Monetary System Delayed by Farm Issue •••••• L Uniform Standard
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Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies Are Often Classified According to the Form of Government That They Have
Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies are often classified according to the form of government that they have: • Parliamentary • Presidential • Semi-Presidential Legislative responsibility refers to a situation in which a legislative majority has the constitutional power to remove a government from office without cause. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. The defining feature of presidential democracies is that they do not have legislative responsibility. • US Government Shutdown, click here In contrast, parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies both have legislative responsibility. • PM Question Time (UK), click here In addition to legislative responsibility, semi-presidential democracies also have a head of state who is popularly elected for a fixed term. A head of state is popularly elected if she is elected through a process where voters either (i) cast a ballot directly for a candidate or (ii) they cast ballots to elect an electoral college, whose sole purpose is to elect the head of state. -
Issue No. 461 Report No. 331, November 16, 19,7
Issue No. 461 Report No. 331, November 16, 19,7 IN THIS ISSUE page CoIIlIIlunity: Amendment of Tax Arbitration Proposal? ••.•• ! Brussels Welcomes EC Court's Metro Decision .••••••.••• 2 France: Paris Moves to Stall Food Price Increases •••.• 3 Italy: Employers Push for 'Corporate Statute' ••••.•..• 4 Switzerland: Bern to Make Another VAT Attempt •.••.•••• 5 'Chiasso' Bank Faces High Tax, Interest Claims •••.•••• 5 Germany: More Recycling Averts Packaging Curbs •.•••••• 6 Portugal: Steep Tax Increases in Draft Budget ••••••••• 7 Euro Company Scene ... ,, ............ ,,,,,,, ... ,,,,.,,,, 8 Community: Now that both the European Parliament (EP) and the Economic •Amendment of and Social Committee (ESC) have submitted their comments on Tax Arbitration the European Commission's proposal for an arbitration pro- Proposal? cedure to eliminate double taxation, Commission tax experts are studying the reports with a view toward perhaps amend ing the measure. The objective of the draft directive is to offer a way of avoiding the double taxation of profits transferred "artificially" between associated enterprises established in different member states. It is believed that multinational companies in particular have been using this device of disguised and artificial profit transfers in numerous ways (for example, by demanding excessive patent fees). Under present circumstances, a member state's tax au thorities may slap a higher tax on a parent company that has in effect reduced its tax liability by transferring profits to a subsidiary in another state. Yet, tax author ities in the latter state may not necessarily lower their assessment accordingly. The draft proposes that in such a case a special arbitration commission, composed of national tax officials and independent persons, would work out a so lution in order to eliminate double taxation (Common Market Reports, Par. -
Forming a Government in the Event of a Hung Parliament: the UK's Recognition Rules in Comparative
Forming a government in the event of a hung parliament The UK’s recognition rules in comparative context Petra Schleiter Department of Politics and International Relations University of Oxford Valerie Belu Department of Politics and International Relations University of Oxford (Graduate Student) Robert Hazell The Constitution Unit University College London May 2016 ISBN: 978-1-903903-73-5 Published by: The Constitution Unit School of Public Policy University College London 29-31 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU United Kingdom Tel: 020 7679 4977 Fax: 020 7679 4978 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/ Department of Politics and International Relations Manor Road Building Manor Road Oxford OX1 3UQ United Kingdom Tel: 01865 278700 Email: [email protected] Web: www.politics.ox.ac.uk © The Constitution Unit, UCL & DPIR, University of Oxford 2016 This report is sold subject to the condition that is shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. First Published May 2016 Front cover image copyright Crown Copyright/ Number 10 Flickr 2009 Contents Executive summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 The need for clearer rules on government formation .................................................................... -
The Rise and Fall of the Oslo School
Nordic Journal of Political Economy Volume 33 2007 Article 1 The Rise and Fall of the Oslo School ‡ Ib E. Eriksen* Tore Jørgen Hanisch † Arild Sæther * University of Agder, Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences, Kristiansand, Norway ‡ University of Agder, Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences, Kristiansand, Norway † University of Agder, Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences, Kristiansand, Norway This article can be dowloaded from: http://www.nopecjournal.org/NOPEC_2007_a01.pdf Other articles from the Nordic Journal of Political Economy can be found at: http://www.nopecjournal.org The Rise and Fall of the Oslo School 1 Ib E. Eriksen, Tore Jørgen Hanisch1, Arild Sæther The Rise and Fall of the Oslo School2 Abstract In 1931 Ragnar Frisch became professor at the University of Oslo. By way of his research, a new study programme and new staff he created the ”Oslo School”, characterised by mathematical modelling, econometrics, economic planning and scepticism towards the market economy. Consequently, detailed state economic planning and governance dominated Norwegian economic policy for three decades after WWII. In the 1970s the School’s dominance came to an end when the belief in competitive markets gained a foothold and the economy had poor performance. As a result a decentralized market economy was reintroduced. However, mathematical modelling and econometrics remain in the core of most economic programmes. JEL classification: B23, B29,B31, B59, O21, P41, P51 1. Introduction The main purpose of this presentation is to tell the story of how Ragnar Frisch founded the so-called Oslo School in economics, and secondly, to outline the main features of this School and investigate its major influence on the Norwegian post-war economy. -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 09/23/2021 12:29:26PM Via Free Access Austria Belgium
Section 5 Data relating to political systems THE COUNTRIES OF WESTERN EUROPE referendum. The constitutional court (Verfassungsgerichtshof ) determines the constitutionality of legislation and Austria executive acts. Population 8.1 million (2000) Current government The 1999 Capital Vienna election brought to an end the Territory 83,857 sq. km 13-year government coalition GDP per capita US$25,788 (2000) between the Social Democratic Party Unemployment 3.7 per cent of of Austria (SPÖ) and Austrian workforce (2000) People’s Party (ÖVP), which had State form Republic. The Austrian been under considerable strain. When constitution of 1920, as amended in the two parties failed to reach a 1929, was restored on 1 May 1945. On coalition agreement, Austria found 15 May 1955, the four Allied Powers itself short of viable alternatives. The signed the State Treaty with Austria, record gains of the radical right ending the occupation and Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) had recognising Austrian independence. changed the balance of power within Current head of state President the party system. The other two Thomas Klestil (took office 8 July numerically viable coalitions – 1992, re-elected 1998). SPÖ/FPÖ or ÖVP/FPÖ – had been State structure A federation with nine ruled out in advance by the two provinces (Länder), each with its own mainstream parties. An attempt by the constitution, legislature and SPÖ to form a minority government government. failed. Finally, a coalition was formed Government The president appoints the between the ÖVP and FPÖ under prime minister (chancellor), and, on Wolfgang Schüssel (ÖVP) and the chancellor’s recommendation, a reluctantly sworn in by President cabinet (Council of Ministers) of Klestil on 5 February 2000. -
Do Coalition Partners Drift Apart Or Stick Together? an Analysis of Party Platform Changes in 8 Western European Countries
Do Coalition Partners Drift Apart or Stick Together? An analysis of party platform changes in 8 Western European countries Abstract Coalition governments are the norm in West European democracies. Yet, we do not know whether governing together affects parties’ calculations about setting their pol- icy position in their next election manifesto. Therefore we ask: do coalition parties drift apart or stick together after a spell in office? We hypothesize that government parties stick together in anticipation of government continuation. Coalition parties are more likely to expect continuation if they are popular, have no inter-party conflict and have experience in co-governing. If this is not the case, coalition parties drift apart as they seek new coalition formation opportunities. We empirically substanti- ate our hypotheses with an innovative measure of party platform change analyzing 1,193 platform changes in 8 European democracies between 1968 and 2013 using new opinion poll data and several existing data sets. We demonstrate that parties plant the seeds of future coalition participation in their platforms: the more experienced and the more popular coalition parties are, the more they converge. Encountering conflict, on the contrary, leads them to diverge. Key words: Political Parties’ Strategies, Coalition Government, Coordination of Party Platforms, Political Decision Making In 1982, the mutual dislike between Joop den Uyl, the leader of the Dutch Social Democrats (PvdA), and Dries van Agt, the leader of the Christian Democrats (CDA), had reached its zenith. The coalition government consisting of these two parties and D66 collapsed. A few months later, new elections followed, where the CDA had shifted their position to the right, closer to its alternative coalition partner the Liberal Conserva- tives (VVD). -
Hva Skal Vi Gjøre Med Oljerikdommen?
Hva skal vi gjøre med oljerikdommen? Forvaltningen av Norges petroleumsinntekter fra 1970 til 2001 Vegard Røneid Erikstad Masteroppgave i historie Institutt for arkeologi, konservering og historie Det humanistiske fakultet UNIVERSITETET I OSLO Våren 2016 i Hva skal vi gjøre med oljerikdommen? Forvaltningen av Norges petroleumsinntekter fra 1970 til 2001 Vegard Røneid Erikstad Masteroppgave i historie Institutt for arkeologi, konservering og historie Det humanistiske fakultet Universitetet i Oslo Våren 2016 ii © Vegard Røneid Erikstad 2016 Hva skal vi gjøre med oljerikdommen? - Forvaltningen av Norges petroleumsinntekter fra 1970 til 2001 Vegard Røneid Erikstad http://www.duo.uio.no/ Trykk: Webergs Printshop iii Forord Å skrive en masteroppgave er en lang og ensom reise. Det er en stor oppgave du til syvende og sist må fullføre alene. Jeg var ikke helt forberedt på hva jeg tok fatt på. Valget av tema for oppgaven gjorde det nok ikke mye enklere for meg, men det gjorde reisen interessant og lærerik, kanskje til og med nyttig. Reisen har ikke bare vært ensom. Underveis har jeg blitt kjent med mange på masterprogrammet i historie, som jeg kommer til å ha kontakt med lenge. Jeg vil først og fremst takke Even Lange for uvurderlig veiledning. Han har vært tålmodig, grundig, konstruktiv, ærlig og hyggelig. Jeg kunne ikke bedt om en bedre veileder. Hjelp og støtte har jeg også fått fra andre. Mamma og pappa har lest gjennom og gitt innspill. Kirsti har gjort det samme, og hun har oppmuntret meg hele veien. I tillegg vil jeg trekke frem min tvillingbror, Anders, som også leverer masteroppgave nå. Vi har vært i samme situasjon, og vi har kunnet dele våre gleder og sorger. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
Bd. 5: Deutsch- 29 Hs
willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe Herausgegeben von helga grebing, gregor schöllgen und heinrich august winkler Im Auftrag der Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung band 1: Hitler ist nicht Deutschland. Jugend in Lübeck – Exil in Norwegen 1928 – 1940 band 2: Zwei Vaterländer. Deutsch-Norweger im schwedischen Exil – Rückkehr nach Deutschland 1940 – 1947 band 3: Berlin bleibt frei. Politik in und für Berlin 1947 – 1966 band 4: Auf dem Weg nach vorn. Willy Brandt und die SPD 1947 – 1972 band 5: Die Partei der Freiheit. Willy Brandt und die SPD 1972 – 1992 band 6: Ein Volk der guten Nachbarn. Außen- und Deutschlandpolitik 1966 – 1974 band 7: Mehr Demokratie wagen. Innen- und Gesellschaftspolitik 1966 – 1974 band 8: Über Europa hinaus. Dritte Welt und Sozialistische Internationale band 9: Die Entspannung unzerstörbar machen. Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage 1974 – 1982 band 10: Gemeinsame Sicherheit. Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage 1982 – 1992 willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe band 5 Die Partei der Freiheit Willy Brandt und die SPD 1972 – 1992 Bearbeitet von karsten rudolph Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf. GmbH Die Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung bedankt sich für die groß- zügige finanzielle Unterstützung der gesamten Berliner Ausgabe bei: Frau Ursula Katz, Northbrook, Illinois Alfried Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach-Stiftung, Essen Otto Wolff von Amerongen-Stiftung, Köln Stiftungsfonds Deutsche Bank im Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft e. V., Essen Stiftung Deutsche Klassenlotterie Berlin Deutsche Druck- und Verlagsgesellschaft mbH, Hamburg Bankgesellschaft Berlin AG Herlitz AG, Berlin Metro AG, Köln Schering AG, Berlin Bibliografische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; dataillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. -
November 16,1979 Wing Gains in Local Elections
November 16,1979 KEESING'S CONTEMPORARY ARCHIVES 29939 A. NORWAY Cabinet Reshuffle following punishment - Right_ had been abolished under ordinary criminal law in wing Gains in Local Elections - Complete Abofido; of 1905, the dealh penalry could still be Capital invoked in iime of war Punishment - Extension of Barents Sea Fishing u-nder.tne,mrhtary penal code (as it was after the Second Wtrld Agreement with Soviet Union War in the case of certain collaborators *iif, if,. German occupying forces). Following a serious setback for the Labour party in local ..Grey electionselecnons:ctions heldnetd on sept.Sept. l6-1716-17 andand corresponding gains for the Extension of Barents Sea Zone" Fishins Asreement wilh rigtrt, an extensive reshuffle of the minority Libour Cabinet Soviet Union - Crash of Soviet \4'arplane dn forwegian Territory Ied bybv Mr Odvar Nordli was announcedennnrrnned ^-on Oct.A^r 5.< TheTl,- ^h-----changes constituted the first major reorganization of the Cabinet siice . T!.e Noryggian-Soviet provisional agreement on fishing in the disputed Mr Nordli assumed the premiership in January 1976 [see "grey zone" of the Barents Sea-which had blen signed in January 1978 ?75-!p A!, although_following the September 1977 elections fsee [see 2890j A) and which had been 28670 Al certain adjustments had been made in Januarv and extended for a l2-month period from July l, 1978-was December 1978 [see 28833 B; 29445 B]. extended-for a further year under an exchange of letters be- tween officials in Oslo on July 19'19. Sincelhe signature In the local elections the Labour Party's share the vote fell l, of of to the provisional fishing agreement, negotiations 36.5 per cent compared with 38.1 per cent in the corresponding elec- had continued tions in 1975 and 42.4 per cent in the 1977 general election,-while on the substantive issue of the delimitation of the Barents Sea that of the Conservatives increased to 29.2 per cent from 22.6 per {see also 276m A), but by mid-October 1979 no agreement cent in 1975 and 24.7 per cent in 1977. -
Fabian Report on a Wealth
FABIAN POLICY REPORT A UNIQUE CONTRIBUTION Reducing budget deficits and tackling inequality with a one-off wealth tax, by Nick Donovan. Foreword by Dan Jarvis MP. About the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is a non-profit German political foundation committed to the advancement of public policy issues in the spirit of the basic values of social democracy through research, education, and international cooperation. The FES, headquartered in Berlin and Bonn, has 13 regional offices throughout Germany and maintains an international network of offices in more than 100 countries. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung 44 Charlotte Street London W1T 2NR T: +44 (0) 20 7612 1900 [email protected] www.feslondon.org.uk ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS CONTENTS I would like to thank Professor Sir Anthony Atkinson for Preface 2 pointing me towards the history of Labour’s one-off taxes on unearned income; Dr Margit Schratzenstaller-Altzinger, Foreword 3 Deputy director of the Austrian Institute of Economic Summary 4 Research for helpful comments on an earlier draft; Andrew Introduction 6 Harrop and Ed Wallis of the Fabian Society, Ulrich Storck and Silke Breimaier of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, and Max 1 The scale of the fiscal challenge 8 Lawson and David Quentin for their invaluable help and 2 Wealth in the UK 10 advice. Any errors that remain in this report are mine alone. 3 Wealth taxes 14 4 Proposal for a one-off levy on passive wealth 18 5 Discussion 22 Conclusion 26 Endnotes 27 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Nick Donovan is campaign director at Global Witness, an anti-corruption NGO. Previously he was assistant director at the Royal British Legion – following military service in a bomb disposal team in Iraq. -
10. Bundesversammlung Bundesrepublik Deutschland
10. BUNDESVERSAMMLUNG DER BUNDESREPUBLIK DEUTSCHLAND BERLIN, MONTAG, DEN 23. MAI 1994 10. Bundesversammlung — Berlin, Montag, den 23. Mai 1994 Inhalt Eröffnung durch Präsidentin Dr. Rita Süssmuth 3 A Konstituierung der Bundesversammlung . 5 B Zur Geschäftsordnung Dr. Rolf Schlierer (Republikaner) 5 B Erster Wahlgang 6 C Ergebnis des ersten Wahlgangs 7 A Zweiter Wahlgang 7 C Ergebnis des zweiten Wahlgangs 7 C Dritter Wahlgang 8 A Ergebnis des dritten Wahlgangs 8 B Annahme der Wahl durch Dr. Roman Herzog 8 B Ansprache von Dr. Roman Herzog 8 B Schlußworte der Präsidentin Dr. Rita Süssmuth 9 C Liste der Mitglieder der Bundesversammlung, die an der Wahl teilgenommen haben . 10 A Liste der entschuldigten Mitglieder der Bundesversammlung 16 B 10. Bundesversammlung — Berlin, Montag, den 23. Mai 1994 10. Bundesversammlung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Berlin, Montag, den 23. Mai 1994 Stenographischer Bericht Von dieser Stelle aus möchte ich unserem Bundes- präsidenten, Richard von Weizsäcker, und seiner Frau Beginn: 11.00 Uhr Marianne von Weizsäcker unsere herzlichsten Grüße in den Berliner Amtssitz übermitteln Präsidentin Dr. Rita Süssmuth: Meine sehr geehr- (Beifall) ten Damen und Herren! Ich eröffne die 10. Bundesver- sammlung zur Wahl des siebten Präsidenten der Bun- und ihnen danken für ihren hohen Einsatz, für die von desrepublik Deutschland und heiße Sie alle herzlich uns allen hochgeachtete Arbeit für unser Land. willkommen. (Beifall) Ich begrüße die Mitglieder der Bundesversamm- Heute sind wir hier zusammengekommen, um zum lung, unter ihnen Bundeskanzler Helmut Kohl, ersten Mal nach der Vereinigung Deutschlands den Bundespräsidenten aller Deutschen zu wählen. Das (Beifall) ist ein Ereignis, das uns besonders bewegt. die Mitglieder der Bundesregierung, die Ministerprä- Pfingsten und Verfassungstag — welch geeignete- sidenten, Minister und Senatoren der Bundesländer.