Palestinian-Israeli Conflict
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The Hezbollah-Israeli
The Hizbullah-Israeli War: an American Perspective Aaron David Miller It was unusual for an Israeli Prime Minster to break open a bottle of champagne in front of American negotiators at a formal meeting. But that’s exactly what Shimon Peres did. It was late April 1996, and Peres was marking the end of a bloody three week border confrontation with Hizbullah diffused only by an intense ten day shuttle orchestrated by Secretary of State Warren Christopher. Those understandings negotiated between the governments of Israel and Syria (the latter standing in for Hizbullah) would create an Israeli-Lebanese monitoring group, co-chaired by the United States and France. These arrangements were far from perfect, but contributed, along with on-again-off-again Israeli-Syrian negotiations, to an extended period of relative calm along the Israeli- Lebanese border. The April understandings would last until Israel’s withdrawal. The recent summer war between Hizbullah and Israel, triggered by the Shia militia’s attack on an Israeli patrol on July 12, masked a number of other factors which would set the stage for the confrontation as well as the Bush administration’s response. Six years of relative quiet had witnessed Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon in June of 2000, a steady supply of Katushya rockets—both short and long range—from Iran to Hizbullah, the collapse of Israel’s negotiations with Syria and the Palestinians, and the onset of the worst Israeli-Palestinian war in half a century. A perfect storm was brewing, spawned by the empowerment of both Hizbullah and Hamas, Iranian reach into the Arab-Israeli zone, Syria’s forced withdrawal from Lebanon, a determination by Israel to restore its strategic deterrence in the wake of unilateral withdrawals from Lebanon and Gaza, and an inexperienced Israeli prime minister and defense minister uncertain of how that should be done. -
HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME for a NEW POLICY? by Tally Helfont
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org October 2010 HAMAS DIVIDED: TIME FOR A NEW POLICY? By Tally Helfont Tally Helfont is an FPRI research fellow. Her research focuses on Middle East-related issues and radical Islamic movements. She has also instructed training courses on behalf of K3 Enterprises in Civil Information Management to U.S. Military Civil Affairs Units and Human Terrain Teams assigned to Iraq and Afghanistan. September 2010 marked the beginning of renewed peace negotiations in the Middle East. The American-brokered talks took some time to restart—18-months to be exact—and its two primary participants, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, were reluctant at best. The parties met on three separate occasions: in Washington D.C. from September 1-2, in Sharm El-Sheikh from September 13-14, and at the Israeli Prime Minister's official residence in Jerusalem on September 15. It is difficult to say whether there was any tangible progress achieved during these meetings, but as it currently stands, the continuation of these efforts is uncertain, and some would even say, unlikely. The United States, on the one hand, and Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia on the other, are exerting significant diplomatic pressure to bridge the current gaps and bring the two sides back to the negotiating table. But what about those who seek to obstruct such efforts? Chief among this camp is the Islamic Resistance Movement, Hamas. Through numerous statements and acts of violence, Hamas seemed intent on attracting attention during this period of negotiations. -
J Street Sides with Israel's Enemies & Works to Destroy Support for Israel
ZIONIST ORGANIZATION OF AMERICA J Street Sides With Israel’s Enemies & Works to Destroy Support for Israel Special Report Including Executive Summary by The Zionist Organization of America by Morton A. Klein, Elizabeth Berney, Esq., and Daniel Mandel, PhD “J Street is one of the most virulent anti-Israel organizations in the history of Zionism and Judaism.” - Prof. Alan Dershowitz, Harvard Law School Copyright 2018, Zionist Organization of America CONTENTS Table of Contents . i Executive Summary . ES-00 - ES-13 Full Report . 1 Introduction . 1 I. J Street’s Anti-Israel, Foreign & Muslim Donors, and Its Lies About Them. 1 (1) For years, J Street Falsely Denied that Anti-Zionist Billionaire George Soros Was A Major J Street Funder . 1 (2) J Street’s Arab, Muslim and Foreign Donors . 4 II. J Street’s Interconnected Web Of Extremist Anti-Israel Organizations . 9 (1) J Street Is Part of a Soros-Funded Web of Anti-Israel Organizations . 9 (2) J Street Is Also Part of an Interconnected Web of Extremist Organizations Working to Delegitimize Israel, Founded by and/or Coordinated by J Street President Ben-Ami’s Consulting Firm . 11 III. J Street Persistently Even Opposes Israel’s Existence, Persistently Defames and Condemns Israel, And Has Even Encouraged Anti-Israel Violence. 12 (1) J Street Persistently Maligns and Blames Israel . 12 (2) J Street Speakers Have Called for the End of the Jewish State; and a J Street Official Letter to Congress Supported Those Calling for an End to Israel’s Existence . 15 (3) J Street’s Co-Founder Condemned Israel’s Creation As “Wrong” – A Repeated J Street Theme . -
A Survey of Textbooks Most Commonly Used to Teach the Arab-Israeli
A Critical Survey of Textbooks on the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Working Paper No. 1 │ April 2017 Uzi Rabi Chelsi Mueller MDC Working Paper Series The views expressed in the MDC Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies or Tel Aviv University. MDC Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. They are circulated for discussion purposes only. Their contents should be considered preliminary and are not to be reproduced without the authors' permission. Please address comments and inquiries about the series to: Dr. Chelsi Mueller Research Fellow The MDC for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 6997801 Israel Email: [email protected] Tel: +972-3-640-9100 US: +1-617-787-7131 Fax: +972-3-641-5802 MDC Working Paper Series Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the research assistants and interns who have contributed significantly to this research project. Eline Rosenhart was with the project from the beginning to end, cataloging syllabi, constructing charts, reading each text from cover to cover, making meticulous notes, transcribing meetings and providing invaluable editorial assistance. Rebekka Windus was a critical eye and dedicated consultant during the year-long reading phase of the project. Natasha Spreadborough provided critical comments and suggestions that were very instrumental during the reading phase of this project. Ben Mendales, the MDC’s project management specialist, was exceptionally receptive to the needs of the team and provided vital logistical support. Last but not least, we are deeply grateful to Prof. -
Reviving a Regional Approach
Reviving a Regional Approach Gilead Sher and Liran Ofek Despite the physical demarcation of the zone of the recent military !"#$!"%&%'!"()*%+**"(,-$&*.(&"/(0&1&-2(%3*()$!&/*$( !"%*4%(+*"%(+*..( beyond the geographical area and the ranges of the rockets shot from it. The operation illustrated the convergence of interests between Israel and 5$&)(-%&%*-2( 3'*\7(897:%(;"/*$(5)/*.(<&%%&3(*.=>'-'2(+3' 3('-(!" *(&9&'"( :.&7'"9(&( *"%$&.(&"/('"\;*"%'&.($!.*('"(%3*(*##!$%-(%!(:$!1!%*(&( *&-*[$*@( Moreover, after the operation, Israeli cabinet ministers spoke of the need to promote a regional initiative, either to achieve a long term solution concerning 0&1&- A and/or as an alternative to bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. 2 0&-(&(#!;"/&%'!"()**"( $*&%*/(#!$(&(:&$&/'91(-3'#%(M(#$!1(&(#$&1*+!$C( of bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians to multilateral $*9'!"&.(/'&.!9;*D(,-$&*.R-(!#[ '&.(-%&" *(%!+&$/(%3*(5$&)(F*& *(,"'%'&%'G*2( which is a proposed framework for multilateral engagement, has remained rather skeptical, and many still see it as a prescription for surrender more than an invitation to negotiations. 3 On the other hand, those who support a $*9'!"&.(#!$1&%()*.'*G*(%3&%(%3*(5$&)('"'%'&%'G*('-(1*&"%(%!(.*G*$&9*('"%*$*-%-( !11!"(%!(,-$&*.(&"/(-!1*(!#(%3*(.*&/'"9(5$&)(-%&%*-(H897:%2(>&;/'(5$&)'&2( I!$/&"2(&"/(%3*(J"'%*/(5$&)(81'$&%*-K2(&"/(%3&%(%!(%3'-(*"/2('%(-3!;./()*( reexamined as a framework for negotiations. L3*(5$&)(F*& *(,"'%'&%'G*(+&-(&""!;" */('"(MNNM2(O;-%()*#!$*(P:*$&%'!"( Q*#*"-'G*(>3'*./2(&"/(3&-(-'" -
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel
Armed Conflicts Report - Israel Armed Conflicts Report Israel-Palestine (1948 - first combat deaths) Update: February 2009 Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Economic Factors Summary: 2008 The situation in the Gaza strip escalated throughout 2008 to reflect an increasing humanitarian crisis. The death toll reached approximately 1800 deaths by the end of January 2009, with increased conflict taking place after December 19th. The first six months of 2008 saw increased fighting between Israeli forces and Hamas rebels. A six month ceasefire was agreed upon in June of 2008, and the summer months saw increased factional violence between opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah. Israel shut down the border crossings between the Gaza strip and Israel and shut off fuel to the power plant mid-January 2008. The fuel was eventually turned on although blackouts occurred sporadically throughout the year. The blockade was opened periodically throughout the year to allow a minimum amount of humanitarian aid to pass through. However, for the majority of the year, the 1.5 million Gaza Strip inhabitants, including those needing medical aid, were trapped with few resources. At the end of January 2009, Israel agreed to the principles of a ceasefire proposal, but it is unknown whether or not both sides can come to agreeable terms and create long lasting peace in 2009. 2007 A November 2006 ceasefire was broken when opposing Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah renewed fighting in April and May of 2007. In June, Hamas led a coup on the Gaza headquarters of Fatah giving them control of the Gaza Strip. -
An Unusual Revolution: the Palestinian Thawra in Lebanon, C
Durham Middle East Papers AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Dr Anne Irfan Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 Durham Middle East Papers Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Durham University Al-Qasimi Building Elvet Hill Road Durham AN UNUSuaL REVOLUTION: Durham Middle East Papers No. 103 DH1 3TU ISSN 1476-4830 THE PALESTINIAN THAWra IN LEBANON, C. 1969-82 Tel: +44 (0)191 3345680 September 2020 The Durham Middle East Papers series covers all aspects of the economy, politics, social science, history, literature and languages of the Middle East. Authors are invited to submit papers to the Editorial Board for consideration for publication. Dr Anne Irfan The views expressed in this paper are the author(s) alone and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher or IMEIS. All Rights Reserved. This paper cannot be photocopied or reproduced without prior permission. Durham Middle East Paper No. 103 © Dr Anne Irfan and Durham University, 2020 About The Institute Editorial Board The Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (IMEIS), within the Professor Anoush Ehteshami Dr Colin Turner School of Government & International Affairs, is a Social Science-focused Exofficio member Reader in Islamic Thought in academic institute of excellence, research-led in ethos, with a track-record of Professor of International Relations the School of Government and internationally acclaimed research outputs across all sub-areas of its activity. in the School of -
Reporter Seeks E-Mail Addresses for E-Mail Blasts Temple Beth-El Of
December 6-12, 2019 Published by the Jewish Federation of Greater Binghamton Volume XLVIII, Number 49 BINGHAMTON, NEW YORK Reporter seeks e-mail addresses for e-mail blasts By Reporter staff Reporter executive editor. “Now you can content coming after the new year. give our community a ‘worldly reach.’” The Reporter is about to launch its new find out ahead of time. The e-mail blast Besides our paper copy, we want www. Esserman added, “We’re looking for- website and will begin e-mail blasts with will include links to selected local articles thereportergroup.org to be your source ward to launching the new website and headlines, blurbs and website links for arti- so you can be ahead of the curve.” for Jewish news and happenings. Our are very excited about the changes that cles from the upcoming issue of the paper. Jenn DePersis, Reporter production homepage will have up-to-the-minute are coming.” Anyone interested in receiving these e-mail coordinator and webmaster, noted, “The ‘World Jewish News’ via a Jewish The e-mail blast will arrive a day or two blasts should e-mail thebingreporter@gmail. e-mail blasts will be a sneak peek of Telegrahic Agency news ticker. Our before the paper arrives in people’s mail- com with the subject line “e-mail blast.” what to expect every week. Our newly readers will find it easier to visit us on- boxes. It will also be easier to follow local “Looking to check out the book review designed site will feature an easy-to-nav- line and share the articles they like with events when people are away from home, column or see what’s appearing on our igate design, as well as frequent content friends and family. -
Peace Education, Tolerance, and Acknowledgment of Palestinian Narratives and Suffering in the 2019-2020 Israeli Curriculum
Peace Education, Tolerance, and Acknowledgment of Palestinian Narratives and Suffering in the 2019-2020 Israeli Curriculum Grades 1–12 Selected Examples March 2020 Website: www.impact-se.org 1 1. History, Grades 11-12, Knowing History- Nationalism in Israel and the Nations- Building a state in the Middle East, E. Dumka, C. Orbach and T. Goldberg, 2009, p. 802. Permit No. 4215; History, Grade 11-12, Time Travels: Building a Country in the Middle East, K. Avieli-Tabibian, 2009, p. 209. Permit Number: 4218. Visualization of peace with the Palestinians is presented by both Rabin and Netanyahu signing peace treaties with Yasser Arafat. 2. History, Grades 11-11, Knowing history - Nationalism in Israel and Nations – Building a State in the Middle East, A. Nave, N. Vered, D. Shachar, 2009. p. 272. Permit number: 4200. The following section contains a quote from Yitzhak Rabin discussing the desire of Israel to achieve peace with the Palestinians, in reference to the signing of the Oslo Accords. Rabin believed that the signing of the accords would bring about peace in the region. 2 3. Jewish Culture, Grade 8, Being Different and Making a Difference in the World, Hartman Institute, 2018, p.115. Permit No. 3350. Students are taught about coexistence between Jews and Palestinians in East Jerusalem in a chapter titled “Between Israel and Other Countries and the Attitude to Non-Jewish People”. A picture of a Palestinian and Jewish girl hugging is illustrated to describe positive relations between Arab and Jewish youth in Jerusalem. 4. Homeland, Society, and Civics, Grade 4, Young Israelis – Yazan from Tamara, S. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
FROM PEACE to WAR: RELIGHTING the FLAMES of the ISRAEL – PALESTINE CONFLICT David Newman
94 Articles Section FROM PEACE TO WAR: RELIGHTING THE FLAMES OF THE ISRAEL – PALESTINE CONFLICT David Newman INTRODUCTION In the space of twelve months, the hopes of reaching a solution to the Israel- Palestine conflict have undergone a major downturn, from the near agreement reached at Camp David to a renewal of violence and the deterioration of the situation to one which has not been experienced in over thirty years of West Bank and Gaza occupation. The renewal in terrorism, roadside explosions, suicide bombers – not just in the West Bank and Gaza but inside sovereign Israel, even Tel Aviv, itself – and the hard-line retaliation of the right-wing Israeli government, including the use of helicopter raids and sophisticated missile attacks on Palestinian targets, have created a situation that is the closest to full out war between Israel and the Palestinians that has been experienced so far. Camp David – The summer 2000 Camp David summit was perceived, at the time, as being the opportunity to reach a final agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Why Did it Fail? Authority. The Agreement would provide for the establishment of an independent Palestinian State on approximately 90-95% of the area of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; the removal of most Israeli settlements in the West Bank, thus allowing for territorial integrity and compactness for the Palestinian State; and, ensuring a declaration to the effect that this would signal the end to the century-old conflict between the two peoples. The active participation of the leaders themselves, Prime Minister Ehud Barak of Israel, Chairman Yasser Arafat of the Palestinian Authority and President Bill Clinton of the United States, was a clear indication that this was the final stage in the long process, which had began in Madrid (1991) and Oslo (1993).