and surface conditions. Then an irrigation system is built. After that, yams and taro can be planted. The children form groups to make their own gardens and the process is again embedded in play, as there is a competition as to which group can harvest the most vegetables. After harvesting, the children learn how to cut and cook the taro and yams. Even though gardening is women’s work, boys also learn this traditional activity because it is important to take an holistic approach to traditional ecological knowledge. The classes are held in Chinese, but the fish and plants are also named in the Tao language (Enn, 2012a). This concept of teaching TEK is a new way to bring the indigenous culture closer to the children and therefore preserves it. Unfortunately, the project by Lumai and Pace could not be repeated; the new school principal opposed it since it is not a prescribed part of the curriculum.

Some Austronesian communities in the Pacific region have also begun to revitalize their traditional ecological knowledge. They have developed their own way of transmitting and

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managing their indigenous culture. Knowledge transfer, for instance between the Tao and the inhabitants of the Solomon Islands (Melanesia) and Batan Islands has led to the empowerment of those people and their customs. As hundreds and thousands of kilometers lie between these islands, the Internet is of great value. Non-governmental organizations support the new method of empowerment through the Internet. Furthermore, they provide financial resources for an exchange and other visits between the groups. One such project is ongoing with a student exchange program between the Maori from New Zealand and indigenous communities in Taiwan. The more the Tao learn about other maritime indigenous cultures, the more they are empowered and feel their solidarity with communities with similar histories. This again motivates the islanders to develop new techniques to revitalize their culture and to include it in their modern lifestyle.

Figure 61 Lumai workshop (Enn, 2013)

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Figure 62 Lumai workshop on flying fish (Enn, 2013)

Summary

Stigmatization and discrimination have left their marks on the Tao’s self-esteem, but also on their attitude towards government undertakings. Even though the Tao receive compensation and benefit from other affirmative action policies, 50 years of repression of their cultural identity cannot be reversed. Financial compensation must be considered critically in every regard: economically, socially, and culturally. In some cases people are paid-off in order not to cast blame on the government or Taipower for emerging patterns of disease which are due to material leaking from the nuclear waste facility. Compensation often places people in a complex situation of dependency. While the local people should receive money and affirmative action benefits, there should be greater inclusion in procedures and distribution. Financial benefits should be invested in education, sustainable tourism and infrastructure. Taipower must disclose its balances to make transparent how much money it has allowed for individual compensation, rent of sites on Orchid Island, etc. from the Decommissioning Fund as well as from all other sources.

The cancer rate on the island is increasing, and contamination of the environment is assumed to be the cause. Members of the younger generation of Tao worry about their environment and participate in protecting it. Mistrust makes the locals oppose most governmental undertakings. Looking at Orchid Island’s history over the past decades, one might understand why the government’s undertakings are rejected by the locals, even though they might have sustainable character and might improve welfare.

Taiwan as a democratic state adopted national and international human rights instruments that may support the Tao’s empowerment towards their goals of a transparent study to determine whether the worsening health situation on Orchid Island is related to contamination by leaking radioactive material, and the relocation of the repository. In recent years, migration to the cities, which was due mainly to a lack of job opportunities on Orchid Island, has declined.

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Local charities, CIP, and PCT offer support for alternative sources of income and industry, such as the establishment of ecotourism. The Tao have developed their own brand of tourism on the island, a combination of ecotourism and ethno-tourism; a positive result has been the increased interest of tourists in traditional Tao culture, knowledge and celebrations, such as the flying fish festival and boat launching ceremonies. In this sense, tourism might be seen as a way of revitalizing the characteristic Tao cultural customs. What is even more important is that the Tao have begun to develop this economy by themselves, with self-esteem, participation, and self-determination. Mistrust towards government undertakings is comprehensible but, on the other hand, projects initiated by the government on Orchid Island are not necessarily negative. In this regard, environmental justice procedures should be applied, namely a concern for respect, procedural and distributive justice, as well as social and political engagement. There is therefore still much to be accomplished if there is to be a harmonious and mutually respectful relationship between the Tao and the state.

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PART SEVEN Discussion, Outlook, and Concluding Remarks

The indigenous Tao community on Orchid Island belong to the wider family of Austronesian speakers. The Tao hold a special position among Taiwan’s indigenous populations, as they used to live isolated on their island and therefore developed a unique maritime culture. Unlike the 15 other officially recognized groups, the Tao migrated northwards from the southern Batan Islands 800 years ago whereas all the other indigenous communities migrated from China to Taiwan some 1,000 years ago. However, as the Austronesian language family shares a common origin, cultural features and language are related.

The first foreign powers to arrive in Taiwan were the Portuguese and the Dutch. However, they did not have the whole island under their control, only harbor cities in the north and southwest as trading centers. Chinese immigrants arrived in the late 16th and 17th century in order to cultivate the western plains. It was only in the 19th century that the whole island and all the indigenous groups of Taiwan were incorporated in the Qing Empire and subjected to a policy of divide and rule. The communities were either pushed back to the mountains and eastern part of Taiwan, or they were assimilated and, with time, they forsook their traditional practices, such as hunting and gathering, and became farmers and tradesmen. For the Tao on Orchid Island, the story was different since, until Japanese colonial times, the Tao had little contact with outsiders as a result of their remote location in the western Pacific.

The Tao’s first, and up to then most significant, encounter with foreign powers was when the Japanese set up an anthropological laboratory during their colonial rule of Taiwan from 1895 until 1945. Before the Japanese arrived, no foreign power had had reason to conquer Orchid Island. The climate was harsh, the landscape difficult to farm, and natural resources scarce – apart from the diverse marine life. With their remote location, in the western Pacific between the Batan Islands and Taiwan, the Tao did not have to fear enemies and trade was not of great significance, because there were seldom people to trade with. The Tao had developed a self- sufficient economy and each family could provide food and the other supplies they needed themselves. Their culture, including language, oral history, customs, habits, and cosmology, was dominated by their natural environment, in particular by the sea. Unlike other indigenous groups in Taiwan, the Tao were neither hunters nor headhunters but lived through a maritime culture of fishing and gardening. Their distinctiveness from the indigenous groups in Taiwan, and their lack of contacts with others, offered the Japanese a unique field for anthropological research. Even though the aim was not to control, assimilate, and Japanize the Tao, policies that all the other groups in Taiwan were subjected to by the colonialists had an impact on the islanders that could not be prevented. Traditionally, the Tao wore clothes made from plant fibers. All their material culture and commodities were made from natural substances. Glass beads, metal, silver, and gold reached the island on stranded ships or with visitors from the Batan Islands, or other places. The Japanese introduced cotton, tobacco, alcohol, animals, and coins to the island. With the set-up of a government store, the Tao got a glimpse of economic

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trade and a sense of a modern market economy. Nevertheless, during the Japanese rule, the Tao faced rather soft colonial governance, unlike many other indigenous communities around the globe. The Tao’s culture remained traditional; fishing, gardening, and protecting themselves from evil spirits were still the islanders’ first concerns.

During the times of imperialism and colonialism laws relating to human rights were not applied to indigenous peoples. Even when the UN proclaimed the UDHR after WWII, indigenous peoples were still considered as primitives who had to be assimilated and, for their own sake, become civilized members of the dominant wider society. World policies regarding indigenous peoples were therefore discriminatory in nature as people were stigmatized due to their ethnic identity. Even though the International Bill of Human Rights guarantees fundamental human rights and individual freedoms, as well as the right to self- determination for all human beings, indigenous peoples still had to face enormous pressure from governments that followed policies of either segregation or assimilation. The indigenous empowerment movement began in the US and Canada when the First Nations and Native Americans claimed their rights, in particular tackling their rights to recognition of their indigenous identity and to land. This empowerment is what refers to as indigeneity. With the establishment of the UNWGIP in 1982 the indigenous peoples finally had a representative body at UN level. The positive development of human rights and collective indigenous rights was reflected in the World Congress on Human Rights in 1993 and its outcome; the launch of the UNPFII. Kofi Annan referred to this forum as home for the indigenous peoples at the UN. NGOs and worldwide solidarity led to an empowerment movement that could no longer be ignored by the global community. Hence the UNDRIP was proclaimed in 2007 in order to protect indigenous peoples’ collective rights.

After the Japanese colonial period and Chiang Kai-shek’s claim of Taiwan and Orchid Island, the Tao were subjected to a number of governmental policies in the name of research and development. However, re-assessing these today, it can be seen that the islanders were exploited and discriminated against by these undertakings. The new KMT regime introduced harsh assimilation policies to Sinoize the islanders. Chinese teachers on Orchid provided education in Chinese language, history, and behavior. The Tao were stigmatized and their ethnic identity was not tolerated or cherished, but marginalized and forbidden. A number of so-called development projects implemented by the government were aimed at civilizing the islanders as they were still considered primitive peoples who need to be education to become members of the modern Taiwanese state. Even though the majority populations lived under the restrictions of martial law, they still enjoyed economic growth and improved welfare, whereas the indigenous people were left behind and faced impoverishment in their reservations. During the period of the KMT’s authoritarian rule, several policies were implemented on Orchid Island. Housing policies that aimed to destroy the traditional Tao dwellings and replace them by modern cement houses, the establishment of a prison with violent detainees, land degradation, deforestation, bomb testing on the nearby Small Orchid Island, and a number of construction works are some which can be mentioned. All happened without inclusion, consultation, or the chance for the Tao to participate in decision making. The establishment of the prison, the annexation of land, and the prisoners’ arbitrary

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interference with the Tao’s privacy, family, and homes were, according to the UDHR, grave human rights violations. The Tao have not had any access to legal protection against such interference. The worst instance of environmental and social injustice was when the government set up a dump for low level radioactive waste on Orchid Island while claiming to be building a fish canning factory that might bring income opportunities and welfare benefits to the Tao. Ever since, the repository has caused a lot of furor among the islanders, but it is also an issue for human rights activists and the church. The Presbyterian and Catholic churches were in many regards supportive of Taiwan’s indigenous communities, as they put effort into romanizing the languages, teaching the people to read and write, and improving medical services. Hence they were also quite successful in converting the people to Christianity and producing a political indigenous elite. However, the culture of respect for the spiritual world and anito could not entirely be replaced by the missionaries. According to the Tao, a symbiosis of the new and traditional beliefs has been formed. Particularly in regard to medical treatment, the Tao have adopted new knowledge and technologies. Instead of leaving a person die alone in the forest for fear of becoming possessed by the evil spirits, one nowadays would rather seek help and modern medical treatment at the missionary institution.

Foreign dominance over the Tao had significant impacts on the islander’s traditional life and self-esteem. In particular, the Tao suffered tremendously from the consequences of the KMT ‘development projects.. Nevertheless, when social movements demanding justice and equality emerged in the 1980s, influenced by the global civil, environmental, and indigenous movements, the Tao took the chance for empowerment. With increased pressure on the government from national and international actors, martial law was lifted and henceforward the government pursued a more democratic way. Slowly Taiwan took the first steps towards transforming into a pluralistic country which fosters the improvement of social standards and the political participation of all its inhabitants. The liberalization of martial law allowed the first free elections and civil and political freedoms to speak, publish, assemble, and organize. Hence the foundations for pluralistic governance were laid. In this process, indigenous peoples gained more rights and recognition. The shift from a policy of assimilation towards respect for the multicultural and multiethnic composition of society supported cultural revitalization, and was a visible incentive for the indigenous peoples to preserve their traditional knowledge. In the 1990s and 2000s, the government implemented top-down strategies to strengthen and enhance indigenous peoples’ rights with the enactment of additional protocols in the constitution and subsequently incorporated the rights of indigenous peoples into Taiwanese national law. Further steps were undertaken in order to implement and foster affirmative action. In 2005, the Indigenous Peoples’ Basic Law, inspired by UNDRIP, was adopted. Ever since democratization, state policies for indigenous peoples and Orchid Island have become less aggressive and more consultative. The revised constitution of Taiwan contains stipulations relating to the wellbeing of indigenous peoples and environmental protection. Furthermore, the government has signed and ratified international treaties which impose legally binding obligations for the protection of all peoples’ human rights. With the abolishment of martial law and the ratification of international and national treaties, Taiwan has acknowledged its duties as a constitutional state. However, there are still barriers and mistrust between the indigenous peoples and the

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government which make consensus on legal recognition of the indigenous groups, and the adoption of several acts relating to sustainable development and human rights, difficult. Nevertheless, affirmative action policies are certainly a way to reconcile the government and indigenous peoples. In this respect, compensation for the presence of nuclear waste is undoubtedly a way to reconcile the people of Orchid Island. It constitutes an important element in Taiwan’s transitional and environmental justice processes. More than half of the Tao I questioned in the course of my data collection held a positive attitude towards it. However, they are concerned that the government might use money as a technique to manipulate and comfort the people and take advantage of the economic and political vulnerability of this island community. As long as the Tao receive compensation from the government, it is important to give them the chance to determine for themselves how the money should be distributed. The Tao would have more autonomy to decide how the money should be invested if strategies for participative budgeting were used. These would offer a more fair, structured and transparent distribution of the compensation. More effort is needed in terms of education about participative budgeting to empower the people and to foster self- determination. The Tao have enjoyed retrospective compensation for the dump having been present for more than 30 years. Due to this, as well as the lack of income-generating possibilities on Orchid Island, the Tao have had little chance to develop their own self- sufficient economy which would liberate them from dependency on compensation and create a level of autonomous governance. In the meantime, government funding, and the lack of jobs and work on the island, have led to social problems and conflicts of interest between the generations.

The nuclear waste repository, urban planning projects on Orchid Island, and the injustices experienced by the Tao still dominate the human rights discourse on the island. The pressure on Taiwan’s government to make reparation for environmental injustice in the Tao’s homeland has been strong ever since democratization and therefore discussion about removing the waste to another area in Taiwan has emerged. My data illustrates that more than 73% of respondents definitely want the waste to be removed whereas only 2% do not care about it as long as they get compensation. An area in Pingdong has been identified for the possible establishment of a nuclear waste repository. The resident indigenous Paiwan community, who are evidently poor, apparently may agree to accept the storage of nuclear waste in return for financial compensation and other benefits. However, as elaborated in expert interviews, a relocation of the nuclear waste repository from Orchid Island is not viable in the near future, as it was promised during the Chen’s DPP era. It is very likely that the waste will remain on the island for decades to come. The reason for this is that the waste barrels are in poor condition and it would be dangerous to remove them. Additionally, no real consensus on a new waste storage site has been achieved so far.

Ever since the 1990s, it has been reported time and again that the barrels storing waste on Orchid Island are in very poor condition and it is assumed that radioactive materials are leaking as a result. Even though the storage trenches were cleaned a few years ago and the damaged barrels replaced, the Tao worry about the increasing cancer rate on the island and possible radioactive contamination of the environment. My data collection on Orchid Island

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illustrates that almost three-quarters of the people questioned are convinced that the nuclear waste repository has an impact on their health and more than half think that the stored radioactive material contaminates the environment. Anthropologists and medical scientists report that the number of alcoholics is decreasing; however, the percentage of indigenous peoples suffering from physical and psychological health problems is greater than in the majority population. Experts relate this to the hopelessness felt following the denial of their ethnic identity and the abuse of their human rights. When asked about changes which should be made by the government, one-third of the answers given said Taiwan should be a nuclear- free country. Since the nuclear disaster at Fukushima on March 11, 2011, more and more Taiwanese citizens have become opposed to nuclear power production. As I began to write this thesis, people were taking to the streets in Taiwan, especially in Taipei, to voice their concerns about the fourth nuclear power plant that may soon begin operation.

In terms of international human rights treaties such as ILO 169, ICESCR, ICCPR, CEDAW, UNDHR, UNDRIP, and to national legislation including the constitution and other ratified acts such as the IPBL, the government of Taiwan has still a long way to go in order to fulfill all its duties under the law. However, complete compliance is difficult to achieve since some treaties conflict with other national and local regulations. The UN expert group that investigated the human rights situation in Taiwan stressed the need to actively implement the ratified human rights treaties as well as follow national laws and enforce indigenous land rights. The group emphasized in their report that there had been an official endorsement of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Even though the indigenous peoples indeed have a legal framework, its successful enforcement fails in so far as it is restrained by other existing laws. The Tao have developed a deep anger towards and mistrust of the government over decades as a result of discriminatory treatment and the disrespect shown by the authorities. My quantitative data demonstrates that 70% of respondents have a negative attitude towards the government. The reasons people gave for feeling this way can be summarized as a strong sense that they have been neglected and their own chosen way of life has always been ignored. To liberate the islanders from this grief, they should have a greater right to self-determination and education to enable sustainable and efficient use of the resources they have in terms of culture and natural environment in order to benefit from tourism. Tourism is a key sector for income opportunities. The infrastructure for tourism was established in the late 1960s under tight government control. This has changed within the last decade and tourism has nowadays become the main source of income on Orchid Island. However, in order to enhance sustainable tourism management, ecotourism should be a focus. In this respect, attractive job profiles might include: tourist guides, farmers, people who take care of maintaining a clean environment (waste collectors), artists who use recyclable materials to produce art and useable items, such as bags, handicrafts, etc., and people sharing traditional (ecological) knowledge about boat building, fishing, and other skills. If this undertaking is successful, it might lead to liberation from the dependency on the government’s financial compensation and develop stronger social cohesion among the islanders. Furthermore, teaching tourists about ecological and cultural issues means at the same time keeping and promoting the traditional knowledge. Nowadays, the local tourism industry and government compensation have replaced the traditional self-sufficient economy

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of the indigenous Tao, which was based on fishing and gardening. Nevertheless, even though the Tao no longer need to go fishing to make a living, the flying fish season is still the focus of the annual calendar. In regard to tourism there are possibilities for further development, for instance the implementation of tourist taxes and more organized tourist infrastructure, including information offices, etc. Along with culture, the environment, and tourism, the motivation of the youth to empower themselves and their people, improve their situation, and liberate the islanders from the dilemmas they face is a valuable and important resource. During my field research I noticed that the youth can be the leading force for positive development on the island as long as they are able to voice their ideas openly and are given more power in the local hierarchy, overcoming the dominance of the elderly.

The Tao have faced challenges and problems similar to those many other indigenous communities did and do in many parts of the world. However, there is great potential to improve the situation on Orchid Island to the benefit of the Tao. Legal frameworks and affirmative action policies are quite strong in Taiwan. Nevertheless, it is up to the islanders – and in particular the younger generation – to decide in which direction they would like to go. The Tao can use their knowledge and rights as weapons for empowerment and self-defense or, on the other hand, they can take advantage of the government benefits. If the government would respond positively to the Tao’s requests to improve medical health services, ensure greater transparency in urban planning projects, and carry out a fair and comprehensive study of potential contamination on the island, the relationship between the state and the Tao might improve. Finally, there is the issue of the nuclear waste repository which is difficult to resolve in the Tao’s favor. Finding adequate storage solutions for the nuclear waste it generates will become the great challenge for the government of Taiwan. Until it is met, civil society will not give up taking to the streets to fight for a nuclear-free country where environmental injustice is an issue of the past.

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Methodology

PART EIGHT Methodology

The following chapters elaborate the methodology applied in this thesis. Field research and empirical data collection are characteristics of anthropological research methodology. I worked with qualitative methods, such as participant observation and semi-structured oral interviews. To complete these, I collected quantitative data through written questionnaires. My field research took place in Taiwan, particularly on Orchid Island. The applied research methods were the tools used in order to understand the Tao’s situation and the various issues the people had to deal with, as well as to answer the questions posed at the beginning of the research process. The tools applied help us to learn about the themes we want to investigate. Schweizer (1998:40) argues that “method refers to the procedure of acquiring knowledge on a subject matter […] Methodology includes discussion of method.” Before beginning fieldwork, the research goal must be formulated. It is essential for the researcher to know what to they are aiming to find out and what they want to achieve with the collected data and the thesis in general. This dissertation project extends my Master’s thesis that addresses human rights development in Taiwan, focusing on the case of the Tao and Orchid Island. Some of the data for that, which I gathered in 2007 and 2008, was reused. In my dissertation project I combined problem-oriented and descriptive research. Beer (2003) states that a precisely formulated hypothesis is the most important precondition for problem-oriented research. She notices that anthropologists in general work in problem-oriented ways nowadays. However, the hypothesis does not necessarily need to be as explicit in other social sciences. My hypothesis was that the Tao suffer from a kind of powerlessness, but at the same time no victims. They have indeed had to face environmental injustice over recent decades as a result of undertakings on their island which have had environmental repercussions. However, they certainly have the strength to stand up and claim their legitimate rights. Only they themselves are able to organize their life in a sustainable and positive way, making use of improved income strategies and resurgent cultural awareness. In the descriptive part of my thesis I focused on the role of the youth, how people in general spend their time, and how important governmental undertakings influence the Tao’s discussions. Besides the fieldwork on Orchid Island, in the course of gathering data in Taiwan I learnt from experts in the areas of Taiwan’s governance of indigenous peoples, human rights, and environmental and anthropological matters.

The following chapters explain the methodological I used to investigate my research topics. There was an overall research design which guided work through the entire dissertation period of three years. It structured the process and listed working steps in order, allowing me to keep an overview of the progress. The methodological tools were literature research, fieldwork, qualitative and quantitative data gathering, and analysis of the same. In the last chapter I will look at my own experiences while data gathering and will reflected the applied methodology.

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Chapter 26 Research Questions

Schweizer (1998:39) states that the core challenges for methodology in anthropological research are firstly how to produce valid descriptions of other people/societies/cultures; and secondly how to establish comparative and theoretical syntheses of these descriptions. With this in mind, I began by elaborating what I would like to know and how I could gather and analyze this knowledge. I had three assumptions that were the main pillar of my research and that guided my project from the beginning:

1. Have the Tao faced environmental and social injustice in the course of the establishment of the nuclear waste repository on their island.

2. What kind of human rights instruments and national policies are implemented in order to protect indigenous peoples’ rights?

3. How has modernity (market-oriented economy, tourism, compensation) influenced the socio-economic and cultural structure of Tao society?

From these main questions that were of importance throughout my research the following sub-questions were derived and investigated with semi-structured interviews and quantitative questionnaires:

• What is your understanding of the concepts of indigenism, environmental governance, and environmental justice (in general/in Taiwan)?

• What environmental threat has the indigenous Tao to face and what kinds of environmental injustice have taken place on Orchid Island?

• How did the establishment of the nuclear repository have an impact on the Tao’s economic, social, and traditional structures? What were the consequences for the local people?

• What are Taiwan’s mechanisms to protect indigenous peoples’ human rights?

• What kind of environmental justice discourses exist in Taiwan? Who are the leading forces for this, and who opposes them?

• What was achieved by the Tao’s empowerment and the indigenous peoples’ movement?

• Who supports the indigenous empowerment movement? What is the supporter’s motivation?

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• What role does the indigenous empowerment movement play in Taiwan’s national and international politics? What strategies were developed by indigenous communities to empower themselves locally and globally?

• What kind of alternative income sources and job possibilities can be developed on Orchid Island and how can they be implemented?

• How can strategies that have been developed for approaching environmental justice be applied on Orchid Island? What has worked in other indigenous communities, and what can be learnt from them and best practice?

• Is there a dependency on compensation and, if yes, how can the people be relieved from it?

Some of my questions touched on quite sensitive issues and so were sometimes a bit difficult to ask. Therefore, I had to be very careful not to be too rough or even to put the informant in an awkward situation. Examples are questions that tackle personal situations such as, “Why did you stay on Orchid Island”? The interviewee P. responded to this question with, “Because I like it here so much and finally my Tao love made me stay.” Then I explored the issue further by asking, “Are Tao men different from Han Chinese Taiwanese men?” I made sure to only ask selected people about personal issues. In general these were the ones who were not just informants, but people with whom I shared a special relationship.

Chapter 27 Research Design and Project Procedure

The research design gives an overview of the procedure, and guides the research project. It indicates research steps, sets time and phase schedules, and records achievements. Therefore, it has accompanied this research project since its beginning. The project was divided into four phases. They structure the research design and give an overview of the general working steps. The different phases are interwoven and interlocked with each other and present intermediate objectives. In order to permit description of a topic to be weighted by contemporary data, there were three periods of field research in Taiwan, in sum 18 months. The field research provides data for the empirical part of the thesis.

Due to being dependent on scholarships and grants, I had to keep some time flexibility in the design, because I could not be certain of receiving support to finance field stays. Furthermore, as unforeseen things can always happen, a research design should not be too tightly scheduled. For instance, weather conditions can influence the schedule. When it is raining on Orchid Island, people stay at home and have a rest day. Getting around can become difficult when strong winds and typhoons hit the island. In such cases, interview arrangements must be postponed. The same applies to getting to and away from Orchid Island; several times, I was not able to reach the island from Taidong, because all flights and ferries were cancelled

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due to dangerous weather conditions. These events stranded me in Taidong for a week or made stay me on Orchid Island for much longer than I had planned. For example, I could not leave the island at the planned end of my last visit due to strong winds and cancellation of all transport possibilities and, in consequence, missed a conference in Taipei for which I had been part of the organizing committee. Therefore the research design should always include time buffers.

Throughout the project, there were collaborations with governmental and non-governmental, research and academic institutions, activists, and indigenous peoples, and relationships with all of these were strengthened. There was continuous interaction with my supervisor Hermann Mückler (University of Vienna, Dept. for Social and Cultural Anthropology), as well as Astrid Lipinsky (University of Vienna, East Asia Department, Sinology), Peter Chang (Taipei Medical University), Simona Grano (University of Zurich, Dept. for East Asian Studies), Huang Shu-min (Academia Sinica, Taipei, Dept. of Ethnology), Sasala Taiban (Yi- shou University, Kaohsiung, Dept. for Indigenous Studies), and Chia-nan Lin (Taiwan National University, Institute of Geography). It was important and necessary to receive feedback on my work and to continually improve it. Furthermore, during the research project I have written articles that have been published in international journals and miscellanies following peer review. I have also participated in many academic activities, conferences, seminars, workshops, and lectures. Following my presentations of the current state of research, I was able to discuss my topic with experts and an international audience. As a result, I learnt a lot which I used to continuously improve my research approach and procedures.

27.1 Phase I: Initial Planning

The first phase was scheduled to last from October 2011 until the official presentation of the dissertation project in February 2012. The first stage was dedicated to topic finding, drafting the research design and plan, literature research, and the organization of supervision. The presentation of the research project to the social science faculty of the University of Vienna was successful and it was approved by the committee. I applied for a research fellowship offered by the Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the KWA scholarship and Förderungsstipendium, both offered by the University of Vienna. I successfully obtained all three of them which allowed me to conduct seven months of field research in 2012. Furthermore, I participated in academic activities, such as seminars, workshops, and lectures, at the University of Vienna to obtain the ECTS points required. Literature research began as soon as I decided to return to university for a doctoral degree. Research took place in several libraries in Vienna, in particular at the university libraries, as well as online. Thanks to open access materials and the university’s access to online journals, I could gather quite lot of information from the Internet. When I learnt about the receipt of the research fellowship in December 2011, I began to prepare for my first field stay in Taiwan. In February 2012, the committee had agreed and approved my doctoral project. Preparation for field research meant

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the reactivation of contacts in Taiwan, finding an academic institution that would host and support my project, searching for accommodation in Taipei, intensifying contact with my Tao family on Orchid Island, and informing them of my research plans. Further preparation for the field stay included a short and intensive Chinese course in order to reactivate my language skills.

27.2 Phase II: Field Research in Taiwan I

The second phase lasted from March 2012 until January 2013. In March, I began my first field researches in Taiwan. I obtained a research fellowship from the Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to conduct ten months of field research in Taiwan between March and December 2012 (with two short interruptions due to participating in conferences in Denmark and Vienna). During my stay in Taiwan, I undertook the following tasks:

• collection of information in order to inform the structure of the interviews and to elaborate which questions need to be debated

• investigation of the situation on Orchid Island, the Tao’s attitude toward the nuclear waste repository, and identification of their empowerment strategies and networks

• identification of different actors at the grassroots, local, and national levels and contacting these for further information and to arrange interviews

• writing of two articles for publication (one peer-reviewed)

“Indigenous Empowerment through Collective Learning” in: The Multicultural Education & Technology Journal. Vol. 6 Iss: 3, pp. 149 – 161. Emerald Online Journal (peer-reviewed): http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17504971211253994

• dissemination through presentation of my project at three international conferences in Denmark, Vienna, and Taipei:

“Empowerment of Indigenous Tao aiming Environmental Justice” International Conference: Social movements, rights discourses and citizenship: social and political developments in Taiwan in a regional perspective, National Chengchi University, Taipei, 6–7 November, 2012.

“Environmental Changes – a Threat for the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan and the Chance for Environmental Justice” ClimMig Conference on Human Rights, Environmental Change, Migration and Displacement, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Human Rights, Vienna,18–20 Sept. 2012.

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“Empowerment of Indigenous Tao aiming Environmental Justice” Annual European Association of Taiwan Studies (EATS) Conference, University of Southern Denmark, 18–21 June, 2012.

• field research on Orchid Island: ethnography, qualitative interviews, participatory observation

• expert interviewsinitial contextualizing

• application for the Marietta Blau Scholarship (successful)

27.3 Phase III: Field Research in Taiwan II

The third phase of my research began in February 2013 and lasted until May 2014. This period was divided into two parts. The first one was dedicated to the second period of field research (March to November 2013) supported by the Marietta Blau Scholarship, the third period of field research (March to May 2014) supported by the KWA scholarship, and data collection in Taiwan. The second part included data evaluation, analysis, and the finalization of the empirical part of the thesis. Through the participation of my Tao interviewees, I investigated which strategies are being used to develop alternative income possibilities, and increase legal, social and political inclusion, as well as to find a sustainable ways of using of resources. There were several undertakings in this phase:

• lecturing in Taiwan and Zurich:

“Environmental Justice in Taiwan – the Indigenous Tao of Orchid Island” University of Zurich, Asia-Orient Institute, Seminar (Dr. Simona Grano): Governance in Taiwan, 27 November 2013.

“The impacts of modernity on the ethnicity of Orchid Island’s Tao people” Chang Jung Christian University, Taiwan, Graduate Institute of Taiwan Studies, Workshop (Dr. Jens Damm): Ethnicity and Gender in Taiwan, 24 October, 2013.

“The Environment and Modernity on the Tao, Orchid Island” National Chengchi University, Taiwan, Dept. for Asia-Pacific Studies, Seminar (Prof. David Blundell): Cultural and Ethnic Structure of Taiwan, 8 October, 2013.

• field research: including 80 questionnaires, interviews, attendance at several meetings, seminars, lectures, conferences, and informal talks.

• completion of data collection

• dissemination at two international conferences:

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“The Impacts of Modernity on the Indigenous Tao of Orchid Island” International Conference on Island Development 2013, International Geographical Union Commission on Islands, Penghu Archipelago, Taiwan, 1–5 October, 2013.

“Vulnerability, Environmental Governance and Indigenous Peoples’ Human Rights” International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS 8), Macao, 24–27 June, 2013.

• publication:

“Re-learning of Traditional Knowledge in Times of Modernity” in: Campus Wide Information Systems – The International Journal of Information and Learning Technology, Vol. 31 Iss. 1, pp. 14–23 Emerald Online Journal (peer-reviewed): http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/CWIS-08-2013-0038.

“The Challenge of Modernity for the Indigenous Tao in Taiwan” in: The American Anthropologist, Anthropology News, Online Journal: http://www.anthropology- news.org/index.php/2013/07/09/challenge-of-modernity-for-the-indigenous-tao-in- taiwan/.

“The Challenge of Environmental Changes for Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples” in: Lipinsky, Astrid (ed.): Immigration Societies (peer-reviewed, in print).

• collaboration with partners and stakeholders to fulfill research aim

• finalization of empirical and theoretical parts of the research

• writing the thesis (starting in February)

• elaboration of possible instruments that could be used in order to make a legal case for suing Taipower in respect of its actions on Orchid Island

27.4 Phase IV: Finalization and Defense

The fourth and final phase lasted from May 2014 until the defense of the thesis, planned in spring 2015. It was divided into two parts: the finalization of the paper, and the oral part of the doctoral examination (defense of the thesis). Therefore the last phase is dedicated to the writing, revision, and completion of the thesis. Besides working on the monograph, I carried out the following undertakings:

• publication:

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“Indigenous Movements in Taiwan- from local to global, from bottom-up to top-down and vice-versa” in: Lipinsky, Astrid (ed.): “Social Movements, Rights Discourses and Citizenship: Social and Political Developments in Taiwan” (in progress).

“Anthropogenic Intervention on Indigenous Land – Nuclear waste on Orchid Island – impacts, challenges, and legal empowerment” in: Hung, Li-wan; Liu, Pi-Chen; Chang, Hsun; Kuan, Da-wei (eds.): “Proceedings of the International Conference on the Formosan Indigenous Peoples, 2014” Taipei: SMC Publishing (forthcoming).

• dissemination:

“Anthropogenic Intervention on Indigenous Land – Nuclear Waste on Orchid Island – Impacts, Challenges, and Legal Empowerment” International Conference on the Formosan Indigenous Peoples, Academia Sinica & Shung Ye Museum, Taipei 15-18 September, 2014.

• lecturing:

“Indigenous Movement and the Environment” University of Vienna, Vienna Center for Taiwan Studies, Vienna Taiwan Lecture Series, (Dr. Astrid Lipinsky) 3 December, 2014.

I had a constant exchange of opinions with, and input from, my supervisor and other scholars and experts in the field. To achieve the 30 ECTS points required to complete my doctoral studies, I credited two conference presentations. The finalization of the monograph was scheduled for October, however, it took two months more to complete the thesis. The defense is scheduled for Spring 2015. My aim is to publish the thesis as a monograph.

Chapter 28 Empirical Data Collection

The empirical part of the project comprised field research and the gathering of qualitative and quantitative data. Semi-structured interviews and questionnaires including both open and closed questions form the foundation of the collection of empirical data. In sum, 50 interviews were conducted. Interview partners were divided into three categories: experts and scientists, Tao experts, and activists and representatives of government and non- governmental organizations. On Orchid Island, 80 questionnaires were filled in by local Tao people. Respondents were selected randomly, however I tried to keep a balance of gender and generations. Bernard explains that the product of data collection and fieldwork is the accumulation of knowledge.

Experience is the foundation of knowledge. We record what we experience visually, auditorily, and emotionally. The quality of recording, then, becomes the key to knowledge (Bernard, 1998:16).

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Before the beginning of my field research and my first journey to Taiwan, I successfully presented my project for approval. Furthermore, I completed the seminars and training required to gain the necessary 30 ECTS points.

28.1 Literature

Literature research is essential before starting field work and data gathering. For the researcher, it is important to know the current state of research; that is, to find relevant literature and participate in academic activities like conferences where current research is discussed. An intensive investigation and analysis of the available literature was essential at the outset of the project. Most of my literature research took place in libraries in Vienna, Taipei, and online. There is a vast amount of literature on human rights and environmental justice in relation to indigenous peoples . It was quite a task to constrain the amount of information since it seemed that the flow of information was never-ending. For me, it was rather challenging to decide whether a particular item was important and useful or only provided background knowledge. I sometimes lost myself in the flood of information and I read much more than I could use for my thesis. Nevertheless, the additional knowledge I gained was not useless, but extended my understanding of the topics and gave me a broader perspective. Hence I was able to write articles on other themes, using the knowledge I had gained, besides working in my thesis. When reading and dealing with literature it is important to make notes. For me these notes were necessary for the writing phase, because it made it easy to find text passages again for further processing.

As I am not the first anthropologist to do research on Orchid Island, literature on the Tao was already available. The first sources were the early 20th century Japanese researchers. Conveniently, these sources are available in English. Missionaries also wrote books in English and Chinese about their experiences with the Tao and in Taiwan in general. I gathered further information from current research. In regard to this, I often read current studies by researchers in Taiwan who are experts on Orchid Island and indigenous peoples and I would afterwards try to arrange an interviews with them. Literature on the Tao in English is scarce and understanding written Chinese is still a challenging task for me. Therefore, I made use of friends who helped me to understand or went through the texts with me. As most of them would not accept any financial compensation for their support, I instead thanked them by returning the favor, for example by helping to write resume or applications for jobs abroad. Furthermore, an invitation to dinner was always an acceptable form of repayment my helpers.

28.2 Field Research

Fieldwork offers a unique and authentic picture of the peoples’ situation to the investigator. A presence in the field, observation, and the participation in the locals’ daily life is essential for

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anthropological research. I chose Taiwan and Orchid Island for my research for several reasons. I have been to Taiwan and Orchid Island before: in the course of my Master’s thesis in anthropology. Therefore I was very familiar with the local situation. Furthermore, I had a Tao family who invited me to live with them and who shared their day-to-day life with me. Consequently, access to the local people and to informants was easier. After finishing my Master’s thesis I wanted to explore the Tao’s struggles, environmental issues on Orchid Island, and the Tao’s aspirations for their future in greater depth. My general fields of interest were indigenous peoples, human rights, and the environment. Issues combining all these topics are important on Orchid Island’. Therefore, this place provided a perfect research environment for me. I already gained Chinese language skills by studying Sinology for three years, which made data collection possible without too many language difficulties. I had pragmatic, practical, but also emotional reasons for again choosing Taiwan and Orchid Island as my research field.

Field research is the ‘exotic’ part of an anthropologist’s data gathering. And I think this is what anthropologists enjoy; discovering and understanding a society or culture in a part of the world far from home.

Anthropologists often have adventurous, and sometimes incredible, stories to tell about their field research.. Cultural diversity is what makes our world so special. And then I started to tell her what these differences were and how people reacted when I told them some of our Austrian cultural peculiarities. I have to admit, doing field research with people and discovering their culture is a great feature of working as an anthropologist. Field research helps to understand cultural issues from an emic perspective. This means grasping the meaning of rituals, the world, and the cosmos from an insider’s and local’s point of view. Senft (2003:64) emphasizes that “by taking the emic perspective into consideration, ethnography gains quality, validity, and significance.” In contrast, etic means that the researcher interprets observations using categories from his/her own external perspective.

In total, I spent around 18 months in Taiwan. My field research took place mostly in Taipei and on Orchid Island, but for data gathering I also went to cities like Hualien and Kaoshiung. As have been to Taiwan and Orchid Island a few times before, I knew what would await me in the field. Therefore, I could be rather relaxed about traveling to Taiwan and beginning my adventure in the Far East and with the Tao. After my arrival in Taiwan, I reactivated my Chinese language skills with a short and intensive language course at the Cultural University in Taipei. Language is essential and understanding it is a precondition for being able to gather empirical data in the field. Beer (2003:13) emphasizes that knowledge of the local language, or at least of the lingua franca, is indispensable. However, I was not able to learn more than a few words of the Tao language. Ina was the only person in the household whose first language was not Chinese but Tao. We talked in Chinese with each other and when Ina changed to Tao Lumai helped to translate. Lumai and his brother grew up bilingual, speaking Tao and Chinese.

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I developed a very close relationship with my Tao family, as explained in the introduction to this thesis. I lived with them and shared their daily life. Having known them for seven years, I was regarded as friend and no longer as a stranger or researcher. I shared personal experiences with my family and their close associates. For me, it a way of satisfying curiosity and increasing mutual knowledge from each other’s stories. I never felt there was a dichotomy between researcher and subjects. In particular, I shared a lot of so-called girls’ talk with Pace and Yao-hsin. The family was also my main source of information. They let me participate in all their activities and introduced me to many of their friends. This made research much easier. I was not a complete stranger anymore, but a friend of Lumai’s family. Therefore, people were more willing to fill in the questionnaires or talk about their opinions of what was happening on Orchid Island. It was more difficult to get access to the senior generation.

My field trips to Orchid Island were mostly scheduled for specific times, lasting from only five days up to four weeks. However, my schedule for data collection on the island was quite loose. There were various factors that affected whether I conducted interviews, such as the weather, or how busy my friends were. When it was raining we liked to stay at home and rest. If Lumai had a day off, for instance, we went swimming or visited friends and relatives in another village. It also depended on my interview partners and their agreement to being interviewed. Since I lived in Taiwan for 18 months, I was able to visit Orchid Island very often. If I forgot something, or I noticed during the data analysis that some more information on this or that issue would be useful, I could always go back again and gather the missing information.

Even though time on Orchid Island was always special, I could not stay there for too long. When people were very busy, during the flying fish season and in the summer when the island was crowded with tourists, I stayed for shorter periods. Some Tao get annoyed by all the foreigners on their island and consequently they would rather not take part in an interview and answer questions from a curious European. In spring and fall, people were more relaxed life had a slower pace. There were no tourists to dictate the schedules of islanders like Lumai (who is a tourist guide). I could spend more time with the family and therefore I could escape the risk of being bored if I had no interviews.

For the field research, a variety of social scientific research methods were applied:

• participant observation • qualitative, semi-structured and expert interviews • quantitative questionnaires • informal and formal conversations • literature research.

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28.3 Qualitative Data Collection

Field research took place in Taiwan, in particular in Taipei and on Orchid Island. Qualitative data collection in the form of interviews happened in several places around Taiwan, but mainly in Taipei, on Orchid Island, and in institutions situated in Hualien and Kaohsiung. My main informants depended on the region and theme. On Orchid Island, for instance, my main informants were my Tao family, especially Lumai and Pace, but also Yao-hsin, Syaman Lamuran, Guo Jianping, and Zheng Haiyu. With the latter three, I developed a relationship that allowed me to visit them from time to time; I could just call in with some drinks and snacks and we would have a chat. In Taipei, my main informants were: Peter Chang, a specialist in nuclear safety who carried out investigations in Orchid Island two decades ago; anthropologist David Blundell, professor at Zhengchi University in Taipei; and Chianan Lin, a PhD student whose research field is urban planning projects on Orchid Island. In other cities, my closest informants were anthropologists Chi Chun-chieh from Donghua University and Sasala Taiban from Yi-shou University in Kaoshiung. I had good relationships with all of these people and we had many informal talks. Besides participant observation, literature research, and quantitative data collection, my main body of information consisted of records of semi-structured interviews with experts and Tao as well as responses to quantitative questionnaires. The experts were scientists, Tao, government representatives and activists. In total; 50 quantitative interviews were conducted in 2007, 2008, 2012, 2013, and 2014. 20 of the 50 interviews were carried out in the course of my Master’s research in 2007 and 2008. I reused them and analyzed them within in the new context. My interview partners were: 14 Tao, 21 experts, 7 NGO representatives, 3 government representatives, 1 missionary, and 4 others. Even though most informants did not request anonymity, I have only used their first or nicknames in citations to ensure their personal security.

28.3.1 Participant Observation, Field Notes, and Informal Conversation

Participant observation is a characteristic of anthropological research. Bernard emphasizes that it is an important method in anthropology, but it is one of many methods used in field work (Bernard, 1998:10). Hauser-Schäublin (2003:33) highlights participant observation as the distinctive methodological feature of anthropological and ethnographical fieldwork. Participation means to participate, to take part in something. It is based on a social relation between the anthropologist and the researched community and its actions. Physical contact is therefore a precondition for undertaking participant observation (ibid.).

The method of participant observation includes the explicit use in behavioral analysis and recording of the information gained from participating and observing […]. Here, Participant observation is a method in which an observer takes part in the daily activities, rituals, interactions, and events of the people being studied as one of the means of learning the explicit and tacit aspects of their culture (Dewalt & Dewalt. 1998:259).

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In Malinowksi’s 1922 masterpiece, Argonauts of the Western Pacific, he delivers a fundamental description of what ethnology later defines as participant observation. Even though we take part in some action we do it while observing from an anthropological perspective. We should behave like the people involved in the action but with the perception of an outside observer, maintaining a proper distance that allows us to do so. It is what Hauser-Schäublin (2003:38) means by participation: closeness, observation, distance. Dewalt and Dewalt (1998:264) argue that participant observation provides two main advantages. Firstly, it enhances the quality of the data gained during fieldwork. And secondly, it enhances the quality of the interpretation of collected data. It is therefore both a data gathering and an analytic tool.

Participant observation on Orchid Island was not too difficult a task for me. Some people already knew me from previous visits and I had my Tao family who treated as a family member. Nevertheless, my western appearance and my close relationship to a local family evoked curiosity among the other islanders, and also among tourists. When one of my friends introduced me (usually with pride) and explained who I was and why I was there, people just accepted me as I was; it was easier for me to get access to information and carry out participant observation because rather than being a stranger, I was the family’s friend.

Participant observation began with my research questions, but also with my curiosity about how things work on Orchid Island. For instance, the evil spirits: how do they appear in the modern Tao’s world? Do the youngsters really not believe in anito at all? Or do they believe in ghosts in general, like many people in Taiwan? Such questions I would investigate through participation in certain actions; for example, I observe what happens before the fishermen leave the seashore. Are rituals performed before heading out to sea? In such situations I stay in the background and avoid talking too much, because of the gender segregation and to respect taboos. However, in general, participant observation includes verbal communication, in the form of formal and informal conversation (Hauser-Schäublin, 2003:45). Field notes are vital at all stages of the research and the fieldwork process important and indispensable.

Field notes are the primary method of capturing data from participant observation. […] writing field notes is virtually the only way for researchers to record the observation of day-to-day events and behavior, overheard conversations, and casual interviews that are the primary material of participant observation (Dewalt & Dewalt, 1998:270).

My own field notes recorded everything I experienced and included a schedule of transport to and from Orchid Island, my personal diary, information from my observations and interviews, important words in the Tao language, etc. I wrote up most of my notes when I was alone, when the others had already gone to bed, or I would go to a coffee shop. All my field notes are handwritten and I never used the computer. It was easier this way because my notes also included drawings and notes from others. I never left the house without a pencil and my notebook, unless we were engaged in an active outdoor activity like hiking or snorkeling.

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Informal talks are probably the most practical way to gather qualitative data at the start of each period of field research. All-day conversations with the locals, and in particular with my Tao family and their friends, included plenty of information. In this regard, field notes are a very important record of information that may only be of importance later or on reflection.

28.3.3 Semi-structured Interviews

Interviews and informal conversations are processes where two people get to know each other. There is an intercultural interaction and communication process take place (Schlehe, 2003:71). Language is therefore the most important tool if information is to be exchanged. Schlehe outlines the following ambivalences in interviews:

• Ethnographic interviews have a conversational character, but there is neither reciprocity nor equal dialogue but rather one person (the researcher) wants to learn and gather information from another person (the interviewee or informant). • The dialogue takes place in an atmosphere of trust, but the relationship is limited in terms of intensity and length. • Power relations are often not equal. When interviewing, I minimize my status and I always try to give my informant the feeling that they are more powerful than I since I want to learn from them and not the other way around. Especially when talking to university professors and experts in relevant fields, I adopted the Chinese manner of showing respect and reverence.

Ethnographic interviews give access to the emic perspective; that which serves the construction of reality from the actor’s subjective point of view. My aim as researcher is to understand situations from the local angle. With interviewing the Tao, I tried to find out how they experienced the establishment of the nuclear waste repository, for instance, or how they perceive government undertakings and policies on Orchid Island. In a few cases I conducted person-centered interviews with Tao informants. These people were Tao who had participated in the anti-nuclear movement from its beginnings. I had four key informants with whom I conducted person-centered interviews because of their special knowledge of what had happened in the last 50 years on Orchid Island in terms of governmental undertakings.

To the extent that person-centered interviews engage the interviewee as an “informant,” that is as a knowledgeable person who can tell the anthropologist- interviewer about culture and behavior in a particular locale […]. But person- centered interviews also engage the interviewee as a “respondent,” as an object of systematic study and observation in him- or herself […]. It is the balanced combination of informant and respondent modes of interviewing that is characteristic of person-centered interviews and that distinguishes them from most other types of interviews (Levy & Hollan, 1998:335-336).

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The interview partner gives additional valuable information through emotion they display and their reactions to certain events and themes. To some extent they too could be considered experts. However, I make a distinction between the two groups. I have conducted more than one interview with each of these four people and focused on their emotions and performance when touching upon topics that may be distressing to talk about. Examples are the actions of the prisoners on Orchid Island during the 1960s (including rape). In this regard, notes taken during the interview are indispensable, because some behavioral patterns are not distinguishable by listening to the recording alone.

A semi-structured interview follows a certain structure; there is a guideline that leads though the talk. The guideline is decided upon on the basis of participant observation, informal talks, and knowledge gained from literature. The talk is focused on specific themes related to what the interviewer wants to know from the informant. The questions are rather broadly defined and become concretized only during the talk.

Experts are people considered to be particularly competent in fields of interest. My experts were scientists who are professionals in certain areas. They had vast knowledge of environmental justice, governance of indigenous peoples, and nuclear risks. Therefore, their information was not given from a subjective perspective, but from that of a professional. Other interview partners were Tao, activists, and governmental experts who were motivated to represent some institution or action. Having obtained both the perspectives of local people affected by a situation and professional knowledge from experts in the field, I gained deep insights into the complexity of the issues researched. Learning from both sides, I was able to correlate the acquired information.

Finding interview partners was not a particularly difficult task, except in the case of government representatives. They seemed to be suspicious or were too busy to accept my interview request. After each interview,, I made a list of the topics we had discussed. Furthermore, I noted the topics to which the informant responded in an emphatic way, or whether he or she seemed to have felt rather disturbed by the question. All my interviews were recorded on tape and afterwards transcribed. The duration of my interviews varied between 35 and 80 minutes. All interviews were conducted in either Chinese or English. After every interview, I wrote a report, similar to those in my field notes. Each report included the date, place, name of the interviewee, and duration of the interview. I made notes about the general framing conditions, where and how the interview took place, and whether the partner was special or peculiar in some way.

28.4 Quantitative Data Collection

When deciding on the optimal research method for social scientific research, Bernard (1995:287, quoted in Sökefeld, 2003:95) notes the following:

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No method of data collection is perfect. Unstructured interviews and questionnaires produce different kinds of data, and it is up to you to decide which method, or combination of methods, is best.

Sökefeld (2003) notes that anthropological studies should indeed include quantifications, although often the indication of quantities will remain vague and imprecise. Quantitative methods therefore aim to allow the collection of exact numbers. In order to gather quantitative data, a standardized survey instrument is necessary to make sure that all the participants and informants get the same questions. Hence, structured questionnaires that make comparisons possible are essential: “Structuring and standardization is required in order to gain valid quantification” Sökefeld (2003:96). Franz Boas was one of the leading experts who emphasized the role of quantification in anthropological research (Bernard, 1998:15). Sökefeld notes that in order to create a questionnaire, substantial prior and background knowledge of the themes being researched is necessary. He therefore dissuades the researcher who is not yet familiar with the field from the use of quantitative questionnaires. Only at an advanced stage of the research process may one know what questions to pose and what kind of information to get from the interviewee. I conducted a questionnaire with 80 Tao on Orchid Island. It was a semi-open questionnaire with 12 questions on one page. Since I also worked with qualitative methods, the quantitative questionnaire complemented the data gathered qualitatively. The respondents were anonymous: the only personal details asked for were gender, ethnicity, age, and which village they come from. The questionnaire contains open and closed questions, meaning that some questions could be freely answered (questions 10 and 12), and others gave a selection of answers (questions 4, 5, 6, 7). In addition, some questions were a combination of the two (1, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11). The questions were simply posed and in Chinese. The questionnaires were conducted during my fieldwork in Orchid Island in spring 2013. The survey was in written form and I randomly asked people whether they were willing to fill in the form. I was not always successful and sometimes it was quite difficult to get the locals’ agreement since I did not pay them or compensate them in any way. Fortunately, I had many friends on Orchid Island who helped me to find people with different age and gender to respond. To capture the voices of the senior generation, pastors promoted my work after church services. They also helped with translation into the Tao language when necessary. I was always present during the completion of the form, in case there were questions or a lack of clarity. My questionnaire in Chinese was:

詢問表

我叫恩若玫(Rosa Enn).我是奧地利人. 在 2007 年我第一次來蘭嶼, 我是人類學家, 現在我在蘭嶼研究我的博士論文. 這個詢問表可以幫助我了解你的情形. 請填寫這份問卷. 感謝感謝!

年紀: 村莊: 性別: 女  男 

原住民, 達悟族  其它原住民  漢人 

1) 你覺得達悟族傳統文化生活重不重要?

很重要  有一點重要  不太重要 

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為什麼:______

2) 在蘭嶼最漂亮的事是:

自然  海  島嶼生活  經鬆的生活  享受文化之精隨 

其它: ______

3) 如果在蘭嶼你可以做什麼事改變這裡. 這件事是:

增加收入機會 

什麼樣的工作機會: ______

擺脫核廢料  更好的醫療保健資源 

更好的基礎設施  更多遊客  更少遊客 

4) 對於核廢料存廢的想法?

無所謂反正有補助金  絕對要把核廢料移出蘭嶼 

即使把核廢料移出蘭嶼污染也已經造成了 

5) 你覺得核廢料的污染有影響到你的健康嗎? 有  沒有 

6) 你覺得蘭嶼人有較高的致癌率是因為核廢料嗎?

一定  應該是  不是 不知道 

7) 你覺得核廢料有污染到水源或是土地嗎?

一定  應該有  沒有 不知道 

8) 你覺得回饋金好不好?

好  不好  為什麼:______

9) 你對政府有什麼想法?

好  不好  為什麼: ______

10) 如果你可以改變政府, 你想做什麼? ______

11) 你對臺電有什麼看法?

好 不好  為什麼:______

12) 你覺得核廢料侵犯了你什麼樣的人權呢?______

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The evaluation, coding, and analysis are explained in chapter three hereinafter.

28.5 Challenges in the Field

When doing fieldwork on Orchid Island, it was important the people were fully informed about the undertaking. In particular, it was essential to let the people know that I was not acting on behalf of any government or institution, but independently. Many Tao were suspicious, and I often heard that people are tired of being research subjects. Many anthropologists, linguists, and other scientists have been to Orchid Island in order to conduct field research. First, there were the Japanese researchers came to the island at the beginning of the 20th century, followed by Christian missionaries who, like the Japanese, studied the Tao’s customs and language. During the KMT’s rule little research took place. Only in the 1980s did anthropologists re-discover Orchid Island with its cultural treasures. Since then, a number of scholars have visited the island: linguists studied the Tao language; anthropologists and archaeologists investigated cultural peculiarities, such as the Tao’s unique boat building and flying fish culture; biologists were interested in flora and fauna; and physicists carried out measurements to see if the suspicion that there are high levels of radiation is justified. The Tao complain that most of these researchers took the data, information, and knowledge for their own studies, but asked what was the benefit for the locals? I had this discussion quite a few times, in particular with those who were actively fighting against the nuclear waste repository and who were key informants for researchers. Sometimes it was a bit difficult, because I also had great plans for and with the Tao, but during my research I noticed that some of my aims were too high; for instance, I would like to liberate the Tao from dependency on the compensation money. Some of my aims failed for two reasons: first the goals were not realistically achievable, and second the Tao were rather opposed to my ideas. Sometimes discussions with Tao, especially seniors, were difficult, because I noticed their lack of interest and boredom with my questions. Money in exchange for answering my questions would have possibily motivated the locals, but this was not possible due to my own financial restrictions. Nevertheless, gifts and souvenirs from Europe were always a gesture welcomed by the Tao. I brought several presents to Orchid Island which varied depending on my interview partners. For my Tao family I always tried to bring something special, like books about Austria in Chinese, the movie The Sound of Music, clothes, home-made cookies, and so on. For other interview partners on Orchid Island, I preferred to give Austrian liquor, cosmetics, or gifts for the children. For the experts, the gift depended on their importance for my studies and my relationship to them. The presents included Austrian liquor, Swiss chocolate and pralines, or other souvenirs. In general, it was much easier to conduct interviews with experts than with the Tao because they showed much more interest in my studies and were not worried about the benefit to themselves. Sometimes, in particular with university professors, the interviews involved mutual learning rather than one-sided information gathering.

Besides presents, I tried to show my respect for people by helping them with their daily work, such as cooking, cleaning, accompanying Ina to her field, or taking care of guests. In

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particular, helping Ina in her field gardening and harvest taro was always very interesting. The Taiwanese tourists who came to Orchid Island were fascinated when they discovered us working together. One of Ina’s fields is located next to the main street. When I helped her with weeding or digging out the potatoes, tourists stopped their motor scooter and stared at us. In the beginning I did not like this at all, feeling I was being observed like an animal in the zoo. I had this feeling quite a few times, also in Taipei. However, with time, I got used to it and the longer I stayed on Orchid Island, the more normal it became to have a young blond foreigner who lived with a local family and did anthropological research around. Fortunately, I am a person who easily adapts to new environments. Therefore, keeping my western/Austrian manners in the background and acting more in accordance with local principles with which I was already familiar, was not too much of a challenge. I knew that the most important thing is not to display back emotions like anger and dissatisfaction (an aspect of the Confucian Chinese culture to which the Tao have adapted in the 40 years of assimilation) and respect traditional rules such as not touching a Tatala. I claim to be a little less foreign having visited the island so many times in the last seven years. In particular, people of my own age have always welcomed me and invited me to participate in their actions and undertakings. I often had a strong sensation of happiness while with my Tao family, because the mutual respect, recognition, and curiosity filled me with gratitude. I often talked with Lumai and Syaman Mifilang about our first meeting in 2007, when I was walking on the road and they asked me where I was heading and offered me a place to stay. For Ina, it is kind of destiny that we met. This meaning is reflected in the Tao name that she gave me. Ina is a special person who has had to endure a lot of losses and sorrows in her life. However, she has never lost her way of being happy and playful with her children. I like her very much and she reminds me of my own grandmother. I often thought about what it would be were my grandmother and Ina to meet. There would be so much to discuss. Two totally different worlds would clash, but still there would be so many things they could share like gardening or the sensation of living in harmony with nature, which we more ‘modern’ people have sometimes lost.

Chapter 29 Analyses

The analysis of the interviews is inspired by the work of Christiane Schmidt (2005), Jochen Gläser and Grit Laudel (2006), Philipp Mayring (2010), and Martin Sökefeld (2003). The first step in analyzing qualitative data is its evaluation. It begins with the transcription of interviews. The process of transcription is very time consuming. Additionally, because all my interviews were in foreign languages even more time was required. For the transcription of the interviews in Chinese and their subsequent translation into English I had help from Taiwanese students. English translations of all the transcripts were used for the evaluation. For data analysis the following procedures are used:

1. A system of categories is defined and encoded. This is the key of stage of qualitative data analysis (Mayring, 2010:49). My categories were:

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• Tradition • Modernity • Tao and Indigenous Peoples • Tourism • Generations: Youthversus Seniors • Nuclear Waste Management • Governance of Indigenous Peoples • Mistrust and Insecurity • Problems on Orchid Island • Social Movements • Environmental Justice • Anthropogenic Intervention in Nature • Assimilation and Martial Law • Traditional Ecological Knowledge • Empowerment • Human Rights • Transitional Justice and Political Transformation • Legal Instruments • Health • Right to a Clean Environment

2. The texts are taken apart into units and filtered by the topics which dominated each section of the talk.

3. The texts are searched for relevant and important information which is then extracted. Essential information is that which helps to answer the research questions and to better understand the issues being investigated.

4. This information is assigned to the categories defined in the first step. In other words, the text is encoded for further analysis.

After these steps, the frequency with which each category appears visible. The material is quantified, which means the frequencies of entries for the single categories are tallied. To do this I worked with different colors. Each code had a color and a number. As I worked manually with the qualitative data, this was the simplest way to keep overview. Qualitative content analysis demands a strategic procedure that has explicit rules, to which all interviews are subjected. The last step is the interpretation. On the basis of the results, questions that were posed at the beginning of the research can now be answered. Furthermore, hypotheses

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which were developed can be verified or disproved. In order to prove them, they can be reviewed in the light of each case. Assumptions, such as that the Tao faced environmental injustice during the process of establishing a nuclear waste repository, can be found to be justified or not. In this case, the assumption cited was indeed verified by the high number of interview statements regarding this issue and correlating results from the quantitative questionnaires.

Analysis of the quantitative data was carried out using Microsoft Excel. The interpretations are illustrated in the diagrams presented throughout the thesis.

Chapter 30 Reflecting on Anthropological Research Methods

In anthropology, one is often criticized for being subjective and taking sides. Indeed, my research may have been influenced by the fact that I am not’ in favor of dumping nuclear waste on an island inhabited by indigenous peoples without free, prior, informed consent and therefore causing environmental injustice. I certainly support the Tao’s empowerment and claims for justice. Field research and interaction with the locals is, in my opinion, not possible without engaging with the researched-ones. Empathy is a core value when living with a group of interest.

Jane Goodall said recently that part of her work these days is not to watch chimps, but to correct the mistaken idea that science has to be dispassionate. “I am often asked to talk about the softer kind of science,” she says, “as a way of bringing children back into realizing that [science] is not about chopping things up and being totally objective and cold” (Holloway, 1997:44, taken from Bernard, 1998:15).

This citation illustrates that science does not aim to be “objective and cold,” but rather to understand the issues through empathy and engagement. Furthermore, when elaborating questions and analyzing data, I am always influence by my own way of approaching themes and how to deal with them. Dewalt and Dewalt (1998:271) argue that “field notes are at least one more step removed from objective observation than the nonobjective observation itself and are a construction of the ethnographer and part of the process of analysis.” Consequently, being subjective in field work and qualitative data gathering is surely unavoidable.

We accept that none of us can become completely measuring devices. We can, however, use participant observation in conjunction with other methods to serve anthropology as a scientific pursuit. That is, we see reflexivity as a beginning point rather than as an end to ethnography. We need to be aware who we are, understand our biases as much as we can, and to understand and interpret our interactions with the people we study (Dewalt & Dewalt, 1998:290).

Being a young woman in the field was, in my personal opinion, an advantage for me. Even though I respected the traditional rules and taboos of the Tao, which often did not allow me to

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take part in some actions, such as fishing, I gained a lot of deep insights from my talks with other women. I had a very close relationship with three women, two were ‘sisters’ in my Tao family, and one was in the Imurud village association. We shared many intimate experiences. There was a constant learning from each other accompanied by curiosity. Being of the same age as my sisters, our relationship that we had was certainly different than it was to other people. In this regard, my gender was of benefit when interacting with girls and women. On the other hand, I was indeed sometimes barred from important parts of the men’s world. However, the Tao have a very egalitarian tradition. There are limits, of course, because the rights and obligations of men and women differ and this in turn limits what one can experience as a (sole) researcher, but these rules become more and more blurry with modern development. I observed for instance, that female tourists from Taiwan were allowed to scale flying fish after the catch, an action that was traditionally allocated to the men. Schlehe (2003:76) states that it can be of advantage being a foreigner in the field due as locals may therefore entrust one with valuable information, which they would not share with their community. In many interviews on Orchid Island, the informants wanted to know about other interviewees, with whom I conducted interviews, what they said and so on. This was a bit challenging for me; I had to not to take sides and maintain neutrality but, at the same time, give the interviewee the sensation that he/she is unique and the information he/she has given is of considerable significance. In such situations I found out that there is extensive rivalry among some islanders, often the result of jealousy caused by greater wealth or experience.

Chapter 31 Collaboration and Budgeting

It was necessary to have a very good network in Taiwan for this project. Connections with the following governmental, non-governmental, research and academic institutions were made and strengthened during my research in Taiwan:

• National Chengchi University, Ong Nga-Ping (Associate Professor, Dept. of Ethnology) • Academia Sinica, Huang Shu-Min (Director of Dept. of Ethnology) • National Donghua University, Hualien, Chi Chun-Chieh (Professor and Director at Graduate Institute of Ethnic Relation and Culture), Shih Cheng-Feng (Dean of Dept. of Indigenous Cultures), Awi Mona (Assistant Professor) • Yi-Shou University, Taiban Salsala (Dept. for Indigenous Studies) • National Taidong University, Tan Chang-Kuo (Research Assistant at Institute of Austronesian Studies) • Tzu Chi University, Hu Jackson (Assistant Professor at Dept. Institute of Human Development) • Environmental Jurist Association • Wild at Heart, Robin Winkler (Founder) • Green Citizens' Action Alliance, Wu Min-Hsu

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• Taiwan Indigenous Cultural Enterprise Development Association, Philip Diller (Founder and Director) • The Atayal Organization, Tony Coolidge (Founder and Director) • Rangi Association, Gary Smoke (Founder) • Taiwan Association for Human Rights, Tsai Chi-Hsun (Secretary-General) • 蘭嶼反核青年陣線 (Tao Association) • 蘭嶼青年行動聯盟 (Youth Action Association of Orchid Island) • 財團法人蘭嶼部落文化基金會 (Foundation of Indigenous Culture of Orchid Island) • Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Peter Chang • Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP), Yedda Palemeq • Green Party Taiwan, Linda Gail Arrigo (International Affairs Officer) • Presbyterian Church Taiwan • Swiss Bethlehem Mission Immensee, Father Ernst Gassner

I obtained the following scholarships in order to undertake field research and make my dissertation project possible in Taiwan from 2012 until 2014:

o Research Fellowship offered by the Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs for seven months (2012)

o Marietta Blau Scholarship offered by the Austrian Agency for International Cooperation in Education and Research (OEAD) for ten months (2013)

o Stipendium fuer Kurzfristige wissenschaftliche Arbeiten (KWA scholarship) offered by the University of Vienna, received twice (2012 & 2014)

o two Förderstipendien offered by the University of Vienna (2012 & 2013) o two dissemination scholarships for international conference participation, offered by the University of Vienna (2013 & 2014)

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280

Appendix

Abbreviations

Alliance of Taiwan Aborigines (ATA) Atomic Energy Council (AEC) Build Transfer Operate BOT. Commission of Aboriginal Affairs (CAA) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Council for Indigenous Peoples (CIP) Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), United Nations Environmental impact assessment (EIA) Environmental Justice (EJ) Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Fuel Circle and Materials Administration (FCMA) General Assembly (GA), United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) Indigenous Peoples Basic Law (IPBL) Indigenous peoples’ organizations (IPOs) International Atomic Energy (IAEA) International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) International Labor Organization (ILO) International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IGWIA) Kuomintang (KMT) Low-level radioactive waste (LLRW) Ministry of Economic Affairs, Taiwan (MOEA) Ministry of Justice (MOJ) National Taiwan University (NTU) Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) Not in my backyard (NIMBY) Nuclear Backend Management Department (NBMD) Nuclear Materials and Radioactive Waste Management Act (NMRWMA) Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) People’s Republic of China (PRC) Polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) Presbyterian Church Taiwan (PCT) Radwaste Administration (RWA) Republic of China (RoC) Taipei Government Information Office (GIO) Taipower (TPC)

281

Appendix

Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR) Taiwan Public Television Service (PTS) The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) United Nations Declaration for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) United Nations Working Groups on Indigenous Populations (UNWGIP) Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) Universal Periodic Review (UPR) World War I (WWI) World War II (WWII)

Orchid Island village names in Tao language and Chinese Pinyin: Ivarino = Yeyin Imorud = Hongtou Iratay = Yuren Yayo = Yeyou Iranmeylek = Dongqing Iraraley = Langdao

282

Appendix

Table of Figures

Figure 1 Primary Austronesian subgroupings according to Blust (1999) (taken from Ross, 2012:1272) ...... 35 Figure 2 Distribution of the Austronesian language family and major subgroupings (Blundell, 2009:343) ...... 36 Figure 3 Distribution of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples ...... 39 Figure 4 Ethnological map of Taiwan (Blundell, 2009:182) ...... 40 Figure 5 Formosan languages (Blundell, 2009:46)...... 45 Figure 6 Map of Bashi Channel (Benedek, 1991:6) ...... 53 Figure 7 Aerial view on Orchid Island (Enn, 2008) ...... 55 Figure 8 View from the lighthouse (Enn, 2013) ...... 56 Figure 9 Taken on the way to Tianchi Lake (Enn, 2008) ...... 56 Figure 10 Map of Orchid Island showing the six villages (Indigenous Pristine website, 2008) ...... 57 Figure 11 Wet-taro field (Enn, 2013) ...... 63 Figure 12 Harvested taro and sweet potato (Enn, 2012) ...... 64 Figure 13 Taro field (Enn, 2014) Figure 14 Wet-taro field (Enn, 2013) ...... 65 Figure 15 Dried flying fish (Enn, 2012) ...... 67 Figure 16 Tao girl in traditional festive clothes (Kano & Segawa, 1956:106) ...... 69 Figure 17 Tao man wearing silver helmet, Obai, and silver bracelets (Kano & Segawa, 1956:95) ...... 70 Figure 18 Tao man with hanging dagger and armor (Kano & Segawa, 1956:133) ...... 70 Figure 19 Boat building (Enn, 2013) ...... 71 Figure 20 Tatala (photographer unknown) ...... 71 Figure 21 Ivarino village (Enn, 2008)...... 72 Figure 22 Traditional house in Iratay (Enn, 2012) ...... 75 Figure 23 Rattan plants (Enn, 2012)...... 76 Figure 24 Scheme of analytical levels in TEK (Modification of Berkes, 1999:13) ...... 82 Figure 25 The island Formosa and the Pescadores, Johannes Vingboons ca.1640 Nationaal Archief, Den Haag (via Taiwan National Palace Museum, 2014) ...... 87 Figure 26 Carte chinoise de l’ile Formose d’après les travaux de Jesuites from C. Ibault-Huart, L’ile Formose – Histoire et Description (1893) (Teng, 2004:146) ...... 89 Figure 27 Cooked savages (shufan) of Taiwan, from Qing Imperial Tribute Illustrations (ca. 1751) (Teng, 2004: 172) ...... 91 Figure 28 Raw savages (shengfan) of Danshui, Taiwan, from Qing Imperial Tribute Illustrations (1751) (Teng, 2004:171) ...... 91 Figure 29 Church in Imorud village (Enn, 2013) ...... 100 Figure 30 Church in Yayo village (Enn, 2007)...... 101 Figure 31 Prison in Orchid Island (Enn, 2008) ...... 109 Figure 32 Harbor constructed in 1978 (Enn, 2008) Figure 33 Dragon Gate (Enn, 2013) 116 Figure 34 Radioactive waste repository (Enn, 2007) ...... 118 Figure 35 Barrels in storage on Orchid Island (PTS News Network, 2012) ...... 120 Figure 36 Storage site on Orchid Island (PTS News Network, 2012) ...... 121 Figure 37 Radioactive waste inventory at Orchid Island facility (AEC 2010:26) ...... 128 Figure 38 Radioactive waste management, legal and regulatory system (Liu, 2012:6) ...... 130 Figure 39 Illustration of the steps to select a disposal site ...... 132 Figure 40 LLRW production by the three operating power plants (Liu, 2013:7) ...... 134 Figure 41 Bible in Bunun and Chinese Translation (Enn, 2008) ...... 159

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Figure 42 Anti-nuclear demonstration on the third anniversary of Fukushima’s nuclear disaster in Taipei. Tao people are at the front with a yellow banner, members of the environmental NGO, Green Citizens Alliance, are on the right ( 麥可良 & Lumai, 2014) .. 167 Figure 43 Investment of compensation money in 2013 (Imorud village) ...... 193 Figure 44 Opinions towards compensation...... 194 Figure 45 Opinions on the LLRW repository ...... 195 Figure 46 Protest in Iranmeylek (Chianan, 2013) ...... 201 Figure 47 Cement factory protest (Chianan, 2013) ...... 202 Figure 48 Opinions of the government ...... 205 Figure 49 Reasons for negative attitude towards the government ...... 206 Figure 50 Changes respondents would like to see in the government ...... 207 Figure 51 Opinions on the impact of nuclear waste on health ...... 211 Figure 52 Cancer and LLRW ...... 212 Figure 53 LLRW and environment ...... 213 Figure 54 Hermit crab with a plastic cup as house (Focus Taiwan website, 2014) ...... 214 Figure 55 The Tao’s opinion of human rights violations on Orchid Island...... 220 Figure 56 Requested changes on Orchid Island ...... 223 Figure 57 Garbage collection (Lumai, 2013) ...... 225 Figure 58 Tourist map of Orchid Island (Taitung government website, 2013) ...... 227 Figure 59 Types of job people would like to see more on Orchid Island ...... 228 Figure 60 Hiking and adventure path construction (Lumai, 2013) ...... 230 Figure 61 Lumai workshop (Enn, 2013) ...... 232 Figure 62 Lumai workshop on flying fish (Enn, 2013) ...... 233

Permission for using the pictures is approved by the photographers. For other figures I have tried to receive the right holder’s permission to use them. In case there should be a violation of property rights, please do contact me.

284

Appendix

List of Interview Partner

21 Experts

Interviewee Arrigo (f) American. She lives in Taiwan since the early 1980s and is an expert in human rights and democratization. She used to be assistant professor at Taiwan Medical University Taipei and engaged in International Affairs Officer of the Green Party. Interview was conducted on October 8, 2008 in English. Interviewee Awi (m) Sediq. He is an Assistant Professor at Graduate Institute of Austronesian Studies, National Taidong University, expert in human rights and indigenism. Interview was conducted on September 15, 2008, September 2, 2011, and November 14, 2013 all in English. Interviewee Blundell (m) American. He lives an Anthropologist and Professor at Chengchi University in Taipei. Interview was conducted on November 13, 2013 in English.

Interviewee Chang. (m) Taiwanese. He is a medical professor at Taipei Medical University and expert in nuclear risk. The interview was conducted on April 21, 2014 in English. Interviewee Chi (m) Taiwanese. He is an anthropologist and professor at National Donghua University Hualien, director at Graduate Institute of Ethnic Relation and Culture, Department of Indigenous Cultures. Chi is an expert in indigenous studies and environmental issues. Interviews were conducted on September 8, 2008 and October 11, 2011 in English.

Interviewee Chiang (m) Taiwanese. He is a professor at the Department of Ethnology, Academia Sinica. He used to do fieldwork on Orchid Island in 1980s. Interview was conducted on May, 2014 in English.

Interviewee Daya (m) Rukai. He is a professor at Chengchi University an expert in indigenous land rights. Interview was conducted on May 5, 2014 in English. Interviewee Dong (m) Tao. He is a PhD student at National Taiwan Normal University Taipei, Department of Geography working on traditional ecological knowledge on Orchid Island. Interview was conducted on October 13, 2008 in English.

Interviewee Hu (m) Taiwanese. He is an anthropologist at Yangming University and an expert in ethno-ecology and traditional ecological knowledge. Hu did extensive fieldwork on Orchid Island on TEK. Interview was conducted on October 1, 2008. Interviewee Hu (m) Taiwanese. He is an assistant professor at Tzu Chi University in Hualien, Department and Graduate Institute of Human Development and expert in TEK. Interview was conducted in October 9, 2014 in English.

285

Appendix

Interviewee Huang (m) Taiwanese. He is a political scientist and works at Academia Sinica in Taipei. His PhD thesis elaborates nuclear waste management in Taiwan. Interview was conducted on November 12, 2013 in English. Interviewee Huang (m) Taiwanese. He was the director at the Department of Ethnolgy, Acadmica Sinica Taipei until 2014. Huang is an expert in environmental studies and indigenous peoples. Interview was conducted on September 2, 2008 in English.

Interviewee Peter (m) Taiwanese. He is an expert on risk sciences regarding nuclear waste deposition issues in Taiwan and elsewhere in Asia. He conducted a survey on Orchid Island end of the 1990s to measure radioactivity. Interview was conducted on May 5, 2014 in English. Interviewee Sasala (m) Rukai. He was an assistant professor at Department of Tourism Management, Tajen University Pingdong. He is an activist and expert on indigenous movements in Taiwan. Interview was conducted on October 4, 2008 in English and Chinese.

Interviewee Sh (w) Taiwanese. She was member on the executive board at a local village association of Orchid Island. Interview was conducted on April 16, 2014 in German. Interviewee Tan (m) Taiwanese. He is used to work as assistant professor at Graduate Institute of Austronesian Studies, University Taidong. Tan is expert in religion and indigenous issues. Interview was conducted on September 22, 2008 in English. Interviewee Tzou (m) Taiwanese. He used to be the director at Graduate Institute of European Studies & director, European Union Research Center, Tamkang University Danshuei. Interview was conducted on October 7, 2008 in English.

Interviewee Yedda (f) Rukai. She used to attend meetings at the UNPFII in New York as a representative of Taiwan. Interview was conducted on May 20, 2013 in English.

14 Tao

Interviewee Enzi (m) Tao. He lives with his family in Orchid Island. He owns a guest house and offers ethno-tourism. His father was an activist in the social movement of 1980s and published a book on Tao culture. Enzi has a vast knowledge on TEK and revitalization of cultural habits. Interview was conducted on April 16, 2014 in English. Interviewee Guo (m) Tao. He is a retired pastor from Iraraley and strong activist in social and anti-nuclear movements. Interview was conducted on September 30, 2008 in English and Chinese. Interviewee Iratay pastor (m) Tao. He is retired Presbyterian pastor of Iratay. Interview conducted on October 12, 2008 Chinese. Interviewee Ivarino pastor (m) Tao. He is retired Presbyterian pastor of Ivarino. Interview was conducted on October 11, 2008 in Chinese.

286

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Interviewee L (m) Tao. He is one of my very close friends on Orchid Island. He lives with his family, runs a homestay and offers ethno-tourism. Interview and field note from April 16, 2014.

Interviewee Y (m) Tao. He is an anti-nuclear activist since the movements of the 1990s. Interview was conducted on October 22, 2012 in Chinese.

Interviewee Z. (m) Tao. He was an activists in the movements of the 1980s and 1990s. Interview was conducted on October 11, 2012 in Chinese. Interviewee Zhang (m) Tao. He is retired Presbyterian pastor of Iranmeylek. Zhang used to travel to Geneva as a delegate of the ATA. Interview was conducted in September 29, 2007, and April 16, 2014 in English. Interviewee Syaman Rapongan (m) Tao. He is author and retired teacher. Interview was conducted on September 17, 2008 in English and Chinese.

Interviewee Tao II (f) Tao. She is dedicated to indigenous issues and empowerment and has a vast knowledge on governmental undertakings on Orchid Island. Interview was conducted on May 27, 2013 in Chinese.

Interviewee Tao III (m) Tao. He runs a homestay on Orchid Island and supports the revitalization of Tao culture. Interview was conducted on May 28, 2013 in Chinese.

Interviewee Tao VII (f) Tao. She is an activist in anti-nuclear movements and writes reports and poems inspired by his indigenous culture. Interview was conducted on May 30, 2012 in Chinese and English.

Interviewees Iraraley couple (f+m) Tao. Experienced governmental undertakings on Orchid Island since the beginning of martial law. Interview was conducted on October 10, 2008 in Chinese.

4 Others

Interviewee Jenny (f) Taiwanese. She is a teacher at secondary school in Orchid Island and lives there since a decade. Interview was conducted on October 10, 2008 in English. Interviewee Niwa (f) Bunun. She used to be a teacher at secondary school in Taidong. Interview was conducted on September 15, 2008 in English.

Interviewee Pace. (f) Taiwanese. She is my most important informant and translator. She lives with interviewee L. She came to Orchid Island to work as a teacher, now she runs the homestay together with L. Interview was conducted on April 16, 2014 in English.

Interviewee Ya (f) Taiwanese. She lives on orchid Island and is married to a Tao. Y is worried that her son’s bad health condition is influenced by radioactive contamination. Interview was conducted on April 20, 2014 in English and Chinese.

287

Appendix

7 NGOs

Interviewee Echo (f) Taiwanese. She is a lawyer at the Environmental Jurists Association, NGO. Interview was conducted on November 4, 2013 in English. Interviewee G (m) Taiwanese. He works for the environmental and anti-nuclear NGO Green Citizens’ Action Alliance (綠色公民行動聯盟) in Taiwan. Interview of November 12, 2012. Interviewee Philip (m) French-American. He used to be director at International Affairs of Taiwan’s Indigenous Cultural Enterprise Development Association Taipei. Interview was conducted on September 5, 2008 in English.

Interviewee Robin (m) American. He lives in Taiwan since decades and has Taiwanese citizenship. Robin is the founder of the NGO Wild at Heart Legal Defense Association and expert in legal and environmental issues and land rights. The interview was conducted on September 28, 2011 in English.

Interviewee S (m) Rukai. He was the founder of the magazine, Gaoshanqing (高山青 mountain greenery) in the early 1980s. He used to be an activist and supporter in several movements. Interview was conducted on April 28, 2014 in Chinese.

Interviewee Shulin (f) Taiwanese. She used to work for the NGO Taiwan Association for Human Rights. Interview was conducted April 30, 2014 in English.

Interviewee Tao V (m) Tao. He is a member of the NGO Youth Action Association of Orchid Island (蘭嶼青年行動聯盟). Interview was conducted on April 15, 2014 in Chinese and English.

3 Government Interviewee CIP (f) Rukai. He is a representative of the Council of Indigenous Peoples. Interview was conducted on May 7, 2014 in English.

Interviewee EPA (m) Taiwanese. He is an adviser to the Environmental Protection Agency Taiwan. The interview was conducted on May 5, 2014 in English. Interviwee Lilly (f) Paiwan. She is an indigenous rights activist and used to work as adviser for several NGOs in Taiwan. Interview was conducted on September 30, 2008 in English.

1 Missionary Interviewee Gassner (m) Swiss. He is a missionary of the Swiss Immensee Bethlehem Mission (Roman Catholic) in Taidong. Interview was conducted on September 21, 2008 in German.

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Appendix

Abstract

The dissertation investigates the situation of the indigenous Tao people on Taiwan’s remote Orchid Island. The community of around 4,000 people lives on the periphery of the western Pacific. Ever since contact with first the Japanese, then missionaries and the Kuomintang, the Tao have been exposed to modern influences and denied self-determination. During the time of martial law, the authoritarian government subjected the Tao to arbitrary rule. Ecological exploitation, structural discrimination, and forced assimilation policies have characterized the governance experienced by the Tao. The establishment of a nuclear waste repository on Orchid Island was a serious case of environmental injustice, since the Tao were neither integrated in the relevant decision-making processes nor correctly informed about the plan. Events such as this have contributed to a weakened relationship and mistrust between the Tao and the government. Nevertheless, with the Tao’s strong empowerment, the emerging national social movements, increasing democratization, and progress towards transitional justice, the indigenous community has obtained affirmative action, compensation, and financial benefits. However, the traditional social and economic structures have been transformed tremendously due to the impact of government undertakings on Orchid Island. The Tao today find themselves caught in a trap. On the one hand, they do not want to be exploited by the government by acquiescing to radioactive waste disposal and other interventions; on the other hand, the islanders are quite dependent on government financial support and demand adequate reparations. In recent decades, it has been claimed that the radioactive waste repository is leaking and that toxic substances contaminate the environment. Even though the government has promised to remove the facility, it faces challenges in finding a new site and therefore no solution has yet been found.

The question of whether the Tao should aim for self-determination or make the most of government support leads to conflict between generations and within Tao society. One of the very few possible income sources on the island is the tourism industry. This has grown rapidly but without adequate infrastructure. Only slowly has the need for sustainable and eco- friendly tourism been realized. Tourism may be also provide an opportunity for cultural revitalization as the local people again begin to cherish the unique features of their culture after almost 50 years of assimilation.

The dissertation examines human rights issues on Orchid Island with a focus on the environment. Considering the last hundred years of their history, the Tao face challenges but also have opportunities to position themselves in a democratic 21st century Taiwan. The thesis combines social scientific research methods (quantitative and qualitative) with the consideration of concepts of environmental justice, indigeneity, human rights, legal empowerment, and the challenge of governing indigenous populations.

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Abstrakt

Die Dissertation behandelt die Situation der indigenen Tao Bevölkerung in Taiwan unter Betrachtung der Wahrung ihrer Menschenrechte und in Bezug auf Umweltgerechtigkeit. Ich untersuche die Auswirkungen von Umweltveränderungen, die durch menschliche Intervention in die Natur hervorgerufen wurden, auf die Bewohner der Orchideen Insel Taiwans. Die Ausbeutung natürlicher Ressourcen, die Errichtung industrieller Infrastruktur und andere Unternehmen auf traditionellem indigenen Land sind unter anderem die Auslöser für Umweltungerechtigkeit, wobei negative und positive Auswirkungen ungleich auf die involvierten Parteien aufgeteilt sind. Indigene Gruppen sind hierbei oftmals die Verlierer, da sie durch ihre Vulnerabilität weniger Schutz in Bezug auf die Wahrung ihrer politischen und sozialen Rechte, sowie ihrer Menschenrechte genießen. Die Auswirkungen von anthropogenen Interventionen durch die Regierung auf der Orchideen Insel stehen im Fokus dieser Dissertation, vor allem die Lagerung von Atommüll. In diesen Prozessen wurden die Tao weder informiert noch integriert und seit jeher dominieren Misstrauen und Ablehnung die Beziehung zu Regierungsinstitutionen. Die Tao waren aber nicht nur Opfer von struktureller Diskriminierung und Assimilierungspolitik, sondern konnten durch ihr Empowerment und im Zuge der Grassroots Bewegungen in den 1980ern während der Demokratisierung ihre Lage verbessern und Kompensationen einfordern. Die Tao, vor allem die jüngere Bevölkerung kämpfen heute immer noch gegen das radioaktive Atommülllager, jedoch haben sie Strategien entwickelt um sich gegen Ungerechtigkeiten durch den Staat zu wehren. Durch die Etablierung von Ethnotourismus wird die Revitalisierung der indigenen Kultur vorangetrieben. Das Empowerment der Tao verfolgt außerdem das Ziel die lokale Ökonomie zu stärken um sich somit mehr Selbstbestimmung zu verschaffen. Die Dissertation verbindet sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungsmethoden, wie sie in der Kultur- und Sozialanthropologie angewendet werden, mit Theorien der Umweltgerechtigkeit, Indigenismus, Empowerment und Governance. Qualitative Forschungsmethoden, wie teilnehmende Beobachtung und verschiedene Formen von Interviews werden zur Datenerhebung herangezogen, wobei die Interviewsprachen Chinesisch und Englisch sind. Quantitative Daten komplementieren den empirischen Teil. Die Evaluierung der Daten und ihre Analyse bilden das Rückgrat der Erkenntnisse im Forschungsprozess.

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Curriculum Vitae

Rosa Enn, Magistra

Nationality: Austrian

EDUCATION

2011- 03/2015 Enrolled in a PhD Program at the University of Vienna, Austria, Department for Social and Cultural Anthropology. Thesis: “Empowerment of the Indigenous Tao to Approach Environmental Justice”. Specialization: • Applied Anthropology, Social Scientific Research Methods • Indigenism, Indigeneity • International Human Rights Law • (Environmental and Minority) Governance 2004 – 2007 Bachelor studies in Sinology (Chinese), University of Vienna, Austria, Department of East Asian Studies/Sinology & University of Zurich, Department of Sinology Specialization: • Mandarin Chinese (simplified and traditional) • Professional Competency in China and Taiwan Studies 2002 - 2009 Magistra (Master of Arts) in Social and Cultural Anthropology, University of Vienna, Austria. Thesis: “Democratization and Development of Human Rights in the case of the Indigenous Tao People in Taiwan” (graduated with distinction). Specialization: • Minority Management, Indigenous Peoples‘ Human Rights • Conflict and Peace Studies • Application of Social Scientific Research Methods 10/04 - 07/2005 Erasmus Exchange Year, University of Zurich, Switzerland Affiliated institution: Ethnologisches Seminar 2001 Maturité Diploma (Economics section Type E), Zurich, Switzerland

SELECTED AWARDS

2013 Marietta Blau Scholarship: Austrian Ministry of Science and Research (12.000,-- Euro) 2014, 2012 KWA-Scholarship: Vienna University (1.950.-- Euro) 2012 PhD Research Fellowship: Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (350.000,-- NT$) Affiliated institution: Academia Sinica, Taipei 2012, 2011, 2008 Förderungsstipendium, scholarship: Vienna University (each 1.050,-- Euro) 2011 Young Scholar Prize – Competition of the 5. Conference of Development, Mattersburger Kreis 2011 Selected Candidate of “International Youth Week - Centennial Homestay“ in Taiwan: Taiwanese Ministry of Culture 2011, 2010 GSK-Graduiertenförderung, scholarship: Austrian Ministry of Science and Research

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FIELD RESEARCHES

04/14 – 05/2014 in Taiwan for dissertation, affiliated institution: Academia Sinica, Taiwan 04/13 - 11/2013 in Taiwan for dissertation, Research Fellow, affiliated institution: Academia Sinica 03/12 - 12/2012 in Taiwan for dissertation, Research Fellow, affiliated institution: Academia Sinica 08/11 - 09/2011 in Taiwan for dissertation; invited by Taiwanese Ministry of Culture 11/09 - 03/2010 in Brazil, on Belo Monte hydroelectric power plant and forced labor, affiliated institution: Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Museu National 08/08 - 10/2008 in Taiwan for diploma thesis; affiliated institution: Academia Sinica

LANGUAGES

• German: native speaker • English: fluent • Chinese: Mandarin (simplified and traditional): good academic knowledge • Portuguese: good knowledge • French: good academic knowledge

LECTURING

Indigenous Movement and the Environment University of Vienna, Vienna Center for Taiwan Studies, Vienna Taiwan Lecture Series, (Dr. Astrid Lipinsky) 3 December 2014 Environmental Justice in Taiwan – the Indigenous Tao of Orchid Island University of Zurich, Asia-Orient Institute, Seminar (Dr. Simona Grano): Governance in Taiwan, 27 November 2013 The Impacts of Modernity on the Ethnicity of Orchid Island’s Tao people Chang Jung Christian University, Taiwan, Graduate Institute of Taiwan Studies, Workshop (Dr. Jens Damm): Ethnicity and Gender in Taiwan, 24 October 2013 The Environment and Modernity on the Tao, Orchid Island National Chengchi University, Taiwan, Dept. for Asia-Pacific Studies, Seminar (Prof. David Blundell): Cultural and Ethnic Structure of Taiwan, 8 October 2013

PUBLICATIONS

Forthcoming Anthropogenic Intervention on Indigenous Land – Nuclear Waste on Orchid Island, Impacts, Challenges, and Legal Empowerment in: Academia Sinica & Shung Ye Museum (eds.): Formosa Aboriginal Peoples, Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc. Indigenous Movements in Taiwan – Reciprocity of Empowerment and Governance in: Lipinsky, Astrid (ed.): Social Movements, Lit Verlag (in peer-review). 2014 The Challenge of Environmental Changes for Indigenous Peoples in: Lipinsky, Astrid (ed.): Immigration Societies. Taiwan and Beyond. Vienna Taiwan Studies Series, Vienna: LIT Verlag, pp. 49-104. Re-learning of Traditional Knowledge in Times of Modernity” in: Campus Wide Information Systems - The International Journal of Information and Learning Technology, Vol. 31 Iss. 1, pp. 14-23 Emerald Online Journal (peer-reviewed): http://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/CWIS-08-2013-0038.

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2013 The Challenge of Modernity for the Indigenous Tao in Taiwan in: The American Anthropologist, Anthropology News, Online Journal: http://www.anthropology-news.org/ index.php/2013/07/09/challenge-of-modernity-for-the-indigenous-tao-in-taiwan/ 2012 Indigenous Empowerment through Collective Learning in: The Multicultural Education & Technology Journal. Vol. 6 Iss: 3, pp. 149 – 161. Emerald Online Journal (peer- reviewed): http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17504971211253994. The Dao - Power and Powerlessness of Indigenous People in Times of Transition in Taiwan“ in: Schick-Chen, Agnes & Lipinsky, Astrid (eds.): „Justice Restored? Between Rehabilitation and Reconciliation in China and Taiwan” Vienna: Peter Lang, pp. 153 -182. Self-empowerment der Dao. Revitalisierungsprozesse einer indigenen Bevölkerungsgruppe in Taiwan in: Peschek, Sonja (ed.): „Die Indigenen Völker Taiwans. Vorträge zu Geschichte und Gesellschaft Taiwans“, Vienna: Peter Lang, pp. 51-78.

SELECTED CONFERENCE CONTRIUBUTIONS

Anthropogenic Intervention on Indigenous Land - Nuclear Waste on Orchid Island – Impacts, Challenges, and Legal Empowerment, International Conference, Academia Sinica & Shung Ye Museum, Taipei 15-18 September, 2014 The Impacts of Modernity on the Indigenous Tao of Orchid Island, “International Conference on Island Development 2013”, International Geographical Union Commission on Islands, Penghu Archipelago, Taiwan, 1-5 October, 2013 Vulnerability, Environmental Governance and Indigenous Peoples’ Human Rights, International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS 8), Macao, 24-27 June, 2013 Empowerment of Indigenous Tao aiming Environmental Justice, International Conference: Social movements, rights discourses and citizenship: social and political developments in Taiwan in a regional perspective, National Chengchi University, Taipei, 6-7/11/12 Environmental Changes – a Threat for the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan and the Chance for Environmental Justice, ClimMig Conference on Human Rights, Environmental Change, Migration and Displacement, Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Human Rights, Vienna,18–20 Sept. 2012; Belo Monte – A Threat for Indigenous Peoples or the Chance for Environmental Justice? 5. Entwicklungstagung, JungforscherInnen Kreis, Krems, Austria, 14-16/10/2011 Migration of Indigenous Peoples due to Environmental Changes, International Seminar: Immigration Societies. A comparative perspective on Austria and Taiwan, Vienna, 30 September-1 Oct., 2011 Environmental Exploitation on Indigenous Peoples´ Land, 10th International SIEF (Societé Internationale pour d'Ethnology et de Folklore) Congress: People make Places- ways of feeling the world, Lisbon, 17-21 April, 2011 Power and Powerlessness of the Indigenous Dao in Times of Transitional Justice, Bilateral Conference (Taiwan and Austria): Justice and Injustice Problems in Transitional Societies: Taiwan and China, invited by National Chengchi University, Taipei, 27-28 September, 2010

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