Journal of the 2016

GRADUATE CONFERENCE

Breaking the Rules Textual Reflections on Transgression The Journal of the LUCAS Graduate Conference was founded in 2013 to publish a selecton of the best papers presented at the biennial LUCAS Graduate Conference, an internatonal and interdisciplinary humanites conference organized by the Leiden University Centre for the Arts in Society (LUCAS). The peer reviewed journal aims to publish papers that combine an innovatve approach with fresh ideas and solid research and engage with the key theme of the LUCAS, the relatonship and dynamics between the arts and society. SERIES EDITOR Jenneka Janzen EDITORS IN CHIEF Karine Laporte Fleur Praal EDITORIAL BOARD Haohao Lu Thijs Porck Lieke Smits Agnieszka Anna Wołodźko Tessa de Zeeuw SPECIAL THANKS Gerlov van Engelenhoven Leonor Veiga The Journal of the LUCAS Graduate Conference, ISSN 2214-191X, is published once a year, on 1 February, by Leiden University Library (Wite Singel 27, 2311 BG Leiden, the Netherlands). COPYRIGHT © Journal of the LUCAS Graduate Conference, 2016. All rights reserved. No part of this publicaton may be reproduced or transmited in any form or by any means without the prior and writen consent of the Series Editor. DISCLAIMER Statements of fact and opinion in the artcles in the Journal of the LUCAS Graduate Conference are those of the respectve authors and not necessarily of the editors, the LUCAS or Leiden University Library. Neither Leiden University Library nor the LUCAS nor the editors of this journal make any representaton, explicit or implied, in respect of the accuracy of the material in this journal and cannot accept any responsibility or liability for any errors or omissions that may be made. WEBSITE For more informaton about the journal, please see our website at htp://hum.leiden.edu/lucas/jlgc 2016

Breaking the Rules Textual Reflections on Transgression contents

Foreword 1 Barbara Rosenwein, Keynote Speaker, LUCAS Graduate Conference 2015

Introducton 4 Editorial board JLGC-04

Agobard of Lyon, Empire, and Adoptonism: Reusing Heresy to Purify the Faith 8 Rutger Kramer

Model Speakers: the Subversive Potental of Reported Female Speech 24 in the New Testament Gospels Amanda Jarvis

Sinful Catholics and Repentant Protestants? The Penitental Process in the 40 Medieval and Early Modern Traditon of the Twelve Virtues Ine Kiekens

Restricted Movement: Dancing from Late Antquity through the Early 52 Middle Ages Donatella Tronca

Beyond the fammanta moenia mundi: the Transgressive Noton of the 64 Sublime in Lucretus’ De rerum natura Giulia Bonasio Breaking the Rules foreword

BREAKING THE RULES!

If we think about breaking the rules in the abstract, the topic seems straightorward. There are rules, writen or unwriten. Some people break those rules. They have their reasons, and we can speculate about them. They are rewarded, or punished, or experience no consequences; we can trace these various results and talk about why they are the case.

But as soon as we try to apply these observatons to partcular cases, the issue suddenly becomes quite murky. Whose rules are broken when people break the rules? And are they breaking all rules in so doing? Even deviants, as sociologist Howard Becker has argued, create their own sorts of rules. Textual materials are said to follow rules of genre and grammar. But that means that poetry must break the rules of prose and that works in Korean must violate the grammar of writngs in English. Adhering to one set of rules means breaking others.

The LUCAS Graduate Conference of 2015 brought together papers of remarkable variety, all treatng the topic of transgression in one way or another. The texts taken up ranged from the Bible to modern novels. In the end, the theme that united them was less the crossing of boundaries

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 1 BARBARA ROSENWEIN

than the extraordinary variety of ways that human beings found to assert themselves with and against rules – and how they ofen associated with others in doing so.

One might consider the original Judeo-Christan transgressor to be Eve in the Garden of Eden. She knew God’s prohibiton not to eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil lest she die. Indeed, she repeated God’s very words to the serpent. But she had good reasons to violate those words. First, the serpent assured her that she would not die. Second, she “saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was a delight to the eyes, and that the tree was to be desired to make one wise” (Genesis 3:6). She broke God’s law not to transgress per se, but rather because she saw the benefts outweighing the drawbacks: she would probably not die (and we later learn that the serpent was not entrely wrong about that), and she would gain in nourishment, in pleasure, and in wisdom. Moreover, she knew that she was not alone; she immediately recruited her husband. Once she did so, you might say that there were two rule breakers; three if we count the serpent. But another way to view the mater is that these two (or three) were making their own rules. Those rules might roughly be summed up thus: eat food that is good; take pleasure in delights of the senses; and pursue wisdom at every opportunity.

Augustne recognized this new set of rules as original sin. Today we have largely adopted them as our own. But we may also recognize another

2 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE BARBARA ROSENWEIN

implicaton: transgression of one set of rules brings with it another set. Had Adam refused to eat, he would have violated Eve’s new rules even as he adhered to God’s. It is, then, I submit, impossible to break all rules. Transgression itself becomes so rule bound that the next movement needs to transgress it. The atempts to do so are, as the LUCAS Graduate Conference of 2015 shows, endlessly fascinatng.

Barbara Rosenwein Loyola University Chicago

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 3 INTRODUCTION

In a brief note in the Frankfurter Zeitung of 20 November 1931, essayist Walter Benjamin discussed what he called the ‘destructve character’, which he presented as someone who makes room for the new by clearing away existng traditonalist structures. Only when we, as researchers or thinkers in general, clear our thoughts of existng paradigms, he argued, can we break down the boundaries that obstruct new possibilites. As doctoral students of the Leiden University Centre for the Arts in Society (LUCAS), we see an analogy between Benjamin’s fgure and our insttute’s scholars, who dedicate themselves to innovatve research on the cusp between culture and society. Although LUCAS researchers use a variety of methods and study various periods from Antquity to the present, they share the a priori agreement that their research aims at opening up new avenues and of breaking down boundaries: we study cultural communicatve processes, and investgate the existng, though ofen implicit rules that form frameworks for interacton.

The theme of the third biannual LUCAS Graduate Conference, ttled ‘Breaking the Rules! Cultural Refectons on Politcal, Religious and Aesthetc Transgressions’, aligned closely with this common aim. The conference, with keynote addresses by historian of science Lorraine Daston (Max Planck Insttute, Berlin) and medievalist Barbara H. Rosenwein (Loyola University Chicago), featured no fewer than 45 graduate speakers from 30 internatonal universites. Their diverse academic interests and methods matched the interdisciplinary and cross-cultural methods LUCAS supports, and made the event buzz with enthusiasm and energy. Five of the best conference papers are presented as artcles in this fourth issue of the Journal of the LUCAS Graduate Conference. The current collecton of artcles refects the variety of responses to transgressions in politcal, religious, and philosophical domains through the ages. Moreover, they are linked by another common thread: all fve deal with transgressions that are recorded in texts.

Whereas the conference theme listed three distnct realms of transgression, the artcles in this issue highlight the complex interactons between them. For instance, the interplay between religious and politcal motves is central to Rutger Kramer’s study of Archbishop Agobard of Lyon’s (d. 840) oppositon to Adoptonist sentments in the Carolingian Empire. Agobard’s argument against heterodox transgressions was frst and foremost inspired by the belief that Christanity should form a unifed whole. However, this theological argument had a deeper geopolitcal purpose. Since Adoptonism developed just beyond the Empire’s borders, the Carolingians used the fght against this heterodoxy to extend their politcal infuence into these areas formerly beyond their control in the name of Christan cohesion. Lastly, Agobard, as an up-and-coming courter, was able to use the Adoptonist controversy to his own advantage, making a name for himself by taking a frm stance against it. Agobard denounced Adoptonism through writen treatses, which in form closely followed all established rules of Carolingian debate. This ensured a positve recepton of his texts at the imperial court, and

4 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INTRODUCTION

thus afrmed his authority in writng. As such, transgression does not only present those in authority with opportunites to reinforce the rules: in this case, reinforcement also proved an occasion for politcal expansion and, on a more personal level, career advancement. With his artcle, Kramer also reminds us that the alternatng rejecton and acceptance of certain rules establish them more frmly: boundaries become explicit when they are crossed and when that transgression is contested.

Transgression can also be found at the intersectons of normatve gender performance and cultural records. Amanda Jarvis addresses the subversive potental of reported female speech in the canonical Gospels, compared to the dominant public representatons of contemporary Roman women. Jarvis frst discusses how writen accounts from frst-century BCE Rome show that men primarily celebrated Roman women for their domestc virtues. This discourse, she argues, modelled representatons of future generatons of Roman women, and their potental to express themselves in public. Jarvis then demonstrates that several women in the Gospels were represented through the literary device of reported speech, such as the Samaritan women in the Gospel of John, and the witnesses to the Resurrecton in the Gospel of Mark. The fact that these women are presented as having acted and spoken in public thwarts the preceding Roman paradigm. For their early Christan audience, these reports may have efectvely provided a new model for future writen representatons as well as for women’s opportunites to engage in public discourse. However, the fact that the Gospels’ male authors persistently undercut women’s credibility as witnesses, Jarvis suggests, may also have had an efect. This study argues that representatons, in this case of women’s public speech, both echo existng models and establish new ones. The event of rule-breaking thus becomes a necessarily temporary situaton that must be contnuously re-established to efectvely queston the status quo.

Ine Kiekens’ artcle also showcases that normatve frameworks develop and change as a result of being contnuously contested rather than through abrupt abandonment of old models. Rejectng the decisive rupture in tme and faith that is ofen assumed, she argues that penitental processes followed a contnuous traditon in the medieval and early modern practces of both Catholics and Protestants in the Low Countries. Kiekens traces the recepton of a late fourteenth-century Middle Dutch text, Vanden twaelf dogheden, which contains some theologically questonable claims about penance: the penitent should not regret his sins, and exterior works of penance are unnecessary. By examining how both Catholic and Protestant authors and compilers dealt with these problematc passages, she explores medieval and early modern ideas of proper behaviour afer breaking God’s rules. Kiekens’ exploraton demonstrates that both Catholics and Protestants considered the same (occasionally boundary-pushing) textual traditon about penance as a useful lesson for their repentant readers.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 5 INTRODUCTION

As Kiekens demonstrates, in our atempt to describe historical norms it seems we too eagerly create illusions of clean breaks, at which old frameworks are overthrown in favour of the new. This suggests that we tend to locate processes of rule-breaking at specifc points in history, and that we sometmes rely upon discourses that perpetuate these structures so frmly that we face difculty in stepping out of them. Donatella Tronca’s artcle presents original critcisms of such a perpetuated discourse: that about the denunciaton of dancing by early Christan authorites. She challenges the reductve but persistent misconcepton that the increasingly disputed legitmacy of dancing in religious ceremonies resulted from the Church’s condemnaton of dancing as a diabolical act. Tronca analyses various approaches to dancing from Late Antquity to the early Middle Ages, by both pagan and Christan authorites, either condemning or endorsing the practce. Judgments of dancing, she maintains, arose from religious and philosophical concerns about the relatonship between physical acts and spiritual harmony. The Church strove to foster social harmony within its congregatons, and dancing for other reasons was deemed incompatble with that ideal. The eventual result was a fundamental disapproval, not because dancing contradicted the spirit of Christ, but because it weakened the Church’s interpretve authority and social control.

In the fnal artcle in this issue, Giulia Bonasio takes a contrastng approach to rule-breaking texts; she focuses not on social or politcal order, but on the individual’s freedom of experience and thought. She draws atenton to the frst-century CE interpretaton of the sublime by Lucretus in a reading of his poem De rerum natura. Our contemporary noton of the sublime, as nature’s aesthetc quality of greatness, has been infuenced by the eighteenth-century philosophies of Edmund Burke and Immanuel Kant. Bonasio argues that Lucretus’ much older noton of the sublime, despite sharing some similarites with other approaches, is partcularly unique. She explains how Lucretus urges the individual to not only ratonally investgate natural phenomena, but to also emotonally experience them; she dubs this noton ‘the scientfc-poetc sublime’, since Lucretus envisages and describes it with the combined perspectves of the scientst and the poet. According to Bonasio, Lucretus’ noton of the sublime is not only characterized by its ground-breaking approach, but also by its subversive content: De rerum natura uses the story of Epicurus to call for an actve rejecton of the era’s superstton and politcal oppression. The sublime thus becomes a philosophical instrument for breaking the chains on individual autonomy of thought.

Each of these artcles explores a transgressive scenario – and the reactons to it – in a partcular historical period, religious or philosophical framework, and social context. The ambitous Carolingian archbishop, the witness-bearing Samaritan woman, (in)appropriately repentant Catholics and Protestants, diabolically dancing Christans, and the awe-struck Epicurean philosopher all illustrate the signifcance of rule-breaking as a cultural process. To begin to understand the human experience, the study of explicit and implicit politcal,

6 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INTRODUCTION

religious, and aesthetc boundaries must be complemented by analyses of the diverse ways in which these rules are contested, broken, and rebuilt. Interdisciplinary approaches prove to be fruitul on this topic, as, we hope the reader will agree, this issue shows. Before we contnue with the fve artcles in this issue of the Journal of the LUCAS Graduate Conference, we wish to express our grattude to those who were so helpful in its development. Our publisher, Leiden University Library, and especially Birte Kristansen, has ofered contnued assistance since the frst issue was released in 2013. We also would like to thank Joy Burrough-Boenisch, both for her excellent guidance on the editorial process, and for her contagious enthusiasm for copy-editng. Barbara Rosenwein wrote the foreword of this issue, which we appreciate deeply. We also thank all authors who submited a conference paper, yet specifcally those fve selected to publish their artcles in this issue, for their patence and eager cooperaton during the revision rounds and the editorial process. To the anonymous graduate peer reviewers from LUCAS and elsewhere, we owe our grattude as well. We ofer a special thanks to Leonor Veiga, who has been responsible for this issue’s layout, and to Gerlov van Engelenhoven for contributng his ideas during the editng process. A fnal word of thanks is due to the LUCAS management team, Thony Visser, Geert Warnar, and Korrie Korevaart, for their sustained support.

The Editorial Board and Series Editor Karine Laporte, Fleur Praal, Haohao Lu, Thijs Porck, Lieke Smits, Agnieszka Anna Wołodźko, Tessa de Zeeuw, and Jenneka Janzen

the alternating rejection and acceptance of certain rules establish them more firmly: boundaries become explicit when they are crossed and when that transgression is contested

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 7 Agobard of Lyon, Empire, and Adoptionism Reusing Heresy to Purify the Faith

Rutger Kramer Insttute for Medieval Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, Austria

ABSTRACT — In the late eighth century, the heterodox movement Adoptonism emerged at the edge of the Carolingian realm. Initally, members of the Carolingian court considered it a threat to the ecclesiastcal reforms they were spearheading, but they also used the debate against Adoptonism as an opportunity to extend their infuence south of the Pyrenees. While they thought the movement had been eradicated around the turn of the ninth century, Archbishop Agobard of Lyon claimed to have found a remnant of this heresy in his diocese several decades later, and decided to alert the imperial court. This artcle explains some of his motves, and, in the process, refects on how these early medieval rule-breakers (real or imagined) could be used in various ways by those making the rules: to maintain the purity of Christendom, to enhance the authority of the Empire, or simply to boost one’s career at the Carolingian court.

1 Alan H. Goldman, “Rules and INTRODUCTION Moral Reasoning,” Synthese 117 (1998/1999), 229-50; Jim If some rules are meant to be broken, others are only formulated once their Leitzel, The Politcal Economy of Rule Evasion and Policy Reform existence satsfes a hitherto unrealized need. Unspoken rules are codifed – and (London: Routledge, 2003), 8-23. thereby become insttutons – once they have been stretched to their breaking

8 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

point and their existence is considered morally right or advantageous to those in a 2 Alan Segal, “Portnoy’s positon to impose them.1 Conversely, the idea that rules can be broken at all rests Complaint and the Sociology of Literature,” The Britsh Journal on the assumpton that they refect some kind of common interest; if unwanted of Sociology 22 (1971), 257-68; rules are simply imposed on a group by an authority, confict may ensue and be see also Warren C. Brown and resolved along diferent mechanisms.2 Codifed behaviour thus demonstrates the Piotr Górecki, “What Confict Means: The Making of Medieval existence of an almost paradoxical interplay between societal norms, perceived Confict Studies in the United popular needs, and pastoral power.3 States 1970-2000,” in Confict in Medieval Europe: Changing Perspectves on Society and Regardless of whether regulatons are created for conservatve or progressive Culture, eds. Warren C. Brown reasons, making or enforcing rules is a mater of social power, authority, and and Piotr Górecki (Aldershot: acknowledging them.4 Authority is derived as much from the ability to act as a Ashgate, 2003), 1-35. guarantor of order as from the visibility of that act; as such, the acceptance or 3 John Forrester, “Foucault’s rejecton of rules also strengthens the bond between rulers and their subjects, Face: The Personal and the and between subjects themselves.5 Maters were no diferent during the Theoretcal,” in Foucault Now: Current Perspectves in Foucault 6 Carolingian period. It was a tme when cultural ideas were reinvented, when Studies, ed. James D. Faubion courtly and ecclesiastcal ideologies recombined into a politcal structure that, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014), though hierarchical, aimed at fostering a collectve sense of responsibility for the 112-29.

7 whole of Christendom. Merely debatng the limits of orthodoxy, thinking about 4 Michael Mann, The Sources of the extent of certain rules, and atemptng to enforce them, had become part of Social Power Volume 1: A History the pastoral duty of everybody in a positon of authority.8 of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), esp. One of these people was Archbishop Agobard of Lyon (r. 816-839, d. 840), a colourful 1-33, 301-40 and 373-415. character with an interest in the consideraton and reconsideraton of rules.9 Afer On authority as “something more than power”, see Frank a short overview of his early career, this artcle highlights Agobard’s atempts to Furedi, Authority: A Sociological bring atenton to a heterodox movement several decades afer it ceased to be History (Cambridge: Cambridge a threat to the Carolingian Church. By explaining what this supposed heresy was University Press, 2014), 1-16. about, the archbishop could reiterate what its existence meant for the Frankish 5 Alan H. Goldman, “The Empire and how it was everyone’s duty to ensure some rules remained unbroken. Ratonality of Complying with Thus, he partcipated in a context where debate was encouraged, and conficts over Rules: Paradox Resolved,” Ethics 116 (2006), 453-70; Robert orthodoxy were seen as part of a necessary discourse of authority, pastoral power, Wuthnow, Communites of and imperial responsibilites. Discourse: Ideology and Social

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 9 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

Structure in the Reformation, AGOBARD AND THE CAROLINGIAN CHURCH REFORMS the Enlightenment, and European Socialism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Hailing from the south of Aquitaine, a meltng pot of Roman, Visigothic, Frankish, University Press, 1989), 1-22. and other local identtes, Archbishop Agobard emerged at the Carolingian court from a provincial, if not peripheral background.10 Although Aquitaine was long 6 Mann, Sources of Social Power, 327-35; Thomas F. X. Noble, seen as a region where Roman and early Christan traditons had persisted much “Kings, Clergy and Dogma: The more visibly than in other parts of the former Empire in the West, its integraton Setlement of Doctrinal Disputes into the Frankish sphere of infuence, completed by 768, had resulted from in the Carolingian World,” in Early Medieval Studies in hard-fought batles and skilful diplomatc manoeuvring, and occurred as the Memory of Patrick Wormald, Carolingian fronters were expanding both territorially and culturally.11 Especially ed. Stepher Baxter et al. from the 780s onwards, the court around Charlemagne became the cultural, (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), 237- 52, esp. 244-45 and 252; Ildar social, and politcal centre par excellence, from whence ever greater eforts H. Garipzanov, The Symbolic were poured into all-encompassing ecclesiastcal reforms (correcto).12 Over the Language of Authority in the decades, liturgical and theological inconsistencies were debated, the behaviour Carolingian World (c. 751-877) (Leiden: Brill, 2008). of the clergy tested, and a grand endeavour to edit and explain the many books of the Bible undertaken.13 The goal of all this was nothing less than the salvaton of 7 Giles Brown, “Introducton: all the realm’s subjects.14 According to fundamental texts such as the Admonito The Carolingian Renaissance,” in Carolingian Culture: Emulaton generalis (789) or the Epistola de literis colendis (c. 781), bishops, counts, and Innovaton, ed. Rosamond abbots, as well as the lowest parishioners, should have the tools to live well and McKiterick (Cambridge: thereby atain heaven.15 Since ‘knowing comes before doing’, it stands to reason Cambridge University Press, 16 1994), 1-51; Janet L. Nelson, that educaton was key in achieving this. “Charlemagne and Empire,” in The Long Morning of Medieval Europe: To ensure that correcto was properly orchestrated from the court, Charlemagne New Directons in Early Medieval Studies, eds. Jennifer R. Davis and gathered a group of talented scholars and intellectuals from all over his realm and Michael McCormick (Aldershot: beyond, a practce contnued by his son Louis the Pious (r. 814-840).17 Correcto Ashgate, 2008), 223-34. was a collectve efort, and these courters were its standard-bearers, responsible

18 8 Irene van Renswoude, “License for its implementaton. It was an honourable but heavy burden, and only the to Speak: The Rhetoric of Free best and brightest were able to thrive in the court’s compettve environment as Speech in Late Antquity and the it developed around the palace in Aachen.19 For aspiring courters like Agobard Early Middle Ages” (PhD diss., Utrecht University, 2011), 137-73 of Lyon, it was of the utmost importance to show that he had what it took and 259-83. intellectually, and that he always had the Empire’s best interests at heart.

10 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

This drive to prove himself absorbed much of Agobard’s energy throughout his career. Peripheral or not, Agobard wanted his voice to be heard.20 In part, 9 For a biography of Agobard, see Egon Boshof, Erzbischof this was a matter of principle. It was important for all prelates to show their Agobard von Lyon: Leben und active participation in the Carolingian correctio movement, as they had, Werk (Cologne: Böhlau, 1969). over the years, established themselves as the prophetic “watchmen over the 10 Philippe Wolf, “L’Aquitaine house of Israel”, a phrase borrowed from Ezekiel 3:17, with Israel symbolically et ses marges sous le règne de representing the Frankish Church.21 Bishops were to seek out any errant sheep Charlemagne,” in Regards sur le and bring them back into the fold, so as to protect the ecclesiastical herd. Midi médiéval, ed. Philippe Wolf (Toulouse: Privat, 1978), 20-67. In addition to fulfilling this pastoral calling, Agobard hit the ground running in 816 when he was appointed bishop by his still-living predecessor Leidrad 11 Marios Costambeys, rather than elected by his colleagues or the Emperor.22 This unconventional Mathew Innes, and Simon MacLean, The Carolingian elevation to the prestigious See of Lyon prompted a debate about whether World (Cambridge: Cambridge it should even be possible for a see to have two bishops.23 While the matter University Press, 2011), was ultimately resolved by Leidrad’s death later in 816, the circumstances 47-48 and 64-65; Eugen Ewig, “L’Aquitaine et les pays regarding his rise to prominence may have made Agobard sensitive to the rhénans au Haut Moyen Âge,” importance of correct ecclesiastical order, which influenced his sense of in Eugen Ewig: spätantkes pastoral duty towards the Empire. und fränkisches Gallien – Gesammelte Schrifen (1952-1973), ed. Hartmut If anything, Agobard’s career demonstrates his tenacity and intellectual prowess. Atsma (Munich: Artemis, He knew his strengths, and was aware that the way to the Emperor’s ear was 1976), 553-72; Thomas F. X. Noble, “Louis the Pious and 24 through his courters. Despite the occasional misstep, such as an ill-tmed sermon the Fronters of the Frankish on church property on the occasion of Louis the Pious’ frst public penance at Realm,” in Charlemagne’s Heir: Atgny in 822, or backing the wrong horse during the ‘crisis years’ between Louis, New Perspectves on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814-840), his sons, and various groups of disgruntled aristocrats, the archbishop managed to eds. Peter Godman and Roger create a niche by preaching ecclesiastcal unity and purity to all who would hear Collins (Oxford: Clarendon it. In the process, he also framed his own place at the Carolingian court within the Press, 1990), 333-47.

25 ecclesia it was building. 12 Percy Ernst Schramm, “Karl der Große: Denkart und Given this emphasis on the idea that Christanity should form a unifed whole, it Grundaufassungen – die von ihm bewirkte Correcto,” is no surprise that Agobard was interested in rules, their applicaton, and those Historische Zeitschrif 198 breaking them. He was, for example, partcularly bothered by anyone in his (1964), 306-45.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 11 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

13 For a broad study see diocese invoking ‘Burgundian’ law, which allowed for trial by combat, a practce Rosamond McKiterick, The that he found so distasteful that he composed two treatses against it.26 More Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789- importantly, however, this multtude of laws contradicted the sacrifce made by 895 (London: Royal Historical Christ on the Cross in order to bring unity to the “circumcised and uncircumcised, Society, 1977). See also barbarian and Scythian, Aquitanian and Langobard, Burgundian and Alaman, Thomas F. X. Noble, “The 27 Monastc Ideal as a Model for slave and free”. A single law, he went on to argue, would bring the Empire one Empire,” Revue Bénédictne 86 step closer to that ideal, and therefore Emperor Louis the Pious ought to make (1976), 235-50; John Contreni, Salic Law the one defnitve legal system. A universal framework, the Church, had “Carolingian Biblical Studies,” in Carolingian Essays: Andrew been put in place to defne sins, their spiritual consequences, and how to avoid W. Mellon Lectures in Early them. Agobard advocated a similar insttutonal framework for those breaking Christan Studies, ed. Uta-Renate worldly rules, so that divine and secular law would be brought closer together Blumenthal (Washington, D.C.: 28 Catholic University of America stll, in accordance with his ideas about correcto. Press, 1983), 71-98; Geneviève Bührer-Thierry, “Le conseiller A similar rhetoric belied the treatses he produced against Jews. The contnued du roi: les écrivains carolingiens et la traducton biblique,” existence of Jews in the so-called Christan Empire was a thorn in Agobard’s Médiévales 12 (1987), 11-23. side, and he frequently pursued the Emperor and his entourage with advice on which privileges Jews should be allowed to retain, or more importantly why 14 Janet L. Nelson, “Religion 29 in the Age of Charlemagne,” they should be baptzed. It was on the frst point especially that Agobard stood in The Oxford Handbook of out. While a certain degree of ant-Jewish rhetoric is to be expected from early Medieval Christanity, ed. John medieval ecclesiastcal elites, it usually remained on a theological level.30 By and H. Arnold (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 490-514; large, Jews were tolerated and enjoyed considerable freedom and status under Mayke de Jong, “Charlemagne’s the Carolingians.31 While convertng to Judaism was generally frowned upon – Church,” in Charlemagne: as in the case of Bodo-Eleazar, a deacon who converted and moved to Spain – Empire and Society, ed. Joanna 32 Story (Manchester: Manchester Jews were neither prosecuted, nor subjected to concerted conversion eforts. University Press, 2005), 103-36. This rubbed Agobard the wrong way, and he spent many a quill decrying their “Admonito generalis,” in MGH errors. Much to his frustraton, however, this ofen fell on deaf ears at court.33 Fontes iuris Germanici antqui in usum scholarum separatm edit Stll, as with the multtude of legal optons available in the Frankish realm, one 16: Die Admonito generalis Karls of Agobard’s primary concerns was the preservaton of ecclesiastcal unity.34 des Großen, eds. Hubert Mordek, As unpleasant as his vitriolic diatribes are to modern audiences, they should Klaus Zechiel-Eckes, and Michael Glathaar (Hannover: Hahn, be – at least partally – understood as a defence of a Christendom that, he felt, 2012); “Epistola de literis remained beleaguered on all sides.35 Agobard’s agenda was pastoral. His duty

12 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

was to educate people about the dangers of straying too far from the straight colendis,” in MGH Capitularia path, regardless of whether they were Jewish or Burgundian, proper sinners or regum Francorum 1, ed. Alfred Boretus (Hannover: Hahn, 36 simply ignorant of Christan teaching. 1883), 78-79.

To Agobard, Christan teaching on the proper way of life formed the basis of good 16 “Epistola de literis colendis,” 79; Florence Close, Uniformiser behaviour, and the rules that emerged from the framework of imperial correcto la foi pour unifer l’Empire. provided Christans with everything they needed to lead proper Christan lives as Contributon à l’histoire de la explained by their pastors.37 To break the rules was to hold a mirror to the system, pensée politco-théologique de Charlemagne (Brussels: Classe to show the dangers of walking a diferent path. To Agobard, rules existed so that des Letres, Académie royale de Christans could show their ability to weather the tribulatons of earthly life without Belgique, 2011), 299-301. finching. Parishioners and princes alike shared this burden. “Let him heed divine 17 Rosamond McKiterick, judgement”, Agobard wrote in 833, refectng on Louis the Pious’ politcal troubles, Charlemagne: The Formaton of “for nothing on this earth happens without a reason”. “The Lord”, he contnued, a European Identty (Cambridge: quotng Job 12:24, “‘changes the heart of the princes of the earth’s people, and Cambridge University Press, 2008), 292-345. deceives them that they walk in vain where there is no way’ […]. Therefore the Lord is terrible, not only to the people of the earth but also to the princes of those 18 Carine van Rhijn, “Priests people”.38 According to Agobard, everyone ought to guard against worldly trouble, and the Carolingian Reforms: The Botlenecks of Local and rulers even more so, for their transgressions would have repercussions on an Correcto,” in Texts and Identtes altogether grander, cosmological scale.39 in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini et al. (Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen It is in this context of correctio that we should regard one of Agobard’s earlier Akademie der Wissenschafen, works, which is the focus of the remainder of this article. It was written in 2006), 219-38; Carine van or shortly after 818, two years after Agobard became Archbishop of Lyon, Rhijn, “Charlemagne and the Government of the Frankish at a time when correctio was in full swing. More importantly, he began its Countryside,” in Law and composition in the same year that the primary rule-breaker against whom Empire: Ideas, Practces, Actors, Agobard directed his energy had died. This treatise is titled Adversum dogma ed. J. Duindam et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 157-76; Geneviève Felicis (Against the Teaching of Felix). The Felix in question had been the Bührer-Thierry, “Pensée Bishop of Urgell, just south of the Pyrenees, who had spent his years from 799 hiérarchique et diférenciaton until his death as an exile in Lyon in 818, accused of being that most heinous sociale: quelques réfexions sur l’ordonnancement des 40 of transgressors: a heretic. sociétés du haut Moyen Âge,” in Hiérarchie et stratfcaton

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 13 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

sociale dans l’Occident médiéval ADOPTIONISM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES (400-1100), eds. Dominique Iogna-Prat, François Bougard and Régine Le Jan (Turnhout: Felix of Urgell was one of the main instgators of the Iberian variant of a heterodox Brepols, 2008), 363-90. movement more commonly known as Adoptonism, which emerged on the peninsula in the second half of the eighth century, right when the Carolingians were striving to 19 Claire Tignolet, “Jeux poétques à la cour de consolidate their recently expanded fronters and keep Umayyad incursions into their Charlemagne: compétton realm at bay.41 This is partly why the Carolingians took an interest in this partcular et intégraton,” in Agôn. La movement; it added a theological and pastoral challenge to their more worldly compétton Ve-XIIe siècle, eds. 42 François Bougard, Régine Le Jan preoccupatons with expanding and safeguarding their territories. and Thomas Lienhard (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 221-34; Stuart This is not to say that the Carolingian intellectuals involved in this debate had Airlie, “‘For It Is Writen in the Law’: Ansegis and the Writng a clear picture of what was going on. At the instgaton of Pope Hadrian I (r. of Carolingian Royal Authority,” 772-795), through whom the Carolingian court frst learned of this heterodoxy, in Baxter et al., Early Medieval it was thought that Adoptonism was a form of Nestorianism.43 Based on early Studies, 219-35. Eastern Christan teachings, this heresy proclaimed that Christ’s nature was 20 In additon to Boshof, Stuart essentally bipartte: he was a ‘natural’ son of God and an ‘adopted’ one.44 That Airlie, “‘I, Agobard, unworthy was how the intellectuals at the court in Aachen, chief among them Alcuin bishop’,” in Ego Trouble: Authors and Their Identtes in the of York, understood it; modern reinterpretatons have pointed out that the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard controversy may have been rooted in the difering roles of patristc discourse on Corradini et al. (Vienna: Verlag each side of the Pyrenees.45 But the cat was out of the bag, and Felix, together der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschafen, 2010), with his colleague, Archbishop Elipandus of Toledo (c. 755-c. 808), was charged 175-84, provides an insight with misrepresentng the nature of the Trinity itself.46 into the mind of this bishop and his ambitons; Pierre Riché, “Les réfugiés wisigoths Even if this Hispanicus error was based on a misunderstanding, it was dans le monde carolingien,” in nonetheless worthy of atenton.47 Such diferent views of Christ gnawed at the L’Europe héritère de l’Espagne roots of their model Church, and should not be allowed to spread.48 Moreover, wisigothique: colloque internatonal du C.N.R.S. tenu Carolingian interest in this presumed heterodoxy allowed them to exert their à la Fondaton Singer-Polignac infuence over territories with Christan communites beyond their control. If the (Paris, 14-16 mai 1990), eds. court was where correct practce was shaped, this practce should be exported Jacques Fontaine and Christne Pellistrandi (Madrid: Casa de to all subjects of the Empire; such was the pastoral zeal of those living in the Velazquez, 1992), 177-83. sacrum palatum of the Frankish rulers.49 Another problem was that these were

14 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

bishops propagatng Adoptonist teachings, since this contravened the carefully 21 Mayke de Jong, The cultvated self-image of the Carolingian episcopate, according to which there Penitental State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis should be a divinely inspired and imperially formulated consensus about their the Pious, 814-840 (Cambridge: responsibilites for the wellbeing of the Church both in this life and the next.50 Cambridge University Press, As such, it should involve someone who was rex et sacerdos – king and priest 2009), 114-18; Mary Garrison, “The Franks as the New Israel? 51 – at the same tme. Even Pope Hadrian acknowledged that his was a job for Educaton for an Identty from Charlemagne and his court.52 As important as it was to nip Adoptonism in the Pippin to Charlemagne,” in The bud from a theological point of view, it was equally important to incorporate Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, eds. Yitzhak Hen the Spanish bishops into the Frankish community while doing so, as this would and Mathew Innes (Cambridge: also enhance the power and prestge of the Carolingian court itself.53 Taking Cambridge University Press, the lead in combatng heresy was not only about doctrinal uniformity, it was 2000), 114-61. also a way to gain credibility as a Christan court, to show their subjects and 22 Anna Beth Langenwalter, neighbours alike that they had what it took to be good rulers.54 “Agobard of Lyon: An Exploraton of Carolingian-Jewish Relatons” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, The multfaceted nature of this debate explains why so many Carolingian 2009), 57-60. intellectuals became involved. Between the frst appearance of Adoptonism on the Frankish scene and its fnal suppression at the turn of the ninth century, practcally 23 Van Renswoude, “License to Speak,” 299-300. everyone who was anyone at court weighed in on this mater, by preaching, composing treatses, writng leters, or being present at the councils devoted to this 24 Airlie, “‘I, Agobard’,” movement held in 792, 794, and 799.55 Important courters such as Alcuin, bishops 176; Philippe Depreux, “Lieux de rencontre, temps and papal delegates including Paulinus of Aquileia, and monastc reformers such de négociaton: quelques as Benedict of Aniane found increasingly interestng ways to convince their Iberian observatons sur les plaids counterparts that they were errant sheep. They too seized the opportunity to fght généraux sous le règne de Louis le Pieux,” in La royauté for the greater good as much as they were out to strengthen their own positon. et les élites dans l’Europe These courters were vying for Königsnähe, a place close to the throne where their carolingienne, ed. Régine Le ideas and authority were heard and their involvement was visible.56 By combatng Jan (Lille: Centre d’Histoire de l’Europe du Nord-Ouest, Adoptonism and chastsing the supposed rule-breakers, they showed that they 1998), 213–31, at 231; Philippe were willing to play by the rules.57 They worked comfortably within the parameters Depreux, “Hiérarchie et ordre set by the “most holy authority” of the court – personifed by its ruler – through au sein du palais: l’accès au prince,” in Iogna-Prat, Bougard whose instructon, as Alcuin wrote, “the starving people who live in deserted places and Le Jan, Hiérarchie et are sated with the catholic faith”.58 stratfcaton, 305-24.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 15 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

25 Van Renswoude, “License On the other side, the Spanish bishops also engaged with their Frankish to Speak”, 295-316; De Jong, counterparts, in person and in writng, even though the outcome of the debate Penitental State, esp. 124-26 59 and 220-40; Courtney Booker, may have been pre-determined. It is temptng to think they saw some advantages Past Convictons: The Penance to this, too: debatng the fne feur of Carolingian intellectual life would not only of Louis the Pious and the give them credibility at a local level, but also allowed them to have their voice heard Decline of the Carolingians 60 (Philadelphia: University of on a grander scale. This they did with gusto. While defending their point of view, Pennsylvania Press, 2009), the Spanish bishops warned Alcuin against becoming a heretc and false advisor 130-77. See also Stefen Patzold, himself.61 They admonished Charlemagne not to abuse his power like Constantne “Eine ‘loyale Palastrevoluton’ der ‘Reichseinheitpartei’? Zur the Great, who also had Christanity’s best interests at heart but ended up a sinner Divisio Imperii von 817 und zu and heretc.62 Going beyond doctrinal maters, these bishops even seized the den Ursachen des Aufstands opportunity to dispense appropriate politcal advice. It was an acceptable strategy. gegen Ludwig den Frommen in Jahre 830,” Frühmitelalterliche Both in his rebutal to the Spanish bishops, and as a general part of court policy, Studien 40 (2006), 43-77. Charlemagne – and his successors – fostered a climate where courters were allowed to critcize and admonish their rulers as long as they avoided outright 26 However, Janet L. Nelson, 63 “Kingship and Empire,” in The invectve. Elipandus and Felix may have been accused of heresy, but they certainly Cambridge History of Medieval were not breaking the rules of debate itself. Politcal Thought c.350-c.1450, ed. James H. Burns (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, All things considered, the ensuing debates show the willingness of both partes to 1988), 211-52, at 213, points at least pretend to take their opponents seriously. The emergence of Adoptonism out that Agobard’s proposed gave cause for Carolingian intellectual elites to defend their faith and establish soluton was equally impractcal. See also Boshof, Agobard, consensus about the nature of the Trinity. It also enabled them to close their 39, and Ian Wood, “Ethnicity ranks and strengthen their own somewhat disparate community. By overstepping and the Ethnogenesis of the the boundaries of acceptable religious diversity, the Adoptonist bishops had Burgundians,” in Typen der Ethnogenese unter besonderer handed the Carolingians a tool to build new religious norms that were previously Berücksichtgung der Bayern, unnecessary and unheard of.64 In the process, they too became part of the ever- Teil 2, eds. Herwig Wolfram and growing Carolingian ecclesia. Walter Pohl (Vienna: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschafen, 1990), 54. THE LEGACY OF FELIX

27 Agobard, “Adversus legem Gundobadi,” 3: “circumcisio et Although the actual Adoptonist movement had run out of steam by the start preputum, barbarus et Scitha, of the ninth century, it had not completely disappeared from the agenda for

16 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

decades. Shortly afer ascending to the imperial throne in 814, Louis the Pious was Aquitanus et Langobardus, confronted with a resurgence of the Adoptonism issue around 818, in the midst Burgundio et Alamannus, seruus et liber”, in Agobardi 65 of his atempts to contnue his father’s legacy. The instgator of this renewed Lugdunensis opera omnia, confrontaton was the newly appointed Archbishop of Lyon, Agobard. ed. Lieven van Acker, Corpus Christanorum Contnuato Medievalis 52 (Turnhout: Agobard claimed that he had found a remnant of Adoptonist teachings among Brepols, 1981), 20. Unless writngs lef by Felix afer his death in 818, writen in a “document of the genre otherwise mentoned, all of questons and answers”.66 Apparently, the Spanish bishop formally recanted his translatons by Rutger Kramer. teachings, but had never given up his beliefs and, worse yet, may have convinced 28 Langenwalter, “Agobard,” 66. others with his arguments. Notably, Felix had managed to do this by leading an impeccable life, following the rules, and thereby deceiving his friends and admirers. 29 Langenwalter, “Agobard,” 140-41 – these paragraphs This was cause for alarm, “for”, as Agobard wrote, “they do not realize that faith is summarize Langenwalter’s not measured by the life of a man, but that life is demonstrated through faith”. No argument made in the course of mater how much people played by the rules, they needed to internalize their faith the entre thesis. in order to be open to correcto: “nobody will be saved who believes badly but lives 30 Johannes Heil, “Labourers in well”.67 It was now Agobard’s responsibility to aid those who had misinterpreted the Lord’s Quarry: Carolingian Felix’s words “with which he went beyond the true faith”, and to “oppose [these Exegetes, Patristc Authority, and Theological Innovaton, a Case words] with the sentences of the Holy Fathers, so that whomever would deign to Study in the Representaton read this may realize that the surety of catholic truth is followed with the purest of Jews in Commentaries on senses”.68 This is pastoral duty and Carolingian correcto at its fnest: Agobard Paul,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, eds. Celia protectng those who do not know beter, and teaching them “so that they may Chazelle and Burton van Name subtly correct their faith”.69 It is everyone’s duty to help and teach each other, he Edwards (Turnhout: Brepols, writes, whereas those who are too proud of their own unblemished record to aid 2003), 75-95; but see by the same author, “Theodulf, Haimo, others in their struggles “will fnd fault with everybody in the community” and and Jewish Traditons of Biblical therefore “cannot please him, who said ‘learn from me; I am gentle and humble of Learning: Exploring Carolingian heart’” [Mat. 11:29].70 Culture’s Lost Spanish Heritage,” in Discovery and Distncton in the Early Middle Ages: Studies What follows is a systematc takedown of Felix’s arguments, reconstructed from in Honour of John J. Contreni, the booklet found by Agobard, combined with what he had been told.71 Stll eds. Cullen J. Chandler and Steven Stoferahn (Kalamazoo: assuming he was dealing with a kind of Nestorianism, Agobard presented a dossier Medieval Insttute Publicatons, of quotatons from a large group of Greek and Latn Church Fathers. Although 2013), 103-34, on how Christan

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 17 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

it is unclear to what extent he based his arguments on earlier ant-Adoptonist and Jewish intellectuals could treatses rather than his own research, he was sure to follow common Carolingian also cooperate. rules of debate. Among many other things, the Frankish bishops accused their 31 Bernard S. Bachrach, Early Spanish colleagues of having gone beyond the teachings of the Fathers, as if Medieval Jewish Policy in they were not good enough. Agobard avoided this mistake by carefully teaching Western Europe (Minneapolis: 72 University of Minnesota Press, only those venerable certaintes which had been proven by age. He even 1977), 66-105. went one step further: for him, the “sentences of the Holy Fathers” that should help his readers purify their faith were like a regula (rule), rather than mere 32 Frank Riess, “From Aachen 73 to al-Andalus: The Journey of guidelines. Concluding this passage with an admonitory quotaton from the Deacon Bodo (823–76),” Early Athanasian Creed that those who do not follow the catholic faith “shall doubtless Medieval Europe 13 (2005), perish everlastngly”,74 Agobard thus steered a course between persuasion and 131-57. admoniton, between what his intended audience should know, and what ought 33 Bat-Sheva Albert, “Christans to be self-explanatory. He essentally reinforced religious normatvity in the face and Jews,” in The Cambridge of a supposedly heterodox movement, but he presented his argument as the History of Christanity Volume 3: Early Medieval Christanites, confrmaton of a rule and demonstraton of the truth. For “it is the truth that is c.600-c.1100, eds. Thomas loved, not words”, he writes, and that is why it was necessary to compose this F. X. Noble and Julia M. H. work and to send it to the court.75 Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 175, even assumes this was why Louis and It is here that we see an ulterior motve to the Adversum dogma Felicis. This Agobard “despised” each other. compositon was not a sermon for the instructon of his diocese, nor was it

34 See Cullen J. Chandler, “A intended for potental ‘victms’ of Felix. Agobard’s refutaton of Adoptonism was New View of a Catalonian Gesta instead dedicated to Emperor Louis the Pious, who, as the intended recipient contra Iudaeos: Ripoll 106 and of the work, also appears as the model reader. While it was not unusual for the the Jews of the Spanish March,” in Chandler and Stoferahn, imperial court to patronize of this type of work, it also demonstrates Agobard’s Discovery and Distncton, 187- adherence to the Carolingian system, within which the ruler bore the greatest 204, for similar ideas underlying responsibility for teaching his Empire.76 As explicated in its prologue, Louis another text corpus. the Pious was called upon to correct and approve of the opusculum Agobard 35 Jeremy Cohen, Living Leters composed against this “heresy, reused from the ancients”.77 The threat stll of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in lurked, and it was up to the Emperor to “recommend [Agobard’s book] to those Medieval Christanity (Berkeley: University of California Press, for whom it may be advantageous to read”, that is, those who may have been 1999), 136. afected by subversive teaching.78 It is unclear whether those who had been

18 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

exposed to Felix’s teachings were meant, or simply those whose faith needed to be refreshed. Agobard seized the occasion to explain, referencing Paul’s 36 Bruce Eastwood, Ordering the leter to Titus, that “those who would want to be a priest ‘must hold frmly to Heavens: Roman Astronomy and the truths which have traditon for their warrant; able, therefore, to encourage Cosmology in the Carolingian Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 2007), sound doctrine, and to show the wayward their error’” [1 Tim 1:9].79 The 170-77; Alexander Murray, statement is a double-edged sword: Agobard is refectng on his own positon Conscience and Authority in the as bishop, and emphasizes the expectaton that he advise and help the Emperor Medieval Church (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 7-8. run his realm, while also evoking Louis’ own positon as rex et sacerdos at the secular and ecclesiastcal centre of the Empire. Presentng Louis with the tools 37 An idea borrowed from Roger to teach others about “the Son of God, who supports [his] imperium”, Agobard Teichmann, “Explaining the Rules,” Philosophy 77 (2002), subtly implied that by teaching others about Christ’s true nature he would also 597-613. strengthen his own positon.80 38 Agobard, “Liber apologetcus II,” 12: “Cedat diuinis iudiciis, It is unclear if Adoptonism remained a threat in 818. Although the appearance quia nihil in terra sine causa”; of the Adversum dogma Felicis so shortly afer the death of Felix can hardly “‘Qui inmutat cor principum have been a coincidence, and despite persistant memories of the heterodoxy, populi terrę et decipit eos, ut frustra incedant per inuium.’[…] it seems likely that Agobard oversold the importance of Felix’s legacy, and used Ideo ergo terribilis Dominus, non the memory of Adoptonism as a pretext for writng an educatonal text to the tantum populis terrę, sed et ipsis Emperor.81 This makes sense from his perspectve: he was a young prelate, principibus populi.” out to make a name for himself, to demonstrate that his appointment to the 39 Rob Meens, “Politcs, Mirrors archiepiscopacy had been deserved, and that he was part of the admonitory of Princes and the Bible: Sins, traditon of his predecessors.82 Kings and the Well-Being of the Realm,” Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998), 345-57. CONCLUSION 40 See John C. Cavadini, The Last Christology of the West: The debate about Adoptonism was not a mater of us versus them, or about a Adoptonism in Spain and 83 Church falling apart under the pressure of those unwilling to play by the rules. Gaul, 785-820 (Philadelphia: The issue even brought the confictng partes closer together, as the willingness University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993) for a comprehensive to debate and the ability to communicate took precedence over conservatsm overview of this debate. For 84 and persecuton. The spectre of Adoptonism was used to strengthen the Agobard’s role in all this see internal structure of the Carolingian Empire and to consolidate the authority Boshof, Agobard, 55-74.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 19 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

41 Cullen J. Chandler, “Heresy of the Emperor as an educator of his people. Charlemagne involved himself and Empire: The Role of the because he had to meet an existng challenge to his ecclesia. Louis was called Adoptonist Controversy in Charlemagne’s Conquest to arms to educate his people about potental dangers. As far as Agobard of the Spanish March,” The was concerned, this heterodoxy presented him with a prime opportunity to Internatonal History Review 24 reinforce the rules he thought were worth reinforcing, to the beneft of the (2002), 505-27; Ann Christys, 85 Christans in al-Andalus (711- Emperor, his subjects, and himself. 1000) (Richmond: Curzon, 2002).

42 Christne Caldwell Ames, Medieval Heresies: Christanity, Judaism, and Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 126-30.

43 Wilhelm Heil, “Adoptanismus, Alkuin und Spanien,” in Karl der Grosse: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, 5 vols., ed. Helmut Beumann et al. (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1965-8), 2:95-154.

44 Langenwalter, “Agobard,” 21-22.

45 Cavadini, Last Christology, 103-106.

46 Lauge O. Nielsen, “Trinitarian Theology from Alcuin to Anselm,” in The Oxford Handbook of the Trinity, eds. Gilles Emery and Mathew Levering (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 155-56.

47 Alcuin, “Epistola 137,” in MGH Epistolae 4: Epistolae Karolini aevi II, ed. Ernst

20 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

Dümmler (Berlin: Weidmann, Gesellschaf für Mitelrheinische 58 “[…] per vos esurient populo 1899), 211; and “Epistola 200,” Kirchengeschichte, 1997), 255-78. et in deserts locis habitant 331. See Close, Uniformiser la ad satetatem catholice foi, 164-68. 52 Close, Uniformiser la foi, 83- ministrentur”. Alcuin, “Contra 93; Michel Lauwers, “Le glaive et Felicem Urgellitanem episcopum 48 De Jong, “Charlemagne’s la parole: Charlemagne, Alcuin libri VII,” Praefato. Patrologia Church,” 127-28. et le modèle du rex praedicator Latna 101, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris, – notes d’ecclésiologie 1863), col. 128A. 49 Mayke de Jong, “Sacrum carolingienne,” in Alcuin de palatum et ecclesia: l’autorité York à Tours. Écriture, pouvoir 59 Chandler, “Adoptonist religieuse royale sous les et réseaux dans l’Europe du Controversy”, 520-21. Carolingiens (790-840),” haut Moyen Âge, eds. Philippe Annales: Histoire, Sciences Depreux and Bruno Judic 60 Christys, Christans in Al- Sociales 58 (2003), 1243-69. (Rennes: Presses Universitaires Andalus, 14-27. de Rennes, 2004), 221-44. 50 Stefen Patzold, “Bischöfe 61 Elipandus, “Epistola ad als Träger der politschen 53 Karl F. Morrison, The Two Albinum,” in MGH Epistolae Ordnung des Frankenreichs Kingdoms: Ecclesiology in 4: Epistolae Karolini aevi II, im 8./9. Jahrhundert,” in Der Carolingian Politcal Thought ed. Ernst Dümmler (Berlin: frühmitelalterliche Staat: (Princeton: Princeton University Weidmann, 1895), 302-3. europäische Perspektven, Press, 1964), 68-98. eds. Walter Pohl and Veronika 62 “Epistola episcoporum Wieser (Vienna: Verlag der 54 Roger Collins, “Charlemagne Hispaniae ad Karolum Magnum,” österreichischen Akademie and His Critcs,” in Le Jan, La in MGH Concilia 2.1: Concilia aevi der Wissenschafen, 2009), royauté et les élites, 193-211. Karolini (742-817), ed. Albert 255-68, or by the same author, Werminghof (Hannover: Hahn, Episcopus: Wissen über Bischöfe 55 Mathias Klof, “Der spanische 1906), 121; see Eugen Ewig, “Das im Frankenreich des späten 8. Adoptanismus,” in 794 – Karl Bild Constantns des Großen in bis frühen 10. Jahrhunderts der Große in Frankfurt am Main: den ersten Jahrhunderten des (Ostildern: Jan Thorbecke, 2008). Ein König bei der Arbeit, ed. abendländischen Mitelalters,” Johannes Fried (Sigmaringen: Historisches Jahrbuch 75 51 Arnold Angenendt, “Karl der Thorbecke, 1994), 56-61. (1955), 1-46; Walter Pohl, Große als rex und sacerdos,” in “Creatng Cultural Resources for Das Frankfurter Konzil von 794. 56 Costambeys et al., Carolingian Rule: Historians of Kristallisatonspunkt karolingischer Carolingian World, 276. the Christan Empire”, in Cultural Kultur. Akten zweier Symposien Memory and the Resources (vom 23. bis 27. Februar und 57 Leidulf Melve, Inventng the of the Past in Early Medieval vom 13. bis 15. Oktober 1994) Public Sphere: The Public Debate Europe, eds. Clemens Gantner, anläßlich der 1200-Jahrfeier During the Investture Contest (c. Rosamond McKiterick and Sven der Stadt Frankfurt am Main, 1030-1122) (Leiden: Brill, 2007), Meeder (Cambridge: Cambridge ed. Rainer Berndt (Mainz: 50-56. University Press, 2015), 15-33.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 21 AGOBARD OF LYON, EMPIRE, AND ADOPTIONISM

63 De Jong, Penitental State, est uita”; “nullus tamen male the Frankish Kingdoms under 112-47. See also Janneke credens bene uiuendo saluatur”. the Carolingians: Motves and Raaijmakers and Irene van Consequences,” in Centro Renswoude, “Guardians of 68 Ibid., 1, 74: “in quibus italiano di Studi sull’Alto Orthodoxy: Rulers and Religious a ueritate fdei excessit”; Medioevo, Commitent e Controversies in the Ninth “sanctorum patrum sententas produzione artstco-leteraria Century,” and Rutger Kramer, opponere, ut quisquis dignatus nell’alto medioevo occidentale “Adopt, Adapt and Improve: fuerit legere, agnoscat, qua (Spoleto: Presso La sede del Dealing with the Adoptonist cautela catholicae ueritats Centro, 1992), 93-129. Controversy at the Court of purissimum sensum sequatur”. Charlemagne,” both in Religious 77 Agobard, “Adversum dogma Franks: Religion and Power in 69 Ibid., 1, 74: “ut fdem suam Felicis,” Prologue, 73 : “ex ueteri the Frankish Kingdoms – Essays subtlissime corrigant.” rediuiuam heresim”. in Honour of Mayke de Jong, ed. Rob Meens et al. (Manchester: 70 Ibid., 2, 74-75: “omnibus 78 Ibid., Prologue, 73: “Quia, si Manchester University Press, tamen in commune detrahunt”; probatur, illis, quibus profuturum forthcoming 2016). “non possunt illi placere, qui est, ad legendum commendatur; dixit: ‘Discite a me, quia mits si autem improbatur, auctor eius 64 Raymund Kotje, “Einheit und sum et humilis corde’”. per uos emendatur”. See also Vielfalt des kirchlichen Lebens Van Renswoude, “License to in der Karolingerzeit,” Zeitschrif 71 Ibid., 6, 77. Speak,” 299-303. für Kirchengeschichte 76 (1965), 323-42, on the dynamics 72 “Epistola episcoporum 79 Ibid., Prologue, 73: between local interests and Franciae”: “Et quare aliquid “Sacerdotem quoque esse unitary ideals. confrmare audemus, quod uult ‘amplectentem eum, qui in illorum non inveniatur secundum doctrinam est, 65 Karl-Ferdinand Werner, scribts?”, Werminghof, MGH fdelem sermonem, ut potens “Hludovicus Augustus: gouverner Conc. 2.1, 143. sit exhortari in doctrina sana, et l’empire chréten – idées et eos, qui contradicunt, arguere’”. réalités,” in Godman and Collins, 73 Agobard, “Adversum dogma Charlemagne’s Heir, 54-69. Felicis,” 3, 75: “sanctorum 80 Ibid., Prologue, 73: “Filii Dei, patrum sententas”. qui uestrum iuuat imperium”. 66 Agobard, “Adversum dogma Felicis,” 1, in Van Acker, Agobardi 74 Ibid., 3, 75: “absque dubio in 81 For example in Ardo opera omnia, 74: “quedam aeternum peribit”. Anianensis, “Vita sanct Benedict scedula ab eo edita sub spete Abbats Anianensis,” c. 8, ed. and interrogatonis et responsionis”. 75 Ibid., 3, 75: “ueritas amanda trans. Gerhard Schmitz et al., est, non uerba”. www.rotula.de/aniane/. 67 Ibid., 2, 74: “nescientes quia non ex uita hominis metenda 76 Rosamond McKiterick, 82 Van Renswoude, “License to est fdes, sed ex fde probanda “Royal Patronage of Culture in Speak,” 30.

22 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE RUTGER KRAMER

83 Carl T. McIntre, “Transcending Dichotomies in History and Religion,” History and Theory: Theme Issue 45 – Religion and History 45 (2006), 80-92.

84 Rutger Kramer and Irene van Renswoude, “Dissens, Debate und Diskurs: Kirche und Imperium in der Karolingerzeit,” Historicum 31, Themenschwerpunkt Visions of Community (2014), 22-27.

85 This article has benefitted greatly from input of the participants and organizers of the LUCAS International Graduate Conference Breaking the Rules (January 2015), as well as from helpful remarks by Graeme Ward, Jelle Wassenaar, Veronika Wieser, and, above all, Irene van Renswoude. Research for this article has been funded through the SFB Visions of Community, sponsored by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF F42).

Rutger Kramer received his PhD from the Freie Universität Berlin in 2014. He is currently a post- doctoral researcher at the Insttut für Mitelalterforschung of the Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschafen in Vienna. In additon to his research on the intersecton between Carolingian religious reforms and imperial policies in the eighth to tenth centuries, he works as a coordinator of the SFB Visions of Community: Comparatve Approaches to Ethnicity, Region and Empire in Christanity, Islam and Buddhism (400-1600 CE) (www.viscom.ac.at).

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 23 model speakers The subversive potential of reported female speech in the New Testament gospels

Amanda Jarvis Boston University, Boston, United States

ABSTRACT – Several female characters in the canonical Gospels provide the reader with models for public speech and behaviour that test the boundaries of appropriateness. These characters include the Samaritan woman (John 4:1-42), female witnesses to Jesus’ resurrecton (Mark 16:7-8), and Mary Magdalene (John 20:1-2, 18 and Luke 24:8-11). The modelling potental of these fgures derives from the Gospel authors’ use of reported female speech, a feature that deviates from the typical paradigm for the representaton of female fgures by male authors. Roman epigraphic and literary records exhibit the key features of this paradigm, against which the Gospel accounts may be compared. This comparison reveals that, although the reported words and actons of the women of the canonical Gospels do complicate the extant model, the Gospel authors also employ aspects of the typical paradigm (especially at Luke 24:8-11), thereby ultmately reconciling divergent female speech and behaviour with appropriate norms.

INTRODUCTION

1 On the epigraphic evidence The laudable words and deeds of ancient Roman women survive in a number of available, see John P. Bodel, writen forms, including literary accounts, public inscriptons on plaques and statue Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient 1 History from Inscriptons bases, and epitaphs on public grave markers. However, due to the limited extent (London: Psychology Press, to which Roman women could partake in the afairs of state – much less than men

24 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

of similar status – the amount of public space dedicated to their commemoraton 2001); Mary R. Lefowitz and contrasts with the physical space these women would actually have occupied in the Maureen B. Fant, Women’s Life in Greece and Rome: A Source public sphere. Many scholars have described how such prominent Roman women, Book in Translaton (Baltmore: noteworthy for their personal accomplishments, benefactons, and outstanding John Hopkins University Press, personae, were primarily represented in public, writen commemoratons as 1993); Brian K. Harvey, Roman Lives: Ancient Roman Lives as 2 standardized iteratons of domestc dutes and virtues. If the city and its citzen Illustrated by Latn Inscriptons body could be conceived of as a macrocosmic amplifcaton of the home and its (Newburyport: Focus hierarchy of gender and staton, such women served as a magnifying glass. The Publishers, 2004). efects of this projecton were described in a thoroughly predictable manner, 2 The scholarship on this topic creatng a signifcant discrepancy between the unique lived experiences of women is rich and multfaceted; useful who acted outside of their staton and the homogenous representaton of their overviews are found in Ramsay MacMullen, “Women in Public deeds in writen form. Most importantly, the limited number of characteristcs in the Roman Empire,” Historia for which women could appropriately be praised, once set in writng, served as a 29 (1980), 208-18; Natalie persistent model not only for subsequent writen accounts, but also for the actual Kampen, Image and Status: Roman Working Woman in deeds of the women who read, or were read, these records. Osta (Berlin: Mann, 1981); Richard. A. Bauman, Women Given this premise, I argue that the words and deeds of the women featured in the and Politcs in Ancient Rome (London: Routledge, 1992); canonical Gospels complicate the models for female behaviour that are preserved Elaine Fantham et al., Women in in the writen records of Rome. These women, who served and travelled as the Classical World (New York: disciples of Jesus, lived in regions that were, at the tme, only loosely connected to Oxford University Press, 1994); Emily Ann Hemelrijk, Matrona 3 the imperial centre in Rome. They were removed, by some degree, from the direct Docta: Educated Women in the and daily infuence of inscribed monuments located in the city and its immediate Roman Elite from Cornelia to environs, and from writen documents in circulaton there. They would have been Julia Domna (London: Routledge, 1999); Suzanne Dixon, Reading speaking and actng publicly at a tme characterized by the development, rather Roman Women: Sources, than the fnalizaton, of canonical writen prescriptons for acceptable behaviour Genres and Real Life (London: within the nascent Christan community.4 Furthermore, the Gospel accounts difer Duckworth, 2001); Kristna Milnor, Gender, Domestcity, and from writen models preserved at Rome, in that their authors consistently report the Age of Augustus: Inventng the self-directed words of individual women. These words are neither explicit Private Life (Oxford: Oxford reproductons of male speech, nor the exact product of training overseen by a University Press, 2005). male authority. However, the same authors also persistently undermine the non- 3 Judea, for example (from normatve actons of these women by questoning the reliability and authority whence the Samaritan woman

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 25 MODEL SPEAKERS

of Jn 4:1-42), was governed of their self-produced speech and self-directed acton. As a result, the reader only by a prefect or equestrian of these texts is lef with a problematzed version of a recognizable model. The procurator untl the rebellion of 69-70 CE (see Tacitus, Annals Gospel accounts suggest that Jesus’ female followers had the potental to provide 12.60; Flavius Josephus, Jewish the reader with an alternatve paradigm for appropriate public female behaviour. Antquites 17.355, 18.1-2). Yet they also evince the power of writng – and of male authorship – as a means by In response to the revolt, the province was brought under the which to preserve the social norms that these women disrupted by speaking and much stricter control of a legate actng independently. with full military authority.

4 I accept the standard dates of THE WRITTEN MODEL: WOMEN AS WORDS compositon proposed in Michael D. Coogan (ed.), New Oxford In order to contnue this exploraton, it is frst necessary not only to confrm Annotated Bible, NRSV 4th editon (Oxford: Oxford University the existence of such a paradigm, but also to explain how this model served Press, 2010): Mark c. 60-70 CE as the basis for the array of subsequent writen accounts, in which male (1791); Mathew c. 80 CE (1746); authors portrayed unique, individual women as recognizable iteratons of their Luke c. 85 CE (1827); John c. 85-90 CE (1879). On the role of predecessors. Modern linguists argue that writng systems develop not merely women as organizers and ofce in response to the need to record speech in symbolic form, but also as a tool by holding members of the early which to establish a symbolic framework for spoken communicaton.5 Put another Christan community, see Ute E. Eisen, Women Ofceholders in way, we do not write only what we can already say; we also use writng to explore Early Christanity (Collegeville: and to confrm what we could say, before we say it. As David Olson explains, Liturgical Press, 2000); Margaret “writng systems are developed for mnemonic and communicatve purposes, MacDonald, “Was Celsus Right?” in Early Christan Families in but because they are ‘read’ they provide a model for language and thought […] Context: An Interdisciplinary we introspect our language along lines laid down by our scripts”.6 Applied to Dialogue, eds. David. L. Bach and the situaton at hand, one can hypothesize that what is writen by men about Carolyn Osiek (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2003), 157- women not only utlizes preapproved sentments and characterizatons, but also 84; Kevin Madigan and Carolyn perpetuates these paradigms as appropriate models for female representaton Osiek, Ordained Women in the (and for how female readers will represent themselves). Although numerous Early Church: A Documentary History (Baltmore: John scholars have already convincingly delineated the salient features of this system Hopkins University Press, 2005); in the Roman context, a few examples might help to beter orient the reader.7 and Carolyn Osiek, Margaret The women in these examples are of diferent ages and social levels, and their MacDonald, and Janet H. Tulloch, A Woman’s Place: House commemoraton takes diferent forms (spoken, epigraphic, and literary). Given Churches in Earliest Christanity the diversity of their lived experiences, the numerous confuences between the

26 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

writen records of their deeds serve to demonstrate the pervasive nature of the (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, predictable set of appropriate praises atributed to these women by the male 2006).

8 authors who commemorate them. 5 The previous hypothesis, shared by linguists and To begin with a popular example: the frst century BCE marble-inscribed eulogy for developmental psychologists, was that one learned to read Murdia (CIL 06, 10230) evinces the homogeneity of public praise of women, in both and write in order to translate spoken and writen form.9 Reportedly delivered by one of her sons, the eulogy sounds into writen signs. highlights Murdia’s supreme equanimity when distributng her estate among her Developmental psychologist David Olson, in light of the 10 sons, and current and former spouses, but does not go so far as to assign any work done by Noam Chomsky, unique praise to Murdia herself, because: Roger Brown, Jerome Bruner, and Lev Vygotsky (among others), helped introduce a new [T]he praise[T]he ofpraise all good of all women good women is straightorward is straightorward and comparable: and comparable: since [their] perspectve, in which literacy natural,since in-born [their] quality natural, of goodnessin-born quality and lastngof goodness trust and do notlastng call trust for ado diversity was considered an aspect of of words;not and call becausefor a diversity it is sufcient of words; that and theybecause have it isdone sufcient the same that theygood deeds learning to think about the rules of language that are implicit worthy haveof repute. done the same good deeds worthy of repute. in oral communicaton. For a comprehensive examinaton Murdia’s eulogy also explains that it is difcult to fnd novel terms of praise of twenteth-century theories of language, see Mortéza (novae laudes) for women, therefore it is beter to celebrate their shared qualites Mahmoudian, Modern Theories (communia): “lest some expression, partng from the legitmate maxims, should of Language: The Empirical corrupt the rest”.12 In all, the eulogy (and subsequently, the inscripton) identfes Challenge (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992). and ratonalizes a type of commemoraton that draws from an acceptable set of pre-existng praises (iusts praecepts), applicable to any woman. Murdia’s 6 David G. Olson, “How Writng partcular accomplishments are subsumed by a homogenous, writen model for Represents Speech,” Language and Communicaton 13 (1993), all good deeds done by women, and any unique insight into her life is interrupted 2; 15. by its refracton through the words of a male author who is used to talking about women in a certain way, and writng about them with the same words. 7 All CIL texts were accessed via the Clauss-Slaby Epigraphik Datenbank (htp://www. Constancy, simplicity, and a nod to an established canon of language: these manfredclauss.de/gb/index. features are found in literary sources as well. For example, Cicero, when evaluatng html). For Bible passages, I have used Nestle-Aland, eds., Novum 13 the public speaking skills of Laelia, writes: Testamentum Graece, 26th

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE |27 MODEL SPEAKERS

editon (Stutgart: Deutsche The veryThe sound very sound of her of voice her voice is so is direct so direct and and clean, clean, as as to to convey convey no no aspect of Bibelgesellschaf, 1979). All showmanshipaspect ofor showmanshipimitaton; from or [these imitaton; qualites from of] [these her speech qualites I [can] of] adjudgeher the translatons are my own. mannerspeech of her I father’s[can] adjudge speech, the [or] manner that of of her her forebears. father’s speech, [or] that 8 The use of these non-Christan of her forebears.14 examples is necessitated by the lack of distnctly ‘Christan’ material culture untl (at Although Laelia is herself portrayed as the speaker, the words she produces are earliest) the middle of the not her own. Like the every-woman in the Laudato Murdiae, Laelia (and thus, her frst century CE; see Orazio manner of speaking) remains unspoiled by the social changes occurring around Marucchi, Christan Epigraphy: An Elementary Treatse, her. Unafected by the evoluton of styles and tastes of public speakers and their with a Collecton of Ancient audiences, Laelia preserves a set of iusts praecepts dicendi (approved rules of Christan Inscriptons Mainly speaking), which she reproduces without ostentaton or originality. For this she is, of Roman Origin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, at least in Cicero’s narratve, worthy of approbaton. 1912; Chicago: Ares Publishing, 1974) and, more recently, Finally, Eucharis of Licinia also serves as a mouthpiece for her male forebears. Graydon F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Her frst-century BCE funerary inscripton (CIL 06, 10096) narrates, in the voice Church Life before Constantne of the deceased 14-year-old former slave herself, how her parens arranged for (Macon: Mercer University her epitaph in order to inform passers-by of her best qualites and outstanding Press, 2003). accomplishments.15 Eucharis was an unmarried girl, learned and accomplished in 9 Hugh Lindsay, “The ‘Laudato every skill,16 and so profcient that she could have been educated by the Muses Murdiae’: Its Content and themselves, as evinced by her stage-performance as a member of a chorus.17 Yet Signifcance,” Latomus 63 (2004), 88-97. no crowd of admiring fans mourns the loss of so talented a performer: “I, the daughter, have lef tears to my progenitor”.18 Eucharis’ father brackets either side of 10 Lefowitz and Fant, Women’s her inscribed ‘address’. Like Laelia’s ancestors in Cicero’s account, he has arranged Life, inscripton no. 43, 17-18. for her artstc educaton, and for the form and content of her speech. He will sufer 11 CIL 06, 10230, 21-25: most from the loss of this girl, trained to speak and perform according to his own “… quom omnium bonarum proclivites. Like Laelia, Eucharis speaks words that are not her own. feminarum simplex simi / lisque esse laudato soleat quod naturalia bona propria custo / From these examples, the reader can see that Roman women of various ages dia servata varietates verborum and social levels had the potental to be publicly noted. Yet these examples also non desiderent satsque sit / eadem omnes bona fama digna demonstrate the numerous ways in which male authors efectvely homogenized fecisse…”. an array of unique circumstances and personalites, and asserted the presence of a

28 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

domestc and patriarchal boundary within which women could appropriately speak and act. In doing so, the authors ensured that to whatever extent such women confounded domestc expectatons by speaking out or venturing into the public 12 Ibid., 27-28: “… ne quod / sphere, the records of their rule breaking represented these actons as normatve amissum ex iusts praecepts rather than subversive. Within such linguistc boundaries these women served, at cetera turpet. ” the tme of each text’s creaton, as graphic reproductons of the tastes and values 13 The mother-in-law of L. of the men who wrote about them. Moreover, they became symbolic models for Licinius Crassus, consul in 95 what women could appropriately say and do thereafer, for one who reads an BCE. account comprised of such persistent prefabricatons engages with this normatve 14 Cicero, De Oratore 3.45, set of words and concepts, allows it to model her own behaviour, and in doing so, in Rhetorica: Volume I, ed. translates the writen symbols back into tangible actons. Augustus S. Wilkins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922): “sono ipso vocis ita recto et IN THEIR OWN WORDS? THE REPORTED SPEECH OF THE FEMALE DISCIPLES simplici est, ut nihil ostentatonis aut imitatonis adferre videatur; ex quo sic locutum esse eius Now that the model has been established, it is possible to consider how the words patrem iudico, sic maiores.” and deeds of several women from the New Testament Gospels engage with it and complicate it. Although the writen record of these women’s words and deeds is 15 CIL 06, 10096, 3-4. authored by men, the content of their accounts difers somewhat from the model 16 Ibid., 2: “docta erodita we have seen because the words and actons of the women are reported as being omnes artes virgo.” independently produced and motvated, rather than formed from, and limited by, 17 Ibid., 11: “docta erodita iusta praecepta. As a result, at the moment of speaking or actng, these women paene Musarum manu”; 12-13. are neither mouthpieces of preapproved speech, nor do they limit their actons to those portrayed by the model as appropriate. The male authors do have the last 18 Ibid., 18: “reliqui fetum nata genitori meo.” word, so to speak, which allows them to reframe potentally subversive content in a manner beftng the paradigm. Nonetheless, the words and deeds of Jesus’ female 19 On the Samaritan woman, see disciples retain signifcant potental as writen models for subsequent readers. Mark Edwards, “The Samaritan Woman: John 4.3-45,” in John Those readers can recognize that the male authors’ atempts to reassert the model (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, are primarily necessary because the model was questoned in the frst place. 2004), 53-61. For the Gospel of John in general, see Craig S. Keener, The Gospel of John: A The parable of the Samaritan woman in John 4:1-42 consttutes one of the Commentary, Volume I (Peabody: longest sustained dialogues in the canonical Gospels.19 Of course, the words Hendrickson, 2003).

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 29 MODEL SPEAKERS

the Samaritan woman speaks are not entrely her own; a male author serves as intermediary between the woman’s actual words and deeds, and those reported to the reader. Yet, it is precisely in the author’s atempts to render the Samaritan woman paradigmatc that the reader can detect that the woman herself had spoken and acted independently of appropriate social paradigms. From the outset of their meetng alongside a well, Jesus himself, as Barbara MacHafe notes, disregards predominant social prohibitons when he asks the woman for a drink of water: “Not only does he, a Jew, speak to a Samaritan, but he disregards the Jewish norm prohibitng men from speaking to women in public”.20 Nonetheless, 20 Barbara J. MacHafe, Her the Samaritan woman contnues to engage with him, and eventually realizes that Story: Women in Christan the man before her is a divine prophet: “And the woman said to him, ‘Lord, I see Traditon (Philadelphia: Fortress 21 Press, 1986), 16. that you are the Messiah’.”

21 Jn 4:19: “λέγει αὐτῷ ἡ γυνή, The verb for ‘seeing’ (θεωρῶ), although it can indicate an act of internal Κύριε, θεωρῶ ὅτι προφήτης εἶ 22 σύ.” contemplaton, is primarily used in Greek literature to indicate the consultaton of an oracle.23 The one who consults (θεωρός) was tasked with receiving the words 22 E.g. Plato, Gorgias 523e; spoken through the oracle, the direct communicaton from divine to mortal. As Aristotle, Metaphysica 1003b15; Epicurus, De natura 2.6. such, a θεωρός served a diferent functon than a μάντις (also ofen translated as ‘seer’), whose skill rested in his ability to interpret signs sent by the gods (e.g. 23 Henry George Liddell and dreams or weather paterns).24 The distncton is crucial in emphasizing that Jesus’ Robert Scot, comps., Greek- English Lexicon (1843; repr. identty becomes apparent to the Samaritan woman in the course of a verbal Oxford: Oxford University exchange, in which both partes play an actve role, rather than as the result of the Press, 1995), s.v. “θεωρῶ”, I. woman’s contemplaton of concrete, physical signs or symbols – such as text, which Its secondary connotaton, ‘to view a spectacle’ (s.v. “θεωρῶ”, occupies space on a stone or page – corresponding to a partcular paradigm. II) likewise consttutes an interacton with the world Yet the Samaritan woman is not a traditonal θεωρός, either, as this consultant’s outside the subject’s own mind. task does not generally require actve interpretaton of the gods’ pronouncements. 24 On ancient seers, see Instead, the θεωρός functons as a mouthpiece, a reporter who strives for as Michael A. Flower, The Seer faithful a reproducton of the model – i.e. the god’s ‘original’ words – as possible. in Ancient Greece (Berkeley: University of California Press, The Samaritan woman, on the other hand, makes an independent decision about 2008), esp. 22-71. how she will convey her experiences to the men of her village. Several aspects

30 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

of John’s text indicate her autonomy as both an actor and speaker. First, before she departs, the woman receives confrmaton from Jesus regarding his Messianic status: “Jesus said to her, ‘I am [the Lord] who converses with you’”.25 As we shall see, the woman does not merely report this confrmaton in her address to her townspeople, but provides her own uniquely-worded account of the encounter. Then the woman departs: “Therefore, the woman lef her water jug behind and came from there into the city; she speaks to the men […]”.26 This acton reveals a shif in the woman’s priorites: she had lef her home, and the confnes of the city, to fulfl a domestc responsibility (gathering water for the household); when she returns, her primary concern is the public address that she will make to the men of her village.27 John underscores this contrast by switching back to the simple present 25 Jn 4:26: “λέγει αὐτῇ ὁ Ἰησοῦς, tense (λέγει). Furthermore, the woman had not simply forgoten the vessel in her Ἐγώ εἰμι, ὁ λαλῶν σοι.” haste, but deliberately lef it, and the domestc priority it symbolized, at the well as she departed to pursue a public priority. This dichotomy is well represented by the 26 Jn 4:28: “ἀφῆκεν οὖν τὴν ὑδρίαν αὐτῆς ἡ γυνὴ καὶ structure of the text: the jug is ‘lef’ at one end of the sentence, and the woman, ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ λέγει placed squarely in its centre, moves forward towards the city. Thus, John indicates τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.” to the reader that, even before she addresses the townsmen, the Samaritan woman 27 For an alternatve is actng on her own prerogatve. Unlike the typical θεωρός, who is sent to fulfl a interpretaton, see Frank A. specifc task and is only successful if he returns to precisely reproduce the words he Spina, The Faith of the Outsider: has heard, the Samaritan woman returns not only without the water for which she Exclusion and Inclusion in the Biblical Story (Cambridge: had set out, but also without the exact words of Jesus on her lips. William B. Eerdmans, 2005), 154-55. When she speaks, furthermore, the Samaritan woman does not merely repeat 28 Jn 4:29: “δεῦτε ἴδετε Jesus’ claims of divinity, but fashions her address in such a way as to elicit a ἄνθρωπον ὃς εἶπέν μοι πάντα partcular response from the townsmen: “Come now and see the man who told ὅσα ἐποίησα: μήτι οὗτός ἐστιν me all things, as many as I have done; surely this man is not Christ, is he?”28 ὁ Χριστός”.

By encouraging the incredulity of her fellows, the Samaritan woman prompts 29 Jn 4:39: “Ἐκ δὲ τῆς πόλεως the men to act. According to the Gospel of John: “Many of the Samaritan men ἐκείνης πολλοὶ ἐπίστευσαν from that city believed in [Jesus] as a result of the Samaritan woman’s account εἰς αὐτὸν τῶν Σαμαριτῶν διὰ τὸν λόγον τῆς γυναικὸς (λόγον τῆς γυναικός), when she atested (μαρτυρούσης) that ‘[Jesus] told μαρτυρούσης ὅτι Εἶπέν μοι me all the things I have done’”.29 As with his descripton of the water jug, the πάντα ἃ ἐποίησα.”

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 31 MODEL SPEAKERS

author’s choice of words is signifcant with respect to the Samaritan woman’s deviaton from social norms. As one able to atest the words of Jesus due to her role as a witness (μαρτυρούσης), the Samaritan woman again calls to mind the fgure of the θεωρός. In the absence of Jesus himself, the woman produces her own λόγος, her own credible report of her experiences.

The signifcance of the fact that her inital address is called a λόγος is revealed as the reader contnues, for when the men go and meet Jesus himself, they quickly discard the Samaritan woman’s speech in favour of the words of the Messiah:

And moreAnd by more far believed by far believed on account on account of [Jesus’] of [Jesus’] word word(λόγον) (λόγον) and to and the to woman they said,the ‘No woman longer they do said, we believe‘No longer because do we of believe your idlebecause talk (λαλιάν),of your idle since we have heardtalk for(λαλιάν), ourselves’. since we have heard for ourselves’.30

30 Jn 4:41-42: “καὶ πολλῷ πλείους ἐπίστευσαν διὰ τὸν Now, Jesus’ own speech (λόγος) inspires belief, while the Samaritan woman’s λόγον αὐτοῦ τῇ τε γυναικὶ words, by comparison, are reduced to mere loquaciousness.31 From the outcome ἔλεγον ὅτι Οὐκέτι διὰ τὴν σὴν λαλιὰν πιστεύομεν: αὐτοὶ γὰρ of the episode of the Samaritan woman, one can see how the writen medium of ἀκηκόαμεν.” the Gospel of John is used to arrange a hierarchy that privileges the public authority of a male speaker. When the Samaritan woman’s words are frst reported, they 31 The usual derogatory connotaton is evident at are assigned the status of λόγος, and are believed on their own merit; when Jesus Aristophanes, Clouds 931 and provides his own λόγος, however, the status of the woman’s words diminishes by Polybius 3.20.5. Over tme, the comparison to be considered gossip or chater (λαλιάν). term acquires a more neutral connotaton, e.g. Jn 4:26. See Liddell and Scot, Greek-English Kasper Larsen equates the Samaritan woman to certain of Jesus’ male disciples, Lexicon, s.v. “λαλιά”, II. since her testmony “arouses the Samaritans’ interest, and it has the same

32 Kasper B. Larsen, efect as the testmonies of Andrew and Philip in [John] 1:35-51. It creates new “Anagnorisis and Arrival (John observers who approach Jesus in order to see for themselves”.32 However, this 1-4),” in Recognizing the passage is noteworthy for another reason. At John 1:35-37, John the Baptst Stranger: Recogniton Scenes in the Gospel of John (Leiden: Brill, points Jesus out to two of his own disciples, with whom he is speaking: “and 2003), 138-40. the two disciples heard [John] saying this (λαλοῦντος), and they followed afer

32 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

Jesus”.33 In this case, the two disciples accept John the Baptst’s identfcaton of Jesus, although his words are an example of λαλιά rather than λόγος. The derogatory connotaton of λαλιά is not present, and John’s words are believed without further justfcaton.

From this we can posit that the hierarchy of accounts, in the case of the Samaritan woman, does not result merely from Jesus’ superior status as a divine fgure, but from his superior status as a male authority fgure whose public address to other males does not break any social rules. Jesus’ inital conversaton with the Samaritan woman corroborates this suppositon, for a neutral connotaton of the term is also used at 4:26: “Jesus said to her, ‘I am [the Lord] who converses (λαλῶν) with you’.”34 The Gospel of John again employs the neutral meaning of λαλιά, and indicates its subordinate status to λόγος when describing Jesus’ response to the sceptcal Jews at 8:43: “For what reason do you not understand what I say (λαλιάν)? It is because you are unable to receive my word (λόγον)”.35 In none of these instances can λαλιά/λαλῶν be adequately translated as ‘chater’ or ‘gossip’. The later example, furthermore, illustrates the priority of λόγος over λαλιά; as an authority fgure, Jesus is able to credibly produce both types of speech, but his λόγος stll serves as the basis of any λαλιά that follows. All the more important, then, is the Samaritan woman’s brief producton of her own λόγος, and its power to compel belief.36 Her inital success reveals the potental for women to model speech that has not already been modelled, as she does not simply report the words of Jesus, but fashions her own. The author need only assert the ultmate preference for Jesus’ speech over 33 Jn 1:37: “καὶ ἤκουσαν οἱ δύο μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος καὶ that of the Samaritan woman if the reader is initally able to consider the divergent ἠκολούθησαν τῷ Ἰησοῦ.” λόγοι as equally legitmate and authoritatve. Put another way, the subjugaton of the woman’s words is necessitated precisely because they threaten both the verbal 34 Jn 4:26; see note 24. hierarchy of λόγος over λαλιά, and the related hierarchy of credibility based upon 35 Jn 8:43: “διὰ τί τὴν λαλιὰν the speaker’s gender. τὴν ἐμὴν οὐ γινώσκετε; ὅτι οὐ δύνασθε ἀκούειν τὸν λόγον τὸν ἐμόν.” John’s Samaritan woman also responds to the portrayals of appropriate female speech and acton found in the other canonical Gospels. The fact that she addresses 36 Jn 4:39; see note 29.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 33 MODEL SPEAKERS

the men of her town at all, for example, seems a notable contrast with the stunned silence of the women who discover Jesus’ empty tomb in Mark:

‘Go and tell the disciples of Jesus and Peter that [Jesus] is going ‘Go andahead tell of the you disciples into Galilee of Jesus […]’. andAnd Peter they fedthat from [Jesus] the is tomb, going forahead fear of you into Galileeand […]’. wonderment And they seizedfed from them, the and tomb, they for said fear nothing and wonderment to anyone, for seized them, and they weresaid nothing frightened. to anyone,37 for they were frightened.

It is here that Mark’s Gospel comes to an abrupt conclusion, which, Richard Horsley concludes, “invites the reader to contnue the story of Jesus and the kingdom”.38 Indeed, the very existence of this text suggests that Mary Magdalene, Mary mother of James,

37 Mk 16:7-8: “ἀλλὰ ὑπάγετε and Salome were eventually able to overcome their shock and report what they had εἴπατε τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ seen to the male disciples. While the instructons given at 16:7 suggest the content of τῷ Πέτρῳ ὅτι Προάγει ὑμᾶς εἰς the report, and thereby provide a model for the reader’s own imagining, they do not go τὴν Γαλιλαίαν […] ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τοῦ μνημείου, εἶχεν γὰρ αὐτὰς so far as to shape the exact form of either the women’s report, or of the male disciple’s τρόμος καὶ ἔκστασις: καὶ οὐδενὶ reactons. As a result, Mark’s male and female speakers are lef on an ambiguous, yet οὐδὲν εἶπαν, ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ.” equal plane, as potental reproducers of the account of Jesus’ resurrecton.

38 Richard Horsley, “Gospel of Mark,” in Coogan et al., New While the original author of the Gospel of Mark was comfortable with such a Oxford Bible, 1791. possibility, an emender of his text clearly was not. Likely added to the original text

39 Horsley (ibid., 1824) writes in the second century CE, the ‘long ending’ of Mark (16:9-19) elides the potentally that the emender wanted self-directed words of these women, and those of the reader, by emphasizing the Mark’s original text to “conform correspondence between physical symbols and speech as mutual confrmatons of to the common patern” of the 39 resurrecton as described in the an account’s veracity. For example, in Mark 16:17, Jesus explains that believers other canonical Gospels. An who proclaim his word will be atended by signs of their belief (σημεῖα), and uses the additonal ‘shorter ending’ was neutral connotaton of λαλέω when describing such proclamatons: “In my name composed as an alternatve to the frst emendaton, though not they will cast out inferior spirits, they will make uterances (λαλήσουσιν) in novel before the fourth century CE. tongues”.40 The emended ending further confrms, in the voice of the omniscient narrator, that symbols (σημεῖα) and speech (λόγος) are complementary parts of the 40 Mk 16:17: “ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου δαιμόνια ἐκβαλοῦσιν, Lord’s oversight in the apostolic process (16:20). Here, the σημεῖα likely connote γλώσσαις λαλήσουσιν καιναῖς.” portents or omens rather than writen symbols.41 Yet the term embraces a wide

34 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

range of connotatons, all of which are linked by the fact that σημεῖα can engage any number of senses, including sight and touch,42 while spoken words engage only the ears. Given the fexibility of the term, it is not too indulgent to imagine that the emended ending, the writen account comprised of observable, linguistc symbols, is itself a σημεῖον, through which the emender of the Gospel of Mark augments the ambiguous original ending and asserts a fxed version of events. The unspoken and unwriten testmony of the female witnesses consequently cedes to the authority of artculate men (λαλήσουσιν) whose uterances claim the superior status of a λόγος corroborated by symbols of God’s approbaton.

Perhaps a model for the emender of Mark, the Gospel of John also addresses the 41 A typical meaning, applicable authority of graphic witnesses, although in his account they take priority over the in both poetry and prose, e.g. words of both male and female speakers. Nonetheless, the words of male speakers Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus stll prove to be more authoritatve than those of female interlocutors. In additon 294 or Plato, Phedrus 244c. to the Samaritan woman, Mary Magdalene stands out in John’s text as a female 42 E.g. dog tracks (Sophocles, speaker whose words are prompted by nothing but her own experience: Antgone 257); a shield device (Herodotus 1.171); a signet on a ring (Aristophanes, Knights 952); Mary Magdalene came […] to the tomb, and she saw that the stone Mary Magdalene came […] to the tomb, and she saw that the stone had been taken symbols for writen shorthand away […]had therefore been taken she away ran to[…] Simon therefore Peter she and ran to to other Simon disciples, Peter and whom to Jesus (Plutarch, Cato Minor 23). loved, otherand said disciples, to them, whom ‘They Jesus have loved, taken andthe Lordsaid tofrom them, the ‘Theytomb, haveand I do not 43 Jn 20:1-2: “Μαρία ἡ taken the Lord from the tomb, and I do not know where they have know where they have put him’. Μαγδαληνὴ ἔρχεται […] εἰς τὸ put him’.43 μνημεῖον, καὶ βλέπει τὸν λίθον ἠρμένον […] τρέχει οὖν καὶ ἔρχεται πρὸς Σίμωνα Πέτρον Like the Samaritan woman, Mary uses words of her own design to encourage her καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἄλλον μαθητὴν addressees to investgate. When Mary speaks again at 20:18, she not only reports ὃν ἐφίλει ὁ Ἰησοῦς, καὶ λέγει what Jesus told her but, again like the Samaritan woman, adds her own words αὐτοῖς, ἦραν τὸν κύριον ἐκ τοῦ μνημείου, καὶ οὐκ οἴδαμεν ποῦ to his: “Mary Magdalene arrived, announcing to the disciples, ‘I have seen the ἔθηκαν αὐτόν.” Lord’, and also the things he said to her”.44 This tme, however, her words elicit no response that the author saw ft to record. Her incredible role as the sole 44 Jn 20:18: “ἔρχεται Μαριὰ ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ ἀγγέλλουσα recipient of Jesus’ seminal revelaton is rendered ambivalent by her elision from τοῖς μαθηταῖς ὅτι Ἑώρακα τὸν the text immediately thereafer. When Mary disappears from the text, the reader’s κύριον, καὶ ταῦτα εἶπεν αὐτῇ.”

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 35 MODEL SPEAKERS

atenton is abruptly shifed to the male disciples; apparently unmoved by Mary’s speech, they are instead prompted to believe from the physical signs Jesus gives them (20:19-30). John’s reader, furthermore, is instructed to base his own belief on the writen commemoraton of these physical signs:

There are many other signs (πολλὰ…σημεῖα) as well which Jesus There areenacted many inother the signspresence (πολλὰ…σημεῖα) of his disciples, as wellwhich which are notJesus recorded enacted in the presencein ofthis his book disciples, (οὐκ γεγραμμένα);which are not butrecorded these, in on this the book other (οὐκ hand, γεγραμμένα); are but these,writen on the (γέγραπται), other hand, that are you writen may (γέγραπται),believe that thatJesus you is Christmay believe the that Jesus is SonChrist of theGod. Son45 of God.45

Thus, in the penultmate chapter, John’s author adds an additonal rung to the ladder of authority: Mary’s words, a form of λαλιά corroborated neither by Jesus’ word nor by σημεῖα, occupy the botom rung. Jesus’ reported speech to the disciples, confrmed by signs, represents a step up in terms of authority, but it is the tangible, inscribed account of these signs that occupies the top rung, and that forms the basis for contnued belief.

The inscribed status of John’s text thus adds to its legitmacy. As in the case of our Roman evidence − Eucharis’ or Murdia’s epitaphs, or the menton of Laelia − the author portrays his women in a manner that assures conformity to expectatons established by the model women whom the texts themselves help to create and approve. However, the Gospel of John’s report of the actual words of the Samaritan woman and Mary Magdalene presents the reader with a more complex model: each woman does, in the end, conform to the paradigm, but the author forces her 45 Jn 20:30-31: “Πολλὰ to do so only afer she spoken and acted outside of the norm. Mark’s original report μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλα σημεῖα ἐποίησεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐνώπιον also allows for this complexity, although less explicitly; by suggestng the speech τῶν μαθητῶν [αὐτοῦ], ἃ οὐκ of the women at the tomb without commitng it to any fnal form, Mark’s author ἔστιν γεγραμμένα ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ enables his reader to imagine the women’s words as she sees ft. The emender of τούτῳ / ταῦτα δὲ γέγραπται ἵνα πιστεύ[ς]ητε ὅτι Ἰησοῦς ἐστιν ὁ Mark removes this ambiguity in a manner comparable to John’s technique, namely, Χριστὸς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ.” by assertng the priority of a writen model over that of uninscribed speech.

36 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

Finally, the Gospel of Luke provides a negatve example that can help the reader to appreciate the complexity of the respectve portrayals in Mark and John, for Luke goes further than either of them, both in terms of the elision or condemnaton of female speech, and in the asserton of the ultmate authority of male-produced writen models for speech.46 In Luke 24:8, Mary Magdalene, Joanna, Mary mother of James, and a group of other women provide a collectve report to the apostles based upon their recollecton of the ‘spoken’ (i.e. modelled) words of Jesus.47

Notably, their words are not of the same independently-inspired nature as those 46 Upon cursory examinaton, of the Samaritan woman, Mary Magdalene, or (potentally) the women at the end Mathew’s Gospel reveals litle, of Mark’s original text. Furthermore, the male disciples immediately disregard the if any, sense of anxiety over the producton of a writen 48 women’s account as ‘mere nonsense’ (λῆρος). Two of the sceptcal male disciples model for speech. A closer look, are confronted by Jesus soon thereafer, who rebukes them for doubtng the however, which I have forgone account, but only because it was previously predicted by male prophets, and Moses in the interest of space, might prove productve. in partcular.49 Thus, although the women had reported the same informaton contained in the prophetc accounts, Luke’s Gospel asserts that the accuracy of 47 Lk 24:8: “ἐμνήσθησαν τῶν their report does not assure its authority.50 ῥημάτων αὐτοῦ.” Cf. Liddell and Scot, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. “ῥῆμα”, I. Yet Luke’s author is not satsfed with merely assertng the authority of male over female speakers. Rather, the men’s disbelief is only expelled when Jesus directs 48 Lk 24:11. their atenton to the writen scriptures (γραφάς) from which his words are drawn: 49 Lk 24:25: “ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς “And he said to them, ‘Thus it was writen […] You are witnesses (μάρτυρες) of these ἐλάλησαν οἱ προφῆται” things’”.51 Unlike the Samaritan woman in John, who is a witness (μαρτυρούσα) to (another example of the neutral connotaton of λαλέω, when Jesus’ words, the male disciples in Luke’s Gospel corroborate their own testmony related to male speakers, οἱ based upon their witness of more compelling, writen models. In additon to eliding προφῆται). Compare to Lk the potental for independently-produced female speech, then, Luke further 24:26-27. undermines even modelled female speech by presentng it as doubtul testmony 50 Compare Lk 24:1-10 to that is best ignored in favour of male speech and male-authored writen accounts. 24:24-27. Furthermore, in Luke’s Gospel the opportunity to witness such an account is ofered 51 Lk 24:45-48: “καὶ εἶπεν only to male disciples: this circumstance removes the potental for women in his αὐτοῖς ὅτι Οὕτως γέγραπται … text to serve as models for the reader, as regards the proliferaton of Jesus’ word. ὑμεῖς μάρτυρες τούτων.”

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 37 MODEL SPEAKERS

The portrayal of Jesus’ female disciples by Luke’s author represents a reacton to non-normatve, female words and deeds that is more restrictve than that of his fellow Gospel authors. Yet the level of authority that the Gospel of Luke grants to writen testmony, as a defnitve means of communicatng a fxed, normatve model, ultmately corresponds to that granted by the author of John and the emender of Mark.

CONCLUSION

The features of this normatve writen model are evident in the broader cultural paradigms for appropriate female behaviour established prior to the early-mid frst century CE, namely those preserved in the form of Roman eulogies, epitaphs, and literary accounts. Given this defniton of appropriate female behaviour and speech, one can examine the potental challenges to these cultural norms that 52 Thank you to an anonymous reviewer for directng my would derive from independently-produced female speech, which the male atenton to Sandra M. Gospel authors navigate by reconciling non-normatve speech and deeds to the Schneiders, “Women in the broader paradigms. As such, the respectve Roman and Gospel texts bracket the Fourth Gospel and the Role of Women in the Contemporary lived experiences of these female disciples: their words and deeds exist in the Church,” Biblical Theological tme and space between the typical model, in both literary and epigraphic form, Bulletn 12 (1998), 513-35. from which they deviate, and the more specifcally Christan model found in the

53 I extend my sincere grattude Gospels which report these deviatons. They are, however, then undermined in a to Karine Laporte and Tessa manner guided by the rules of the original model. de Zeeuw, as well as to the anonymous reviewers of the previous versions of this paper, The examples employed are by no means exhaustve. Yet by identfying a few and to the partcipants of the female fgures, such as the Samaritan woman or Mary Magdalene, who speak LUCAS Graduate Conference and act in the space between the rejecton of one model and the creaton of (Leiden, 29-30 January 2015), all of who have helped me to another, I hope to have encouraged the reader to contnue thinking about refne and organize my ideas, the potental that such women had as models for novel types of speech and and to strengthen my argument. acton. Of course, it is highly unlikely that any of the Gospel authors set out to Any extant weaknesses in argumentaton and presentaton compose their respectve accounts with the primary aim of overtly glorifying or are entrely my own. emphatcally undermining their female characters.52 What seems more likely, and

38 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE AMANDA JARVIS

what can help explain the parallels between the Gospel accounts explored above, is that the broader Roman writen models, from which our female characters diverge, were nonetheless ubiquitous enough to unobtrusively infuence the Gospel authors’ accounts, even as these authors portrayed women speaking and actng in ways outside the norm. Yet it is precisely this discrepancy between the models that allows the reader to receive the reported speech and actons of these women (John), or to imagine these things (Mark), and to recognize the modelling potental of these outstanding words and deeds, even if only for a moment.53

In 2012, Amanda Jarvis earned her BA in Classics from Hofstra University, where she also completed a minor in Religious Studies. She is now in her fourth year of the PhD program in Classics at Boston University. Her current academic interests include sixth and ffh century BCE Greek history, Euripidean drama, Ovidian poetry, and early Christan literature, especially the Apocryphal Acts.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 39 sinful catholics and repentant protestants? the penitential process in the medieval and early modern tradition of THEtwelve virtues

Ine Kiekens Ghent University and Ruusbroec Insttute, University of Antwerp, Belgium

ABSTRACT – In the study of religious culture, a clear rupture between the ‘dark’ Middle Ages and the ‘glorious’ early modern epoch has ofen been presumed. Likewise Protestants, as initators of a new Christan era, are sometmes stll believed to have rejected traditons rooted in ‘medieval’ Catholicism. Although these assumptons have received general oppositon, further nuance can be reached through renewed study of the penitental process. This paper investgates the penitental process in the long and widespread traditon of the Middle Dutch treatse Vanden twaelf dogheden (On the Twelve Virtues) and its various early modern translatons and adaptatons, used in both Catholic and Protestant milieus. New research reveals that both Catholic and Protestant compilers relied on this medieval traditon to compose their own treatses on virtuousness.

INTRODUCTION

In her study on penitence and preaching, Anne Thayer argues “the penitental process as taught and practced in the Late Medieval Period was to be severely 1 Anne T. Thayer, Penitence, critcized by the Protestant reformers of the sixteenth century as well as Preaching, and the Coming of 1 the Reformaton (Aldershot: passionately reasserted by Catholics”. This statement belongs to a centuries-old Ashgate, 2002), 92. traditon in the study of religious perceptons, practces, and texts. By disparaging

40 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INE KIEKENS

the late Middle Ages as a dark period of decline, sixteenth-century humanists, 2 This misleading historiography nineteenth-century Romantc historians, and modern scholars in the wake of is denounced in Robert W. Shafern, The Penitents’ Treasury: Dutch historian Johan Huizinga contributed to the inventon of a strict distncton Indulgences in Latn Christendom between the ‘culturally exhausted’ Middle Ages and the ‘glorious’ early modern 1175-1375 (Scranton: University epoch.2 Similar sentments also gave rise to a black-and-white dichotomy between of Scranton Press, 2007), 5-17. The decisive role played 3 ‘spiritually inferior, sinful Catholics’ and ‘superior, repentant Protestants’. by Huizinga in the modern interpretaton of the late Middle Recent research has shown that such divisions are too stringent and inconsistent Ages is discussed in John Van Engen, “Multple Optons: The 4 with historical reality. Although the Protestant Reformaton and the Catholic World of the Fifeenth-Century Counter-Reformaton exerted radical modifcatons over Christan observance, Church,” Church History 77 similar changes and calls for reform already occurred before the sixteenth (2008), 257-59.

5 century. Furthermore, it has become clear that both Catholics and Protestants 3 See, for example, John Foster, sometmes strove for conservaton and even restoraton of earlier medieval An Accurate Report of the traditons. The depicton of Protestants as turning over a new leaf and critcizing Speech of the Right Hon. John Foster (Dublin: R. Parchbank, 6 anything rooted in the medieval Church is therefore largely exaggerated. 1798), 17-18; Edmund Hepple, However, these new insights have not yet reached all areas of research in The Great Queston between the feld. The study of the penitental process – the practces concerning sin, Protestants and Catholics, Viewed in a New Light: With repentance, and penance – stll sufers from a one-sided perspectve. It is clear an Address to Both Partes; that the current discourse needs moderaton, and opportunites for further Suggested by the Signs of the discussion remain. Times, and Suited to the Present Momentous Crisis; Containing also an Easy and Practcable This artcle aims to show that, in the early modern period, both Catholic Plan for the Efectual Security and Protestant authors used late medieval ideas on penance, and that they of the Church (Newcastle: W. Fordyce, 1829), 20. themselves did not see a clear rupture between the Catholic and Protestant ways of thinking. It adds nuance to generalizatons about the penitental 4 Heinz Schilling, Die neue Zeit: process from a literary-historical perspectve by examining the recepton of Vom Christenheitseuropa zum Europa der Staaten: 1250 bis Vanden twaelf dogheden (On the Twelve Virtues), a fourteenth-century Middle 1750 (Berlin: Siedler Verlag, Dutch treatse on how to live virtuously, and how to behave afer breaking God’s 1999); Heiko A. Oberman, The rules. This text was widespread in the medieval Low Countries and was later Two Reformatons: The Journey from the Last Days to the adapted by both Catholics and Protestants. The traditon of the Twelve Virtues New World (New Haven: Yale thus serves as a good case study to examine how the process of breaking the University Press, 2003); Brian

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 41 SINFUL CATHOLICS AND REPENTANT PROTESTANTS?

Cummings and James Simpson, rules and restoring the established order was perceived in the transiton from introducton to Cultural the late Middle Ages to the early modern epoch. Studying this traditon ofers Reformatons: Medieval and Renaissance in Literary History, insights into how Protestant reformers refuted Catholic explanatons of the eds. Brian Cummins and James penitental process and whether a clear rupture between the two periods can Simpson (2010; repr., Oxford: be distnguished. A short introducton to the traditon of the Twelve Virtues is Oxford University Press, 2012), 1-9, esp. 1-5. followed by a discussion of how this descripton of rule breaking and restoring order evolved depending on the context of its use. Furthermore, reviewing 5 Alastair Armstrong, The the text’s sources sheds light on the establishment of the concepts of sin, European Reformaton 1500- 1610 (Oxford: Heinemann, repentance, and penance in the traditon of the Twelve Virtues by focusing not 2002), 74-75; Rudolph W. Heinze, on the rupture between, but rather on the transiton from the late medieval to Reform and Confict: From the the early modern period. Medieval World to the Wars of Religion A.D. 1350-1648 (Oxford: Monarch Books, 2006), 256-57. THE TWELVE VIRTUES: A FIRST ACQUAINTANCE

6 Shafern, The Penitents’ Treasury, 5-17. Although the anonymous Vanden twaelf dogheden was long attributed to 7 Recent publicatons consider the famous mystic Jan van Ruusbroec (d. 1381), scholars now agree that Wevel the author of Vanden Godfried Wevel (d. 1396) wrote the text.7 Wevel was procurator, confessor, twaelf dogheden, for instance, Jean-Marie Gueullete, and scribe at the Brussels monastery of Groenendaal during Ruusbroec’s Eckhart en France: la lecture priorate.8 Nevertheless, Vanden twaelf dogheden was probably not intended des Insttutons spirituelles for the canons of Groenendaal. At the beginning of the 1380s, Wevel was atribuées à Tauler 1548-1699 (Grenoble: Éditons Jérome solicited, possibly by Geert Grote (d. 1384), founder of the Devotio Moderna, Millon, 2012), 14-15; and to educate the novices of the just-founded monastery of Eemstein near Bernard McGinn, The Varietes Dordrecht. It is assumed that Wevel composed his Vanden twaelf dogheden of Vernacular Mystcism 1350- 9 1550 (New York: The Crossroad to instruct the newly arrived monks in spiritual virtuousness. The treatise Publishing Company, 2012), contains 12 chapters, each of which explains a virtue or a way to achieve 76. Scheepsma believes that virtuousness and illustrates this with concrete examples. The first chapters on Wevel authored Vanden twaelf dogheden, however, he also humility, obedience, and patience are closely related to monastic spirituality. mentons the objectons to this They are followed by explanations on typical Eckhartian themes, such as hypothesis. Wybren Scheepsma, gelâzenheit (resignation) and abegescheidenheit (detachment). The last “Das Mitelniederländische Nachleben der Erfurter ‘Reden’ section is devoted to the different components of the penitential process: Meister Eckharts,” in: Meister sin, repentance, and penance.

42 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INE KIEKENS

Litle research has been done on the impact of the Twelve Virtues. Nevertheless, Eckharts Erfurter ‘Reden’ in they were known in many monasteries in late medieval and early modern ihrem Kontext, eds. Dagmar Gotschall and Dietmar Mieth Western Europe. During the ffeenth century, Vanden twaelf dogheden (Mainz: W. Kohlhammer, 2013), circulated widely in monastc circles throughout the Low Countries and the 131-52. western part of present-day Germany. Fify manuscripts containing a full or 8 Obituaire du Monastère de partal version of the text survive, including a Latn translaton of Vanden twaelf Groenendael dans la forêt dogheden.10 In 1543, a certain Petrus Noviomagus – sometmes identfed as de Soignes, publié avec une introducton et des notes, the Jesuit Petrus Canisius (d. 1597) – composed an opera omnia of the German ed. Marc Dykmans (Brussels: mystc Johannes Tauler (d. 1361), in which he integrated the Tractat vonn Paleis der Academieën, 1940), Tůgenten, a German adaptaton of Vanden twaelf dogheden. In this anthology, 328; Jozef van Mierlo, “Uit de uitgave van het obituarium Noviomagus defended the interests of the Catholic reformers.11 In 1548, the van Groenendaal,” Verslagen Carthusian Laurentus Surius (d. 1578) reworked Noviomagus’ adaptaton into en Mededelingen van de Latn for his own anthology of Tauler.12 These Insttutones Taulerianae became Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Leterkunde 53 the basis for nearly all other vernacular translatons. In this way, the traditon (1941), 432-34, 436. of the Twelve Virtues spread throughout Western Europe.13 9 Van Mierlo, “Uit de uitgave,” 432-36; Geert Warnar, It was, however, not only through the anthology of Tauler that people became Ruusbroec. Literatuur en acquainted with the Twelve Virtues. In 1552, Surius published his opera omnia Mystek in de Veertende Eeuw of Ruusbroec with a Latn translaton of the original Vanden twaelf dogheden, (Amsterdam: Athenaeum – Polak & Van Gennep, 2003), 292. the Tractatus de praecipuis quibusdam virtutbus, which was also translated 10 In the context of my into nearly all Western European vernaculars.14 Creatng those opera omnia dissertaton I compiled an with the perspectve of the Catholic Reformaton in mind, Surius, just like updated inventory of the textual Noviomagus, wanted to ensure that everyone could beneft from the catholic witnesses of Vanden twaelf dogheden. The Latn translaton belief and rousing teachings of the great medieval masters. However, not of Vanden twaelf dogheden only Catholic readers found inspiraton in those opera omnia. In 1685, the was probably done by Geert Protestant theologian Theophil Gotlieb Spizelius (d. 1738) published an Grote; see Jan Deschamps, “De handschrifelijke overlevering anthology on penance, in which he integrated Surius’ Latn translaton of the van Ruusbroecs werken,” chapter on penance.15 Furthermore, in 1701, the Protestant theologian Georg Verslagen en mededelingen Johann Conradi (d. 1747) published a German adaptaton of Surius’ anthology van de Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en of Ruusbroec.16 Both Spizelius and Conradi spread those teachings in the spirit Leterkunde. Nieuwe Reeks 19 of the Protestant Reformaton.17 (1982), 192-93.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 43 SINFUL CATHOLICS AND REPENTANT PROTESTANTS?

11 Petrus Noviomagus, Des THE PENITENTIAL PROCESS IN THE MEDIEVAL TRADITION OF THE TWELVE Erleüchten D. Johannis Tauleri, VIRTUES von eym waren evangelischen Leben, Götliche Predig, Leren, Epistolen, Cantlenen, The third thematc secton of Vanden twaelf dogheden is entrely dedicated to Propheten (Cologne: Jaspar von the penitental process. In Chapter 9, Wevel explains how the faithful should Gennep, 1543), htp://objects. library.uu.nl/reader/index. behave afer breaking God’s rules: he should not regret his sins, for they oblige php?obj=1874-21182&lan=nl# him to do penance and to humiliate himself. page//14/43/52/1443527633 741905529048923513642122 Indeed, he who would be right should in a certain way not wish 23165.jpg/mode/1up. On the Indeed, he who would be right should in a certain way not wish that those sins, in fgure of Petrus Noviomagus which hethat had those fallen, sins, had in notwhich happened he had fallen,... that hadis: as not far happened as the sins ... have that brought and his identfcaton with him to is:penance, as far as and the he, sins through have brought these sins, him tois abasedpenance, and and humiliated. he, through Petrus Canisius, see Rob J. M. these sins, is abased and humiliated.18 van de Schoor, “Canisius als Herausgeber. Die Ausgaben van Tauler (1543), Kyrill (1546) In this way, the faithful will grow closer to God. He should not regret the act und Leo dem Grossen (1546),” Ons Geestelijk Erf 82 (2011), of sinning itself, but he should regret having displeased God. However, by 161-86. John M. Frymire acceptng penance, humiliatng himself, and turning towards God, all his sins unproblematcally identfes will be forgiven. In Chapter 10, which deals with repentance, Wevel repeats Canisius with Noviomagus in The Primacy of the Postls: that the faithful should regret having displeased God. This sincere repentance Catholics, Protestants and the will arouse God’s immediate forgiveness. The eleventh and twelfh chapters Disseminaton of Ideas in Early concentrate on true penance, which cannot be reached by performing exterior Modern Germany (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 259. works, such as fastng and holding vigils. Genuine penance only results from interior eforts: rejectng one’s sins and turning towards God. Nevertheless, 12 Laurentus Surius, D. Ioannis because idleness is intolerable, it is important that the faithful contnues to Thauleri, sublimis et illuminat theologi, saluberrimae ac perform works in which he fnds himself in the proximity of God. However, plane divinae insttutones aut when the faithful performs an exterior work which inhibits him in striving for doctrinae, recens inventae, true penance, he may cease this work: “And if any exterior work hinders you [in quibus instruimur, ut per spirituales exercitatones doing] that, be it fastng or heavy penance, leave it freely without any concerns. virtutesque, ad amabilem Dei And do not suppose that you neglect any penance that way”.19 unionem pertngatur (Cologne: Johann Quentel, 1548). About the actvites of Surius, see As one can imagine, statements such as not regretng breaking God’s rules Carlos M. N. Eire, “Early Modern were not always favourably received. Wevel borrowed this argument from the

44 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INE KIEKENS

German theologian Master Eckhart (d. 1328-9): “A good man ought to conform his will to the divine will in such a way that he should will whatever God wills. Since God in some way wills for me to have sinned, I should not will that I had not commited sins; and this is true penitence”.20 By repeatng this concept, Wevel in fact defed In agro dominico, the papal bull in which Pope John XXII (d. 1334) not only pronounced 28 propositons of Master Eckhart heretcal or suspect of heresy, but also forbade further distributon of those ideas.21 It is Catholic Piety in Translaton,” therefore somewhat surprising that the heretcal idea of not regretng one’s in Cultural Translaton in Early Modern Europe, eds. Peter sins also appears in Vanden twaelf dogheden. Moreover, the encouragement Burke and Ronnie Po-chia to leave exterior works behind, because they do not lead to true penance and Hsia (Cambridge: Cambridge can even hinder this ultmate goal, was also condemned by the Pope. It appears University Press, 2007), 90-91; Kees Schepers, “Ruusbroec in the sixteenth to nineteenth of Eckhart’s propositons refuted by Pope John in Latn: Impulses and XXII’s bull: Impediments,” in A Companion to John of Ruusbroec, eds. John Arblaster and Rob Faesen 16. God does not properly command an exterior act. (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 269-70. 16. God does not properly command an exterior act. 17. The exterior act is not properly good or divine, and God does not produce it 17. The exterior act is not properly good or divine, and God or give birth to it in the proper sense. 13 I inventoried these textual does not produce it or give birth to it in the proper sense. witnesses in the context 18. Let us bring forth the fruit not of exterior acts, which do not make us good, of my dissertaton. On the 18. Let us bring forth the fruit not of exterior acts, which do not but of interior acts, which the Father who abides in us makes and produces. distributon of this Tauler print, make us good, but of interior acts, which the Father who 19. God loves souls, not the exterior work. see Albert Ampe, “Een kritsch abides in us makes and produces. onderzoek van de ‘Insttutones Taulerianae’,” Ons Geestelijk Erf 19. God loves souls, not the exterior work.22 40 (1966), 167-240; Comité- Jan van Ruusbroec, ed., Jan van Ruusbroec 1293-1381. It can be concluded that Vanden twaelf dogheden contains some extraordinary Tentoonstellingscatalogus. Met statements concerning the breaking of rules, some of which were even als bijlage een chronologische condemned heretcal at the beginning of the fourteenth century. However, this tabel en drie kaarten (Brussels: Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, did not hinder the further distributon of the Twelve Virtues. It is therefore 1981), 245-47; Jos Andriessen, interestng to examine how Catholic and Protestant reformers dealt with this “Ruusbroec’s Infuence untl c. remarkable late-medieval heritage. 1800,” in A Companion to John of Ruusbroec, eds. John Arblaster and Rob Faesen (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 290; 292-96.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 45 SINFUL CATHOLICS AND REPENTANT PROTESTANTS?

THE PENITENTIAL PROCESS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION

In 1543, the Catholic Petrus Noviomagus composed his Tractat vonn Tůgenten with a revised version of the Twelve Virtues. The changed sequence of the virtues immediately catches the eye. The themes of sin, repentance, and penance discussed at the end of Vanden twaelf dogheden consttute the opening chapters of Noviomagus’ treatse. From this alteraton, it can be hypothesized that Noviomagus wanted to emphasize diferent topics than 14 Laurentus Surius, D. Joannis Rusbrochii Svmmi atqve sanctss. Wevel. The penitental process had apparently grown more important in Viri, qvem insignis quem insignis Noviomagus’ view and thus deserved a more prominent place in his work. quidam theologus alterum The revised heritage of the Twelve Virtues is included in the frst chapter of Dionysium Areopagitam appellat, Opera omnia (Cologne: Johann the Tractat vonn Tůgenten, which begins with two general ideas issued from Quentel, 1552). Vanden twaelf dogheden: frstly, it is impossible to live without sometmes For my dissertaton, I inventoried breaking the rules; and secondly, by being repentant and practsing penance, the textual witnesses of this Ruusbroec print. Interestng the faithful will again reach God’s proximity. However, in the Tractat vonn overviews can already be found Tůgenten those statements are followed by the explicit proclamaton that sin in Comité-Jan van Ruusbroec, Jan is above all a malicious deed evoking only negatve consequences. van Ruusbroec, 241-42; Thom Mertens, “‘Gescreven waerheit blivet staen’: De recepte van Sin is anSin adoraton is an adoraton of the ofidols, the aidols, renunciaton a renunciaton of faith, of anfaith, exaltaton an exaltaton of the enemy, Ruusbroecs werken,” in Een claer a sweetof poison,the enemy, a beginning a sweet ofpoison, damnaton, a beginning a cause of fordamnaton, more sins, a cause a short joy, a verlicht man: over het leven en werk van Jan van Ruusbroec long pain,for more an eternal sins, a shame, short joy, loved a long by thepain, world, an eternal hated shame, by God loved and byby all good (1293-1381), ed. Egbert P. Bos people.the world, hated by God and by all good people.23 (Hilversum: Verloren, 1993), 80-81; Schepers, “Ruusbroec in Latn,” 269-74. Probably fearing critque arising from misinterpretatons, Noviomagus wants his readers to know that breaking the rules is wrong under any circumstances, even 15 Theophil Gotlieb Spizelius, if the repentant could have his faults repaired eventually. This repentance has to Selecta Doctorum Veterum Scriptorumque Ecclesiastcorum, result, as in Vanden twaelf dogheden, from the right attude: the faithful should De Vera Sinceraqve ad regret the displeasure he has caused God rather than the consequences he must Documenta, cum Praefaminibus face. Noviomagus explicitly mentons that those who show repentance because Theophili Spizelii (Augsburg: Theophil Goebel, 1685). they are anxious about purgatory or hell will not be forgiven.

46 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INE KIEKENS

This you should know: that this repentance should neither come 16 Georg Johannes Conradi, This youfrom should servile know: fear that of this hell repentance or purgatory, should nor neitherfrom a comesensual from regret servile fear Des Ehrwürdigen Vaters D. Johannis Rusbrochii (…) of hell withor purgatory, biterness nor to commiseratefrom a sensual oneself regret and with one’s biterness own misfortune, to commiserate Doctor Ecstatcus, bestehend oneselfbut and because one’s one own has misfortune, dishonoured but and because angered one God. has24 dishonoured and aus allen desselben sehr angered God. gotseligen Schrifen (Ofenbach am Main: Afer all, such people do not act out of love for God, but out of self-concern. Bonaventura de Launoy, 1701). By making clear that such people would not obtain God’s mercy, Noviomagus See also Comité-Jan probably antcipated critcism for allowing people to insincerely express sorrow van Ruusbroec, Jan van Ruusbroec, 250. only on their deathbed foreseeing purgatory or hell. Furthermore, Noviomagus 17 Peter C. Erb, “The Use of states that the sinner should go to a priest and confess his sins to show real Ruusbroec among German repentance. Protestants,” in Jan van Ruusbroec: The Sources, Content and Sequels of His Mystcism, ThereforeTherefore he ought he to ought deplore to his deplore sins with his biter sins with repentance, biter repentance, and guard against eds. Paul Mommaers and this withand true guard sorrow against and true this intenton, with true acknowledge sorrow and guilt true in confession intenton, before Norbert De Paepe (Leuven: the priestacknowledge in God’s placeguilt in (who confession has the before power the over priest [the in sinner] God’s place to bind and Leuven University Press, 1984), 153-75; Dietrich Blaufuss, unbind),(who and receivehas the penancepower over according [the sinner] to the ordinanceto bind and of unbind),the holy church.and “Commercium epistolicum in 25 receive penance according to the ordinance of the holy church. der Reichsstadt: Gotlieb Spizel/ Augsburg (1639-1691) und seine Briefwechselsammlung Vanden twaelf dogheden and the Tractat vonn Tůgenten also difer in the importance im Umkreis von Orthodoxie und they place on certain expressions of penitence. Wevel declares that exterior works Pietsmus,” in Stadt und Literatur will not lead to penance and that interior eforts are most important. The Tractat im deutschen Sprachraum der frühen Neuzeit 1, ed. Klaus vonn Tůgenten contains the same idea, but Noviomagus is more cautous and Garber (Berlin: De Gruyter, asserts that performing exterior works will efectvely lead to penance. 1998), 411-24; Dietrich Blaufuss, “Gotlieb Spizel (1639-1691) – dreissig Jahre Pfarrer an St. Out of thisOut reasonof this fowsreason the fows exterior the exteriorworks of works penance, of penance, such as fastng, such as keeping Jakob,” in St. Jakob – 650 Jahre. vigil, praying,fastng, almsgiving keeping vigil, and praying,the like, almsgivingwhich are muchand the more like, pleasant which are to God as Ein Kirche und ihr Stadteil they implymuch a more more loving pleasant turn totowards God as God. they That imply is why a more you should loving follow turn those (Augsburg: Wissner, 2005), 36-39. works intowards which youGod. experience That is why God’s you shouldgoodness follow more those closely, works and in become which more 18 “Ja, die recht waer, hi en ready toyou feel experience sorry for yourGod’s sins, goodness and to moreweigh closely, [them] and more become heavily, more and to put soude niet willen na eenre wijs die sonde, daer hi in ghevallen ready to feel sorry for your sins, and to weigh [them] more heavily, more trust in God. was, dat die niet gheschiet 26 and to put more trust in God. en waeren ... mer also verre

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 47 SINFUL CATHOLICS AND REPENTANT PROTESTANTS?

als hem die sonde ghebrocht According to Noviomagus, God appreciates exterior works when they permit the hebben ter penitencien, ende hi repentant to ponder his sins and to turn towards God. Nevertheless, both Wevel overmids die sonden, ghenedert ende gheoetmoedicht is”. Jozef and Noviomagus consider penance in the same way: works conducted from van Mierlo, Werken: 1. Vanden the right interior attude are primary. However, Wevel’s statement can lead to XIJ Beghinen. 2. Vanden XIJ the assumpton that some people do not need to perform any penance at all. Dogheden (Mechelen: Het Kompas, 1932), 294 (trans. Guido Possibly, Noviomagus wanted to avoid such misinterpretatons by accentuatng de Baere and Ine Kiekens). the importance of exterior works.

19 “Ende ist dat uu enich uutwendich werc hier-toe For the opera omnia of Tauler, Surius reworked Noviomagus’ Tractat vonn hindert, het si vasten of grote Tůgenten into Latn. The passages concerning the penitental process were penitencie, dat laet vrilic sonder faithfully integrated into the frst chapter of the Insttutones Taulerianae: breaking alle sorghe. Ende en waent niet, dat ghi daer-mede versumet the rules is considered reprehensible although unavoidable, true repentance enighe penitencie”. Ibid., 303 only emanates from true love for God, and exterior works are encouraged in the (trans. de Baere and Kiekens). striving for penance. For his editon of the oeuvre of Ruusbroec, Surius must have

20 “Bonus homo debet sic consulted a version of Vanden twaelf dogheden itself. Surius repeats that sins conformare voluntatem suam cannot be avoided and that the faithful should not regret them. Nevertheless, voluntat divine, quod ipse velit the frst part of the new ttle of this chapter shows a shif in emphasis. “That the quicquid deus vult. Quia deus vult aliquo modo me pecasse, gifs of grace must be referred to God, who has not only forgiven us the sins but nollem ego quod ego peccata non also preserved us for many mistakes” encourages the faithful to be thankful since commisissem”. Satoshi Kikuchi, God has also saved him from sins he has not commited.27 Although this idea From Eckhart to Ruusbroec: A Critcal Inheritance of Mystcal also appears in Vanden twaelf dogheden, it occupies a more prominent place in Themes in the Fourteenth Century Surius’ work. The descriptons of repentance and penance are precisely copied (Leuven: Leuven University Press, from Vanden twaelf dogheden. Again it is stated that the repentant should reject 2014), 43. This editon includes both the original Latn and the his sinful behaviour and turn towards God. The faithful can perform works as acts English translaton. of penance, but they have to arise from the right attude in order to not distract

21 Interestng studies on In him from his love for God. agro dominico and its infuence include Josef, Koch, “Kritsche Both Noviomagus and Surius wanted to spread the Catholic faith by making Studien zum Leben Meister Eckharts. Zweiter Teil – Die useful teachings of the past available to a broad audience. Nevertheless, the Kölner Jahre, der Prozess und descriptons of the penitental process in their opera omnia suggest diferent die Verurteilung,” Archivum attudes in their distributon strategies. Noviomagus probably worried about Fratrum Praedicatorum 39

48 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INE KIEKENS

the content of the Twelve Virtues. In the turbid tmes of the sixteenth century, he (1960): 5-52; Edmund Colledge and Bernard McGinn, Meister must have feared that his readers would misunderstand his explanatons. This Eckhart. The Essental Sermons, was not peculiar considering the condemnaton of the same ideas in Eckhart’s Commentaries, Treatses, and oeuvre by the papal bull In agro dominico, two centuries before Noviomagus Defense (Toronto: Paulist Press, 1981); Rob Faesen, “Ruusbroec composed his anthology of Tauler. Noviomagus was in any case very careful at the Charterhouse of Herne. in adaptng his source text on the Twelve Virtues by adding qualifcatons and How Did the Carthusians changing some passages so as not to mislead his readership. Concerning exterior React to the Eckhart Shock?” in A Fish Out of Water? From works, for instance, he made his message very clear: God expects both interior Contemplatve Solitude to and exterior eforts of the repentant. Noviomagus’ contemporary, Surius, Carthusian Involvement in seemed less worried about possible misinterpretatons by his readers. From his Pastoral Care and Reform Actvity, eds. Stephen J. perspectve, respectng the authority of his sources must have been the most Molvarec and Tom Gaens, important element to reckon with. Although he made shortened versions of his (Leuven: Peeters, 2013), 107- source texts, his main concern in the editons of Tauler and Ruusbroec was to 25; Kikuchi, From Eckhart to Ruusbroec, 37-47. transmit the teachings of the great masters faithfully. 22 “16. Deus proprie non precipit actum exteriorem. 17. THE PENITENTIAL PROCESS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE PROTESTANT Actus exterior non est proprie REFORMATION bonus nec divinus, nec operatur ipsum Deus proprie nec parit. 18. Aferamus fructum actuum In 1685, Spizelius created a Latn thematc anthology on penance, based on non exteriorum, qui nos bonos the teachings of great religious authorites. He considered Ruusbroec as one of non faciunt, sed actuum interiorum, quos pater in nobis the eminent teachers and used the Ruusbroec editon of 1552 for his chapter manens facit et operatur. 19. ‘De Vera Poenitenta’. Interestngly, Spizelius did not hide the fact that he was Deus animas amat, non opus using Surius’ editon, which was initally distributed in the spirit of the Catholic extra”. Kikuchi, From Eckhart to Ruusbroec, 43-44. Reformaton. Although Spizelius does not menton Surius’ name, he refers in his introducton to the corresponding pages of the editon of 1552 and copied the 23 “Die sunde ist ein anbetung der abgöter / eyn verleugnung whole chapter precisely.28 des glaubens / eyn erhebung des feyends / ein suss vergif In 1701,So, Conradi this true made displeasure a German isadaptaton the serious of Surius’will to 1552never editon. commit The sins, following eyn anfang der verdamnuss / eyn vrsach zu mer sunden / ein kurtz and the true trust together with the true love for God [is] the true sentences in Conradi’s chapter on penance are therefore unexpected: freud / ein lange pein / ein ewige penance. From this, the exterior signs of penance originate, such schande / geliebt vonn der welt / So, thisas true confession, displeasure keeping is the vigil, serious fastng, will praying, to never almsgiving, commit sins, and otherand the true gehass von got / vnd von allen guten menschenn”. Petrus

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 49 SINFUL CATHOLICS AND REPENTANT PROTESTANTS?

Noviomagus, Des Erleüchten D. trust togethersimilar godly with worksthe true which love please for God God [is] much the true more penance. insofar asFrom they this, the Johannis Tauleri, r.cclxxix (trans. exteriorare signs more of vigorous penance and originate, accurate such and asmore confession, united to keepinglove.29 vigil, fastng, de Baere and Kiekens). praying, almsgiving, and other similar godly works which please God much more 24 “Dis ist zu wissen / das Although all chapters are modelled on the 1552 editon, the chapter on penance diser reuw sol niet kommen vs knechtlichem forchten fur die hel is changed and completed with descriptons from the adaptaton of 1548. It is oder fegfeur / noch aus einem clear that Conradi knew both versions and considered it necessary to emphasize sinlichen leitwesen mit biterheit the importance of exterior works. / vmb sich selber vnd seinen eygen schaden zu beklagen / mer / dann das er got enteret Both Spizelius and Conradi were part of the Protestant traditon, but followed vnd verzornt hat”. Ibid., r.cclxxix diferent distributon strategies. Spizelius wanted to adhere to the leter of the (trans. de Baere and Kiekens). teachings of the past’s virtuous masters. By rendering his source text precisely, 25 “Da fur muss er mit biteren reuwen sein sund beweinen he probably wanted to avoid making mistakes or encouraging misinterpretatons vnde mit warem leitwesen vnnd concerning Ruusbroec’s authority and spirituality. Conradi, on the contrary, must warem aufsatz sich for der zu have been more worried about the right interpretaton of the texts he spread. hutenn für den priester in gotes stat (der macht hat über in zu Concerning his descriptons of the penitental process, he was not satsfed with binden vnde entbinden) in der one source, but compiled two versions of the Twelve Virtues, to make the exact beicht schuldig geben / vnd buss content clear. It can be assumed that he was, just like Noviomagus, cautous not entangen nach insetzung der heiligenn kirchenn”. Ibid., r.cclxxix to actuate wrong interpretatons of his sources. (trans. de Baere and Kiekens).

26 “Aus disem grunde fiessen CONCLUSION die auswendige werck der penitentz / als vasten / wachenn In this artcle, I investgated the penitental process – a leitmotv in late medieval / beten / aelmoesen geben / vnd der geleich / die got so vill and early modern thinking – in the long traditon of the Twelve Virtues. Versions angenemer seyn / so sey diss of this treatse on virtues were read and copied in the sixteenth to the eighteenth lieblichen zukerens in got mer century for both Catholic and Protestant purposes. While previous scholarship haben. Darumb in woelchen wercken du die gütgkeit gotes has emphasized a dramatc rif between the Middle Ages and early modern naeher befyndes / vnde du period, and between Catholic and Protestant perspectves, none of the four early geschickter werdes deyn sunden modern compilers of the Twelve Virtues – two Catholics and two Protestants – zu beklagen / vnd grosser zu wygen / vnd got mer zu refected such division in their work. They all valued the late medieval works betrauwenn / soelche werck of Tauler and Ruusbroec as strring teachings for the faithful. Furthermore, this folge”. Ibid., r.ccclxxx (trans. de case study shows that neither Spizelius nor Conradi found it problematc to Baere and Kiekens).

50 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE INE KIEKENS

use Catholic editons to compose their writngs for a Protestant audience. The 27 “Ut Deo gratae referendae compilers did not see ruptures nor drew borders between the Catholic and sint, qui nobis non solum Protestant ways of thinking. Concerning the penitental process, their objectve peccata dimiserit, sed etam à was to spread clear explanatons on how to behave afer breaking God’s rules. mults nos praeseruarit vitjs”. Laurentus Surius, D. Ioannis For Surius and Spizelius, the correct explanaton must be loyal to the words of Tauleri, 245 (trans. de Baere). earlier theologians. They respected the masters’ authority by faithfully rendering 28 Ibid., 303. the contents of their texts. Noviomagus and Conradi were more concerned with 29 “So ist nun dieses wahre their own readers. By adding diferentatons and alteratons or by using diferent misbehagen der ernste wille versions of one and the same textual traditon, they wanted to ensure that their niemahlen zu suendigen / und readers would grasp the right meaning of their expositons. It can be concluded das wahre zutrauen sambt der wahren liebe zu Got / die wahre that the pursuit of virtuousness was above all the main aim of the Twelve Virtues, busse. Hieraus aber entstehen for which both Catholic and Protestant compilers relied on the late medieval die aeuserlichen bussmercke / traditon on how to deal with breaking the rules.30 als da sind beichten / wachen / fasten / baeten / allmosen geben und andere den gleichen Gotselige wercke / welche Got so vielmehr gefallen als kraefiger / genauer und mehr sie mit liebe verknuepfet sind”. Ibid., 100 (trans. de Baere and Kiekens).

30 The fndings presented in this artcle emanate from my research project ‘Vanden twaelf dogheden: An Exemplary Study of the Sources, Functons, Distributon and Impact of Middle Dutch Spiritual Writngs’ Ine Kiekens has a Bachelor and Master of Arts in Linguistcs and Literature (Dutch- (Research Foundaton – Flanders (FWO), 2012-2016). I would like French) and a Master of Arts in Literary Studies. She is currently working on a joint to thank Lieke Smits (Leiden PhD in Literature and History at Ghent University and the Ruusbroec Insttute at the University) for her useful University of Antwerp. In her research project “Vanden twaelf dogheden: An Exemplary comments and suggestons and Professor Emeritus Guido Study of the Sources, Functons, Distributon and Impact of Middle Dutch Spiritual de Baere (Ruusbroec Insttute, Writngs”, she studies the evoluton of spiritual themes in the long and widespread University of Antwerp) for his traditon of the Twelve Virtues. help with the translatons.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 51 restricted movement dancing from late antiquity through the early middle ages

Donatella Tronca University of Bologna, Ravenna, Italy

ABSTRACT – Analysis of various sources from Late Antquity to the early Middle Ages, with a focus on texts by Church Fathers and conciliar norms intended to regulate the dancing practces, enables examinaton of the formaton of Christan prejudice against dancing. A connecton can be established between the choreia (choral dance) of the Ideal City described by Plato and the ideal of harmony that the early medieval Church atempted to impose as a form of social control. Such refectons, on dancing as well as on harmony – or the lack thereof – thus facilitate an in-depth refecton on the choreutc aspects of demonic possession.

INTRODUCTION

During a charity event held in Rome in April 2014, two young American priests made a small spectacle: one did a tap dance and the other an Irish jig. As their performance took place in front of a crucifx and a portrait of Pope Francis, much of its excitement was received as brusque impropriety. Yet, facing critcism, they responded, “we’ll just say to those that critcize us that they

52 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE DONATELLA TRONCA

should look at the Bible, where the Lord tells us to live with joy”.1 Such an argument, in which both partes claim to act in the interest of reinforcing the authoritatve norm, is hardly a fricton between ‘modern’ enthusiasm and ‘conservatve’ preoccupatons; it is in fact age-old, and, instead of a simple disagreement about dancing, always the result of diversifed philosophical, religious, and social priorites.

The role of dance in Christan religious observaton and celebraton has a somewhat complicated and controversial history. It has long been held, and litle challenged, that the early medieval decline of dancing in religious ceremonies resulted from the Church’s outright condemnaton of dancing as a diabolical act. This reductve interpretaton ofers no adequate accommodaton for Christan promotons of dancing; more problematc stll, it necessitates blindness towards comparable ratonales of ancient philosophers and Church Fathers, one of the most dynamic and infuental aspects of the dispute over the manifestaton of spiritual structure. This artcle re-approaches Greek, Latn, and Jewish sources from Late Antquity to the early Middle Ages, including both denunciatons and endorsements of dancing, and uncovers in them a common thread. While images of diabolical dancers do arise, the central concern of those who wrote about dancing at a holy tme or place is the body’s alignment with spiritual harmony. 1 “Ci limiteremo a dire a coloro che ci critcano di consultare This is demonstrated by reanalysing what various sources tell us of dancing in la Bibbia, dove il Signore religious contexts, and the spiritual, philosophical, and cultural reasons for ci dice di vivere con gioia” treatng dancing as an act of transgression. (trans. Donatella Tronca). “Tip-tap e danza iralndese [sic], i pret ballerini si sfdano ANCIENT CHRISTIANITY AND THE PLATONIC CHOREIA davant a vescovi e cardinali,” Cafeina Magazine. htp:// www.cafeinamagazine. At the beginning of the Christan era, the most positve approaches to dance were it/2014-10-20-12-41-28/ those derived from Judaism and polytheistc cults. Indeed, dance had always been il-video/4035-tp-tap-e-danza- an essental devotonal tool of Jewish religious practce. In the frst few centuries iralndese-i-pret-ballerini-si- sfdano-davant-a-vescovi- CE, Christans shared the idea that dancing was an act of worship and an expression e-cardinali (Accessed 29 of joy; such views are demonstrated in numerous literary remarks that martyrs as September 2015).

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 53 RESTRICTED MOVEMENT

well as angels danced in heaven. For example, in the fourth century CE, Bishop Basil 2 “Τί οὖν μακαριώτερου τοῦ of Caesarea endorsed dancing by asking who would be more blessed on earth than τὴν ἀγγέλων χορείαν ἐν γῇ 2 μιμεῖσθαι;” (What state can be those who could imitate the χορεία (choreia, choral dance) of the angels. more blessed than to imitate on earth the choruses of angels?). The ancient Greeks also considered dance a supreme art form and, for this reason, Basil the Great, Epistola II, in Basilius Gregorio, ed. J. P. Migne, associated it with the spiritual realm. It is moreover important to underline the Patrologia Graeca 32 (Paris, social role dancing played for them as a collectve ritual act. In Laws, especially Books 1857), 225-26 (trans. Tronca). 2 and 7, Plato systematcally delineates what Steven H. Lonsdale calls an “ancient

3 3 Steven H. Lonsdale, Dance anthropology of dance”. Ritual dance was an instrument of paideia (educaton) and Ritual Play in Greek Religion and, in Platonic thought, moral and civic virtues could be acquired by learning to (Baltmore: John Hopkins dance in the right way. As Lonsdale puts it, “Plato’s legislaton for musical actvity in University Press, 1993), 8. the Laws indicates the power of choral song and dance as an organ of social control 4 Ibid., 20. for the transmission and maintenance of sentments among citzens”.4 Afer all, the term νόμος (nomos, law) also means melody and musical mode: just as nomos, in 5 Ibid., 21-23. the sense of ‘law’, is the basis of social order, it is by following the musical nomos 6 Plato, Laws 7.816a, in Plato in that the collectve choreia can guide the social body harmoniously.5 Twelve Volumes, trans. Robert Gregg Bury, vols. 10 and 11, Loeb Classical Library 187 and The term choreia indicates combined acts of singing and dancing, and, according 192 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard to Plato, the link between the two derives from the body’s rhythm and movement. University Press, 1967-1968). In choral performances, voice and body must move in harmony or, to quote Plato,

7 Plato, Laws 2.654ab; Lonsdale, “when the representaton of things spoken by means of gestures arose, it produced Dance and Ritual Play, 24-29. the whole art of dancing”.6 Only those who are trained to follow this harmony can live in the Platonic City. Those who cannot dance are described as achoreutoi and 8 Leslie Kurke, “Imagining Chorality: Wonder, Plato’s are rejected by the Ideal State, for they will not be able to socialize with the others Puppets, and Moving Statues,” or move in harmony with the rest of the civic choreia.7 Leslie Kurke summarizes in Performance and Culture in choreia as “the perfect coordinaton or orchestraton of movement and song, so Plato’s Laws, ed. Anastasia- 8 Erasmia Peponi (Cambridge: that many voices sing as one voice and many bodies move as a single organism”. Cambridge University Press, Choreia therefore plays a civic role in Plato’s work, to the point where the failure 2013), 132. to move one’s body in harmony with the others is seen as immoral and depraved.9

9 Lonsdale, Dance and Ritual It is thus probable that the angelic choreia described by Basil of Caesarea used the Play, 32. harmonious choreia from the Platonic Ideal State as a model.

54 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE DONATELLA TRONCA

THERAPEUTHAE AND KORYBANTES 10 Lk 7:32, in The Holy Bible, New Revised Standard Version The passage in the Gospel of Luke in which Christ criticizes the Pharisees’ (New York: Harper Collins, behaviour towards John the Baptist, saying “we played the flute for you, and 1989). you did not dance”,10 seems to indicate that Christ also understood dancing as 11 Acts of John 94, in Acta a manifestation of joy. The apocryphal Acts of John, dated between the mid- Iohannis. Praefato – Textus, second and end of the third century CE, mentions that Christ himself danced eds. Éric Junod and Jean-Daniel and sang a hymn at the Last Supper while the Apostles danced around him Kaestli, Corpus Christanorum Series Apocryphorum 1 11 in a circle. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1983), 199. On the fortunes of the Acts of Additionally, in The Contemplative Life from the first century CE, Philo of John and the complex queston of datng it, see Éric Junod and Alexandria describes the rites of singing and dancing at Pentecost celebrations Jean-Daniel Kaestli, L’histoire des performed by the Therapeutae, ascetics living in poverty and chastity. During actes apocryphes des apôtres the gathering, which was held every fifty days and included a vigil, two choirs du IIIe au IXe siècle: le cas des Actes de Jean (Geneva: Faculté – one male and the other female – moved around by dancing. Moreover, de Théologie de Lausanne, they were inebriated like the Bacchae, but their state of drunkenness was 1982); Arthur J. Dewey, “The holy.12 The importance that Philo places on the concept of χαρά (chara, joy) Hymn in the Acts of John: Dance as Hermeneutc,” Semeia 38 is noteworthy. He used the term to indicate the pleasure that fills the soul by (1986), 67-80; Jean-Daniel making it smile and rejoice to the point where it is prompted to dance, thus Kaestli, “Response,” Semeia 38 appearing delirious and possessed (βεβάκχευται) to those not participating (1986), 81-88; Melody Gabrielle Beard-Shouse, “The Circle 13 in the worship. Remo Cacitti has identified a pertinent connection, in terms Dance of the Cross in the Acts of of therapeutic mediation, between the Christological hymn and dance in John: An Early Christan Ritual” the Acts of John and the liturgical dancing of the Jewish ascetic community (Master’s thesis, University of Kansas, 2009), kuscholarworks. 14 described by Philo. ku.edu/handle/1808/6462.

The ancient Greek verb βακχεύω, meaning ‘to be possessed by a Bacchic 12 Philo of Alexandria, La vita contemplatva 83-90, ed. Paola frenzy’ and always associated with the Dionysian world, was used by Philo Grafgna (Genova: Il Melangolo, to denote a state of divine possession. The term later took on a different, 1992), 87-91. negative connotation in early medieval Latin sources, where the pejorative 13 Remo Cacit, Furiosa form obtained from the calque bacchari and its associated gestures was Turba: i fondament religiosi instead used to indicate a state of demonic possession.15 dell’eversione sociale, della

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 55 RESTRICTED MOVEMENT

dissidenza politca e della In terms of musical instruments, the aulos (a pipe or a flute) was the most contestazione ecclesiale dei popular accompaniment to Dionysian rituals in ancient Greece. During such Circoncellioni d’Africa (Milan: Edizioni Biblioteca Francescana, gatherings, Korybantes and Bacchae customarily abandoned themselves to a 2006), 129. Philo says again in form of mania, which Gilbert Rouget defines as a possession trance.16 Plato De ebrietate 1: “But whatever often describes the aulos as a typical instrument of mania and precludes it soul is flled with grace is at once in a state of exultaton, from the Ideal City, along with Bacchic dancing and the dances of Nymphs and and delight, and dancing; for Satyrs.17 Yet, as Simonetta Grandolini has explained, Plato’s disapproval of the it becomes full of triumph, aulos does not target the instrument itself; in keeping with his traditionalist so that it would appear to many of the uninitated to be nature, it is part of a condemnation of all instruments that subverted musical intoxicated, and agitated, and traditions and relinquished ancient austerity.18 to be beside itself. [...] For in the case of those who are under the infuence of divine As Rouget’s studies on the relationship between music and trance show, inspiraton, not only in the soul there is no consequential link between the onset of trance and a certain accustomed to be excited, and type of music, or sound of a particular instrument: music cannot trigger as it were to become frenzied, but also the body is accustomed trance by itself through its intrinsic virtues. Instead, trance is a state of to become reddish and of a consciousness where the most important roles are played by psychological fery complexion, the joy which and cultural components.19 In Symposium, Plato associates the aulos with is internally difused and which is exultng, secretly spreading Marsyas, a character originally from Asia Minor – and therefore a foreigner – its afectons even to the which is also where the cult of Dionysus originated. Adopting psychoanalytic exterior parts, by which many terminology, Rouget explains that such an association is perfectly compatible foolish people are deceived, and have fancied that sober with the general logic of possession, which always involves a form of invasion persons were intoxicated. And by the Other; in the case of rituals of Dionysian possession, the Other and yet indeed those sober people Elsewhere are represented by Dionysus, the ‘foreigner’ par excellence.21 are in a manner intoxicated, having drunk deep of all good things, and having received DIRTY DANCING pledges from perfect virtue.” The Works of Philo: Complete and Unabridged, New Updated In his commentary on Mathew at the end of the fourth century CE, John Chrysostom Version, trans. Charles Duke states that “where dance is, there is the devil”.22 This expression re-emerges in later Yonge, with a foreword by David works, such as the thirteenth-century texts by the Dominican Guillaume Peyrot and M. Scholer (1854-55; Peabody: 23 Hendrickson Publishers, 1993), the Canon Regular Jacques de Vitry. Indeed, the statement has almost always been 146-48. See also Cristna used – even in some contemporary scholarship – to summarize indiscriminately

56 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE DONATELLA TRONCA

the Christan concept of dance, as if it has never changed, regardless of tme and context, since the dawn of the religion.24 In my opinion, the Church Fathers’ Bermond, La danza negli scrit di Filone, Clemente Alessandrino negatve convictons about dancing do not seem far removed from the attudes e Origene: storia e simbologia of many earlier pagan philosophers towards theatre, mimes, and the actng (Frankfurt am Main: Domus profession in general. Afer all, Cicero also associates dancing with madness and Editoria Europaea, 2001). drunkenness – characteristcs that do not belong to a respectable person – in his 14 Remo Cacit, “Οἱ εἰς ἔτι oraton Pro Murena to defend Lucius Licinius Murena against Cato’s accusaton that νῦν καί εἰς ἡμᾶς κάνονες. I Terapeut di Alessandria nella he had danced in Asia. This classical text had an enormous infuence on censors of vita spirituale protocristana,” dancing in the West, partly because Ambrose of Milan quoted it in De virginibus.25 in Origene maestro di vita This example alone cautons us not to reduce the Church Fathers’ disapproval of spirituale. Origen: Master of Spiritual Life, eds. Luigi F. dancing to oppositon between Christanity and paganism, lest we mistakenly claim Pizzolato and Marco Rizzi (Milan: that dancing was excluded from churches because it was seen as a pagan practce. Vita e Pensiero, 2001), 86.

15 Luigi Canet, “La danza dei Scripture provides various examples of dancing, some of which are treated possedut: mappe concetuali e negatvely, such as the idolatrous dance by the Jews before the Golden Calf, or strategie di ricerca,” in Il diavolo nel Medioevo: at del XLIX 26 Salome’s provocatve dance. More ofen, however, they are celebratory dances Convegno storico internazionale, in moments of joy or in praise of God.27 Other Christan sources ofen refer to Todi, 14-17 otobre 2012, biblical models to endorse, or oppose, dancing inside or near places of worship, ed. Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo (Spoleto: cemeteries, and martyrs’ graves. For example, in De paenitenta, Ambrose of Milan Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto maintains that one should not copy the hysterical movements of indecent dancing, Medioevo, 2013), 577. but rather David’s dance before the Ark of the Covenant, as the later can bring one 16 Gilbert Rouget, Musica e 28 closer to true faith. trance: I rapport fra la musica e i fenomeni di possessione, trans. The frst testmony regarding the Christan custom of dancing on martyrs’ graves in Giuseppe Mongelli, rev. ed. (Turin: Einaudi, 1986), 256-309. the presence of relics is provided by the anonymous text of a homily spoken in a church in the Orient, probably between 363 and 365 CE. This sermon was delivered 17 Plato, Republic 3.399c-e, in during a celebraton in honour of the martyr Polyeuctes, and it went as follows: Plato in Twelve Volumes, ed. and trans. Chris Emlyn-Jones “Through which acts of thanks shall we recognize the love that he had for God? and William Preddy, vol. 5, Loeb We shall dance for him, if you should so desire, our usual dances”.29 In one of his Classical Library 237 (Cambridge, sermons, Augustne condemns the insolence of certain believers who have danced MA: Harvard University Press, 2013); Plato, Laws 7.814d f. and sung for an entre night on the grave of the martyr Cyprian in Carthage:

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 57 RESTRICTED MOVEMENT

18 Simoneta Grandolini, “A Once, not many years ago, the efrontery of dancers infested this proposito di armonia frigia, Once, notextremely many yearsholy place, ago, thewhere efrontery the body of of dancers such a holy infested martyr this lies; extremely Dioniso e ditrambo in Platone,” Giornale Italiano di Filologia 53 holy place,the pestlentwhere the vice body and of the such efrontery a holy martyrof dancers lies; – theI repeat pestlent – infested vice and the (2001), 289. efronterysuch of adancers holy place. – I repeat All through – infested the suchnight, a holythey place.sang impiouslyAll through and the night,

30 19 Rouget, Musica e trance, they sangdanced impiously to the and rhythm danced of theto the song. rhythm of the song. 3-11.

20 Plato, Symposium 215c, in Augustne also expresses disapproval of the celebraton of a feast known as Laetta Plato in Twelve Volumes, trans. W. in Thagast. In 395 CE, in a leter to his friend Alypius, he argued that those who R. M. Lamb, vol. 3, Loeb Classical dismissed the ban on the feast known as Laetta were simply looking for an excuse Library 166 (Cambridge, MA: 31 Harvard University Press, 1925). to get drunk. As laetta is the Latn equivalent of the Greek term χαρά, it is worth asking whether the feast that Augustne critcized was associated with the same 21 Rouget, Musica e trance, 129-131. joy and pleasure that had previously been celebrated by Philo as virtually the best religious experience. This evidence warrants the hypothesis that dancing was 22“ἔνθα γάρ ὄρχησις, ἐκεῖ διάβολος”. John Chrysostom, In not condemned in Christan contexts and excluded from churches because it was Mathaeum homiliae 48.3, ed. J. seen as evil itself; rather, negatve conclusions almost always derived from specifc P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca 58 situatons of disorder and were ofen characterized by drunkenness and lust. Basil (Paris, 1889), 491. of Caesarea, for example, denounced the custom of certain women who danced 23 Jacque de Vitry: “Chorea drunkenly near the basilicas of martyrs on the night of Easter,32 while Augustne est circulus, cuius centrum est spoke out against the Donatsts, who danced near martyrs’ graves, ran around, and diabolus” (Dance is the circle in whose centre stands the blessed their cups through contact with the tomb while celebratng the memory of devil). Alessandro Arcangeli, the martyr Lawrence.33 “La Chiesa e la danza tra tardo Medioevo e prima età moderna,” in Ludica: Annali di An associaton between dancing and disorder is also present in conciliar texts. In the storia e civiltà del gioco 13-14 fourth century CE, two canons of the Council of Laodicea addressed these practces (2007-8), 203 (trans. Tronca). directly by imposing a ban on disorderly dancing and jumping at weddings.34 The

24 See, for example, Otorino council texts that banned dancing and singing “cantca turpia” (depraved songs), Pasquato, Gli spetacoli in even those ratfed by the Gallic Councils of Vannes (461-491 CE)35 and Agde S. Giovanni Crisostomo: (10 September 506),36 were upheld in diferent geographical contexts and met Paganesimo e Cristanesimo ad Antochia e Costantnopoli nel practcally no challenge throughout the Middle Ages. In sixth-century Gaul, Bishop IV secolo (Rome: Pontfcium Caesarius of Arles also frequently preached against the speaking of “cantca turpia Insttutum Orientalium vel luxuriosa” (depraved or lascivious songs) and dancing in a diabolical manner Studiorum, 1976), 113.

58 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE DONATELLA TRONCA

while utering obscenites. Caesarius specifcally condemned dancing in front of 25 Cicero, Pro Murena 13, in basilicas, a much more improper practce, thus a serious ofence.37 The Councils Cicero in Twenty-Eight Volumes, trans. Coll Macdonald, vol. 38 of Auxerre (c. 573-c. 603) and Châlons (639-654) revisited the condemnaton of 10, Loeb Classical Library 324 dancing and obscene singing, which demonstrated a tendency to take more ofence (Cambridge, MA: Harvard against women, as groups of dancers were almost always “foemineis” (feminine, University Press, 1976); Ambrose of Milan, De virginibus 39 efeminate). 3.5, in Verginità et vedovanza: tute le opere di Sant’Ambrogio, In Visigothic Spain in the sixth and seventh centuries, Bishop Isidore of Seville ed. and trans. Franco Gori, vol. 1 (Milan: Biblioteca Ambrosiana, castgated celebratons and immodest dancing during the calends of January, the 1989). See also Alessandro ancient Saturnalia.40 Similarly, in Rome in the mid-eighth century, Saint Boniface Arcangeli, Davide o Salomè? Il wrote a leter to Pope Zachary, complaining that people celebrated the calends in an dibatto europeo sulla danza nella prima età moderna (Rome: 41 extremely noisy manner in front of Saint Peter’s church. As the ninth canon of the Viella, 2000), 108. Roman Council of 743 (summoned by the same Pope Zachary) demonstrates, a ban 26 Ex 32:19; Mt 14:6-8; Mk 42 on celebratng the calends of January was promptly implemented. Returning to 6:22-25. Visigothic Spain, we fnd Valerio of Bierzo, a monk who recounted a curious episode 27 2 Sm 6:14-16; Ps 149:2-3; Ps of a cleric dancing, which he describes as almost theatrical and lascivious. Valerio’s 150:4-5; Jgs 15:12-13; Jer 31:13; use of “bacchabundus” is suggestve because of its explicit Bacchic associatons.43 Eccl 3:4. Ties between dancing and drunkenness, madness, and excess are central to these 28 Ambrose of Milan, De accounts of celebraton. paenitenta 2.6, in Ambrosius, Explanato symboli, De The Roman Councils of 826 and 847 banned celebratons with banquets on feast sacraments, De mysteriis, De paenitenta, De excessu fratris days, as some, “et maxime mulieres” (and especially women), instead of praying, Satyri, De obitu Valentani, danced, sang obscene songs, and played “ioca turpia” (depraved games) in a De obitu Theodosii, ed. Oto manner reminiscent of pagans. In the 847 Council, it was stressed that this type of Faller, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiastcorum Latnorum 44 celebraton was done “super mortuos” (on the graves of the dead). 73 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der With regard to the later practce, a ninth-century source relates what happened Wissenschafen, 1955), 117. during the transfer of Saint Vitus’ relics. Afer founding a monastery at Corvey 29 “Ποῖα δὲ χαριστήρια in Saxony in 822, the monks of Corbie obtained the relics of Saint Vitus in 837. τῆς πρὸς Θεὸν ἀγάπης During the transfer, choruses of men and women danced around the church all προσάγοντες, εὐγνώμονες ἄν νομισθείημεν; Χορεύσωμεν night long, singing the Kyrie Eleison. These choruses are somewhat similar to αὐτῷ, εἰ δοκεῖ, τὰ συνήθη”.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 59 RESTRICTED MOVEMENT

Louis Gougaud, “La danse dans those performed by the Therapeutae in frst-century Alexandria, where the later les églises,” Revue d’histoire celebrated the chara. Further, in Historia translatonis Sanct Vit, a monk from ecclésiastque 15 (1914), 10, quotng Benjamin Aubé, Corbie afrms that the dancing devoted to Saint Vitus’ relics was harmonious; “Homélie inédite,” in the there was no swearing. Instead, they prayed and sang the Kyrie while they appendix of Polyeucte dans were dancing.45 The purpose of such clarifcaton was probably to highlight the l’histoire (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1882), 79 (trans. Tronca). See oppositon to a form of dancing that had been prohibited. The case of Saint Vitus also Remo Cacit, “Sepulcrorum is partcularly interestng because the saint was worshipped mainly for healing et picturarum adoratores: people who had demonstrated demonic possession. In the tenth century, his un’iconografa della Passio Perpetuae et Felicitats nel culto relics were taken to Prague, from whence his cult spread throughout Central martriale donatsta,” in L’ara Europe, and his name was subsequently associated with a type of encephalits – dipinta di Thaenae. Indagine now Sydenham’s Chorea – known as “Saint Vitus’ Dance”. sul culto martriale nell’Africa paleocristana, ed. Remo Cacit et al. (Rome: Viella, 2011), 113; In approximately the same period, Hincmar of Reims wrote a list of rules for the E. Louis Backman, Religious priests in his diocese. One of these rules banned them from dancing and even Dances in the Christan Church and in Popular Medicine making the faithful laugh on commemoratve days of the dead or during any (London: George Allena & other holy occasions.46 The diference between this ninth-century source and Unwin, 1952), 23-24. earlier reproaches such as Augustne’s sermon against celebratng the Laetta is

30 “Aliquando ante annos non that Hincmar mainly addressed priests. He managed a diocese in the Carolingian ualde multos etam istum locum age, while Augustne preached directly to the faithful. Yet, the textual evidence inuaserat petulanta saltatorum. raises doubts whether there was indeed much of a diference, in terms of religious istum tam sanctum locum, ubi iacet tam sanct martyris corpus, awareness, between a ninth-century canon and a fourth-century convert: the sicut meminerunt mult qui frst of Hincmar’s rules was that his priests learn fundamental prayers such as the habent aetatem; locum, inquam, Credo and Our Father. In this respect, the texts by Augustne and Hincmar share a tam sanctum inuaserat pestlenta et petulanta saltatorum. per common ground against dancing and “cantca turpia” (depraved songs). Therefore, totam noctem cantabantur hic though produced in diferent contexts and tmes, they both expressed disapproval nefaria, et cantantbus saltabatur”. of similar practces. Augustne of Hippo, Sermo In natali Cypriani martyris 311.5, ed. J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latna 38 In the following centuries, similar bans were also included in penitental books, a sign (Paris, 1841), 1415 (trans. Tronca). that all of the prohibitons expressed by the councils contnued to be transgressed

31 Augustne of Hippo, Epistola by the faithful. For example, the Paenitentale pseudo-Theodori, initally atributed 29.2, in S. Aurelii Augustni to Theodore of Tarsus or of Canterbury (602-609), but probably of Frankish origin

60 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE DONATELLA TRONCA

and datable to the ninth century, bans “ballatones et saltatones” and “cantca Hipponensis Episcopi Epistulae, turpia et luxoria”. This text is seen as a combinaton of rules selected from other ed. Alois Goldbacher, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiastcorum 47 penitental books, as well as biblical and patristc quotes. Yet, it is important to Latnorum 34.1 (Vienna: Verlag emphasize that such books were produced for a specifc reason – in this case, to der Österreichischen Akademie ban dancing in church, singing obscene songs, and playing diabolical games – and der Wissenschafen, 1895), 114. See also Cacit, “Sepulcrorum et were not simply repeated formulas or quotatons from the Fathers. Therefore, if picturarum adoratores,” 112. dancing was banned, it is because the practce was stll alive and contnued despite the bans throughout the Middle Ages and beyond. 32 “By performing their choral dances in the basilicas of martyrs outside the city, they CONCLUSION have made holy places the workshop of their indecency”. Basil the Great, Homilia 14.1 Dancing was dismissed in Christan discourses not because it was seen as devious or in ebriosos, ed. J. P. Migne, a remnant of pre-Christan traditons, but because it was regarded as a practce that Patrologia Graeca 31 (Paris, kindled the fear of losing control, potentally leading to disorder. Disorder, to begin 1857), 445 (trans. Tronca). with, is removed from the Platonic harmony established through the χορεία of the 33 Augustne of Hippo, Sermo Ideal City, an idea that the Church hierarchy also aspired to and deemed accordingly 305/A, in Sermones de Vetere an equilibrium in which every element had to be coordinated into a harmonious Testamento: id est sermones 1-50 secundum ordinem symphony. This is the reason why approval was granted to the harmonious dancing vulgatum inserts etam 9 around the relics of Saint Vitus, but not to frenetc dancing, which was at tmes sermonibus post Maurinos considered a manifestaton of demonic possession. The presence and behaviour reperts, ed. Cyrillus Lambot, Corpus Christanorum Series of disharmonious dancers interruptng the symphony were treated as immoral Latna 41 (Turnhout: Brepols, and depraved. In physical terms, moreover, the body of a disjointed dancer or a 1961), 58. supposed victm of demonic possession indicated a form of invasion and was thus 34 Canon 39, De Christanis considered incompatble with the harmony that the Church strove to create. Just celebrantbus festa gentlium, and like the Platonic χορεία, the Church’s chastsement of dancing from Late Antquity canon 53, Ut in Christanorum non to the early Middle Ages was essentally a form of social control. saltetur nuptis (571-574). Both in Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collecto, ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi, vol. 2 (Florence: Antonio Zata, 1759), 581.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 61 RESTRICTED MOVEMENT

35 Concilium Venetcum, in a. 743, in Sacrorum conciliorum denique in amenta versus, Concilia Galliae, a. 314-a. 506, nova et amplissima collecto, injustae susceptonis ordinem ed. Charles Munier, Corpus ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi, oblitus, vulgari ritu in obscena Christanorum Series Latna 148 vol. 12 (Florence: Antonio Zata, theatricae luxuriae vertgine (Turnhout: Brepols, 1963), 154. 1766), 384. rotabatur; dum circumducts huc illucque brachiis, alio in 36 Concilium Agathense, in 43 “In tanta exarsit frenetcae loco lascivos conglobans pedes, Munier, Concilia Galliae, 209-10. insaniae dementa truculentus, vestgiis ludibricantbus circuens atque inexplicabile ebrietats tripudio composits, et tremulis 37 Caesarius of Arles, Sermones temulenta irrettus, ut nec gressibus subsiliens, nefaria 1, 33, and 113, in Sermones ex etam nocturnis temporibus cantlena mortferare ballimatae integro a Caesario composit me permiteret esse quietum. dira carmina canens, diabolicae vel ex aliis fontbus haust, Nam dum vel nocturno pests exercebat luxuriam. Sic ed. Germain Morin, Corpus silento me ejus considerem quippe exaestuans mersus vino, Christanorum Series Latna 103 evadere pestem, petulant temulenta sepultus, ut ebrius (Turnhout: Brepols, 1953). importunitate impudicus semper patebatur sitm et esuriem

prorumpens, et mendicitats vomens; qui somno deditus, 38 Concilium Autssiodorense, meae hospitum hora refectonis desidiosque torpore obvolutus, ed. Friedrich Maassen, MGH impudenter adiens, pro charitate non erat inter crebro psallentbus Concilia aevi merovingici 1 consolatonis mihi furibundus hymnis Dei ducentbus noctes. (Hannover: Hahn, 1893), 180. intulis jurgium atrocitats, et Nunquam tales pestes Christus

nobis in charitate convescentbus, habere dignatus est servos”. 39 Concilium Cabilonense, in ille superbia vesaniae suae Valerius of Bierzo, Opuscola, Maassen, MGH Conc. 1, 212. atque ebrietate vexatus, velut Ordo querimonie 34, ed. J. P.

canis invidens, rabidus super Migne, Patrologia Latna 87 40 Isidore of Seville, De nefanda convicia, frendens (Paris, 1851), 443-44. ecclesiastcis ofciis XLI (XL): De stridore dentum, spumansque ieiunio kalendarum ianuariarum, ore lymphatco bacchabundus, 44 Concilium Romanum a. in Sanct Isidori Hispalensis propriis me lacerare manibus 826, in Maassen, MGH Conc.1, De ecclesiastcis ofciis, ed. nitebatur. In tanta exarsit 581-82; canon 39, Concilium Christopher M. Lawson, Corpus odii caecitate frustratus, Romanum a. 847, in Sacrorum Christanorum Series Latna 113 atque invidiosae nequitae conciliorum nova et amplissima (Turnhout: Brepols, 1989). famma succensus, ut nec collecto, ed. Giovanni Domenico ante sacrosanctum pepercere Mansi, vol. 14 (Florence: 41 Boniface, Epistle 50, in S. altarium. Ibique me gravissimis Antonio Zata, 1769), 895. Bonifati et Lulli epistolae, ed. injuriis irrite confusum, nisi Ernst Dümmler, MGH Epistolae fratris intercessione fuissem 45 Historia translatonis Sanct Merowingici et Carolini Aevi 1 exceptus, ferro me in conspectu Vit auctore monacho Corbeiense (Berlin: Weidemann, 1892), 301. multorum rabiens jugulare (BHL 8718-8719), ed. Georg

conabatur. Post tant furoris Heinrich Pertz, MGH Scriptores 2 42 Canon 9, Concilium Romanum insaniam tandem sedata, sic (Hannover: Hahn, 1829), 584. I congregatum a Zacharia Papa,

62 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE DONATELLA TRONCA

46 Hincmar of Reims, Capitula Synodica. 710 capitula presbyteris data, anno 852, Chapter 14, ed. J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latna 125 (Paris, 1852), 776. Maria Caterina Jacobelli considers this source the frst testmony of what later became known as risus paschalis (Easter laughter): sometmes during the Easter Mass homily (as well as other holy festvals), the priest made the believers laugh by telling them funny stories that usually had sexual overtones. Il Risus paschalis e il fondamento teologico del piacere sessuale (1990; repr., Brescia: Editrice Queriniana, 2004), 40.

47 Paenitentale pseudo- Theodori, ed. Carine van Rhijn, Corpus Christanorum Series Latna 156B (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009); Carine van Rhijn and Marjolijn Saan, “Correctng Sinners, Correctng Texts: A Context for the Paenitentale pseudo-Theodori,” Early Medieval Europe 14 (2006), 23-40.

Donatella Tronca is based at the University of Bologna (Ravenna Campus), where she is currently preparing a PhD dissertaton on the relatonship between dancing and Christanity from Late Antquity to the Middle Ages.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 63 beyond the flammantia moenia mundi the transgressive notion of the sublime in lucretius’ de rerum natura

Giulia Bonasio Columbia University, New York, United States

ABSTRACT – Lucretus’ De rerum natura evokes a unique and unprecedented form of the sublime, the ‘scientfc-poetc sublime’. Lucretus, the architect of Roman Epicureanism, proposes an investgaton of the universe through the combined eyes of the scientst and sensibility of the poet. Through ratonal investgaton of nature, Lucretus aims to dispel superstton and fear of the unknown. The scientfc-poetc sublime is Lucretus’ way of transgressing traditonal ways of thinking; in his poem, he ofers a space for freedom of thought and reafrms the power of the individual before the cosmos. Additonally, he suggests a vision of nature as full of wonder and amazement. This artcle shows that the scientfc- poetc sublime departs from both Burke’s and Kant’s eighteenth-century analyses of the sublime and consttutes a revolutonary way to approach science with creatvity and the aid of the poetc form. In De rerum natura, Lucretus proposes both what Conte defnes as a genus scribendi to scientfcally explain natural phenomena, and a genus vivendi for understanding and experiencing what, to him, are the marvels of the universe.

INTRODUCTION

Lucretus’ De rerum natura, likely writen in the mid-frst century BCE,1 is a revolutonary poem, breaking conventons in both content and style. Lucretus

64 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

crafs the hexameter and moulds the Latn language in a partcular way to present Epicurus’ philosophy to the Roman world, and to describe a universe made of atoms where everything happens by necessity. Moreover, in Lucretus’ De rerum natura a further, lesser-known aspect of its innovatve nature is detectable, namely a partcular form of the sublime that I call the ‘scientfc- poetc sublime’. The scientfc-poetc sublime is a way of thinking and writng characterized by an approach to nature and the cosmos that combines the metculous and curious eye of the scientst with the sensibility of the poet to interpret and describe what Lucretus considers to be the marvels of the universe. The scientfc approach is characterized by eforts to fnd ratonal explanatons for natural phenomena through investgaton of their causes. The poetc approach is defned by creatvity, imaginaton, and by an evocatve use of language. The scientfc-poetc sublime, as Lucretus conceives it, combines these two approaches. While he proposes to his readers an investgaton of the universe and complex natural phenomena, his project goes far beyond a bare explanaton of how the cosmos works. For Lucretus, exploraton of the universe ofers opportunites to afrm the power of the individual within the cosmos. His work aims at liberatng frightened minds from superstton and passivity in the face of the grandiosity of natural phenomena, and at dispelling fear in favour of the power of knowledge. Lucretus’ concept of the sublime difers from our contemporary understanding of the sublime, shaped for the most part by the eighteenth-century analyses of Kant and Burke.

First, investigations of the sublime in Antiquity and in the eighteenth century, 1 It is not clear when exactly which include elements of continuity and of rupture with the Lucretian Lucretus wrote. One support notion of the sublime, are briefly explored. These investigations shed light on to datng the poem around the frst century BCE is Cicero’s leter the fact that, despite some similarities, the scientific-poetic sublime remains to Quintus in February 54 BCE a peculiarity of Lucretius’ work. An overview of the particular historical and which mentons the Lucreti political context in which Lucretius wrote is then offered, with a contextual poemata. Another hint is given by the dedicaton of the poem to discussion of the features of the scientific-poetic sublime presented and Memmius who was praetor in 58 developed by his work. and consular candidate in 54.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 65 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

2 For a diachronic study of A HISTORY OF THE SUBLIME: FROM ANTIQUITY TO BURKE AND KANT the sublime, see Peter Shaw, The Sublime: The New Critcal Idiom (London and New York: The roots of the philosophical concept of the sublime can be traced back to Routledge, 2005). the Presocratcs (sixth to ffh century BCE).2 The Presocratcs’ investgaton

3 James I. Porter, The Origin of is characterized by a passion for natural phenomena and for searching out Aesthetc Thought in Ancient their causes, combined with a poetc mode of presentng their theories. Their Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge approach is defned by creatvity and imaginaton, and their cosmological University Press, 2010). A similar view is shared by Lisa Piazzi, intuiton is ofen sketched with mysterious colouratons. James Porter identfes Lucrezio e i Presocratci. Un this Presocratc investgaton as involving the sublime because it elaborates a commento a De rerum natura 1, specifc noton of mater that is central to their interests.3 According to Porter, 635-890 (Pisa: Edizioni della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, 2005). the sublime arises precisely from this noton of mater, which prioritzes it above form; the Presocratcs focus on how mater pervades and generates 4 Arturo de Vivo, Le parole della scienza. Sul trato De terrae motu the universe. In this sense, they share the materialistc approach of Epicurean di Seneca (Salerno: P. Laveglia philosophy. In partcular, they explore mater and the various modes of edizioni, 1992); Giancarlo Mazzoli, mater that permeate an infnite space. Additonally, they privilege poetry Seneca e la poesia (Milan: Ceschina, 1970); Luciano Canfora, for presentng their scientfc intuitons of the cosmos. Three key similarites “Morale, natura, e storia in between the Presocratcs’ approach and Lucretus’ way of investgatng nature Seneca,” in Seneca: letere a Lucilio, should be stressed: frstly, the poetc language with which they both propose trans. Caterina Barone (1989; repr., Milan: Garzant, 2001), xliv-li. their insights; secondly, the centrality of mater over form in both methods; and fnally, their shared awareness of unexplored and obscured phenomena in 5 Harry M. Hine, “Seismology and Vulcanology in Antquity,” the universe that simultaneously atract and frighten humankind. in Science and Mathematcs in Ancient Greek Culture, eds. Another approach to the sublime presents elements of contnuity with Christopher J. Tuplin, Tracey E. Rihll, and Lewis Wolpert Lucretan investgaton, namely Seneca’s view as it emerges from the Naturales (Oxford: Oxford University quaestones, writen around 64 CE.4 At that tme in Rome, Emperor Nero Press, 2002), 56-75; Gerhard expressed a dominant and oppressive power, which dictated to the intellectual H. Waldherr, Erdbeben, das aussergewöhnliche Normale: zur what and how to write. Although living in the century afer Lucretus, due to Rezepton seismischer Aktvitäten their similar historical contexts, Seneca shares with Lucretus an impelling need in literarischen Quellen vom 4. for freedom. Seneca’s work also investgates natural phenomena by trying Jahrhundert v. Chr. bis zum 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (Stutgart: to fnd their causes. He discusses a variety of natural phenomena for which Franz Steiner, 1997). there were no clear explanatons at the tme, and which were ofen regarded

66 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

as mysterious and frightening. For example, Seneca shows how scientfc 6 Gian Biagio Conte, Genres and Readers, trans. Glenn W. investgaton can dispel fear of earthquakes by exploring what causes them, Most (Baltmore: John Hopkins 5 thus opening a path for ratonal understanding. Conte’s analysis of Lucretus’ University Press, 1994). work can be accurately applied to describe Seneca’s approach; for him the 7 For detailed studies, see Gareth sublime is a genus vivendi,6 and scientfc investgaton is a way of approaching Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint life and looking at the world. In the Naturales quaestones, Seneca combines (Oxford: Oxford University scientfc reasoning with a study in the felds of ethics and human behaviour. He Press, 2012); Gareth Williams, “Interactons: Physics, Morality pairs an explanaton of natural phenomena with an analysis of human vices and and Narratve in Seneca, Natural techniques to avoid them. For Seneca, the scientfc sublime includes not only Questons 1,” Classical Philology the cosmos but also human psychology; scientfc investgaton allows both an 100 (2005), 142–65; Francesca Berno, Lo specchio, il vizio e la understanding of the universe and of human nature.7 In this sense, the sublime virtù (Bologna: Patron Editore, is a genus vivendi because it pertains to how the subject approaches the world 2003); Michael Lapidge, “Stoic and how she relates to other people. Despite similarites with the Lucretan Cosmology and Roman Literature, First to Third Centuries A.D.,” scientfc noton of the sublime however, Seneca’s investgaton is not poetc. Aufsteg und Niedergang der Moreover, Seneca’s choice of prose instead of poetry is emblematc of how römischen Welt II.36.3 (1989), diferently Lucretus and Seneca conceive the sublime. 1379–1429; Ricardo Salles, God and Cosmos in Stoicism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). From the Roman world, the only surviving systematc analysis of the sublime is Longinus’ Peri hupsos. Likely writen in or near the frst century CE,8 the treatse 8 The dates of Longinus’ birth and death are controversial. Some understands the sublime as a rhetorical mode of writng, while for Lucretus scholars believe that he was born the sublime is not only a mode of writng, but also a philosophical mode of around 213 CE. Even the atributon thinking and approaching nature. Despite this fundamental diference, there is of the treatse On the Sublime to Longinus is uncertain. The treatse a partcular connecton between Longinus and Lucretus: the sublime, both as seems to critcize the work of a rhetorical and a philosophical mode, reveals in these authors a transgressive Caecilius of Calacte who wrote nature, since for them it was a vehicle to express freedom of thought and during the tme of Augustus (27 BCE-14 CE), but the manuscript speech. This partcular characteristc of the sublime for both Longinus and evidence shows that there were Lucretus emphasizes that oppression is ofen a preconditon for its existence. doubts regarding the authorship The sublime is born of the necessity of intellectuals to express their thoughts and the period in which the treatse was writen from an early period. and creatvity, and thus to reafrm their power as free individuals against For recent discussion on this and the constrictons imposed upon them. Longinus wrote in a historical period further bibliography, see Reinhard characterized by transformatons in the conditons of the intellectual elite and Haussier, “Zur Daterung der Schrif

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 67 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

vom Erhabenen,” in Prinzipat und their freedoms.9 According to Longinus, the sublime is a product of a great Kultur im 1. und 2. Jahrhundert, mind (megalopsuchia).10 The last chapter of Longinus’ treatse is dedicated eds. Barbara Kühnert, Volker Riedel, and Rismag Gordesiani to describing the lack of great minds and the general moral decadence of his (Bonn: Habelt 1995), 141-63. tme. If we assume that Longinus wrote during the frst century CE, the Roman

9 I believe, as many scholars do, Republic and the freedom of speech that characterized the period in which that Longinus wrote during the it fourished were already distant memories. Longinus begins the last part of frst century CE. My argument his work with an observaton by an unidentfed philosopher that “the growth does not depend on the datng of Longinus, thus it would remain of highly exalted and wide-reaching genius has with a few rare exceptons valid even if Longinus wrote in almost entrely ceased”.11 Through this philosopher, Longinus recounts the lack the third century CE, as some of freedom that characterizes his tme, calling democracy “the kind nurse of scholars argue (see note 8). If 12 13 this were indeed the case, other genius” and despotsm a “cage of the soul”. According to his analysis, lack of elements may be considered politcal freedom and the consequent moral decadence, especially indulgence causes of oppression: the so- in ‘bad passions’, and a love of gain and pleasure, created a situaton in which called Military Anarchy that started with the assassinaton there was no freedom of thought, and caused the disappearance of the great of Severus Alexander in 235 CE, minds able to produce the sublime. Therefore, the sublime, even as a form and the period preceeding it, are of writng, is conceived as strongly connected to freedom of speech and characterized by the concentraton of power in the hands of military democracy. For Longinus, the sublime is a way to express intellectual freedom. leaders, increased localism, and a His treatse laments the drastc need for great minds that could keep this general atmosphere of economic dimension of free speech and thought alive even under oppressive conditons. depression and civil war.

10 With ‘great mind’, I understand Longinus’ treatse is a fundamental example of the connecton between politcal here the ability to think ratonally about problems and to have oppression and the rise of the sublime. However, there is a distncton to be the expertse to express one’s made between Longinus’ noton of the sublime and its modern understanding. thinking in a writen form. For a The sublime understood in Longinus’ terms, namely as a rhetorical mode diferent account of the meaning of ‘great mind’ in Longinus, see of thinking and writng, has lost ground in favour of other meanings of the Michel Deguy, “The Discourse sublime, shaped in many cases by eighteenth-century analyses of the sublime of Exaltaton: Contributon to a by Burke and Kant. Burke approaches the concept of the sublime in his work, Rereading of Pseudo-Longinus,” in Jean-François Courtne et al., Of A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and of the the Sublime: Presence in Queston, Beautful (1756). He contrasts the beautful and the sublime, both understood trans. Jefrey S. Libret (Albany: as propertes of objects. While the beautful is defned by an intrinsically positve State University of New York, 1993), 5-24. character, associated with light and harmony, and inspiring feelings of pleasure

68 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

and relaxaton, darkness and a rupture of harmony identfy the sublime. The sublime brings about a mixed feeling of pleasure and terror. According to Burke, the sublime speaks the language of dominaton and forces the individual to feel subjugated; it overwhelms and surpasses the subject. At the same tme, the sublime evokes a deep fascinaton in the subject, who cannot help being atracted by it. The subject feels a negatve pleasure, originatng from the awareness of the danger of the sublime but also from its allure.

Similarly, this mixed character of the sublime is detected by Kant, who distnguished two kinds of sublime in his Kritk der Urteilskraf (1790): a mathematcal sublime that comes from the percepton of the grandiosity of the universe, and a dynamic sublime that derives from the feeling of being dominated by the overwhelming power of nature. For Kant, the sublime is generated by the percepton of objects in the world. Kant argues that the sublime is in the mind of the subject because no object in the world can contain its grandiosity. According to Kant, the sublime is boundless and it inhibits our imaginaton and percepton; humans are unable to grasp it. At the same tme, it produces a sense of superiority of our reason over nature that inspires a negatve pleasure. The pleasure is negatve because on the one hand, while it is a true pleasure because it is generated by the sense that reason could overcome nature, on the other hand, an awareness of our inferiority before the power of nature, and of the inadequacy of our imaginaton to grasp the mathematcal sublime, makes it negatve. In the case of the dynamic sublime, nature is experienced as powerful, but simultaneously less frightening – as in the case of the mathematcal sublime – since the subject observes nature from a safe positon. 11 Longinus, On the Sublime, 44.1, trans. H. L. Havell (London: From this brief discussion of the sublime in Antquity and the eighteenth century Macmillan, 1890). it is evident that the sublime has not remained a coherent concept throughout 12 Ibid., 44.2. its long history, but rather that its features change and acquire diferent connotatons. For this reason, the scientfc-poetc sublime is singled out as a 13 Ibid., 44.5.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 69 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

partcular form of the sublime specifc to Lucretus, which shares elements with investgatons of the sublime by the Presocratcs, Seneca, and Longinus. There is no menton of this partcular form of the sublime in the literature on De rerum natura to date. Instead, the Lucretan sublime is ofen considered similar to Longinus’, or to Kant’s and Burke’s conceptons of the sublime. Hardie, Porter, and Conte explore the connectons between Lucretus and the history of the sublime, and their interpretatons refect the sublime as understood by Kant. A brief summary of their views helps situate this interpretaton vis-à-vis these

analyses of the Lucretan sublime within contemporary discourse. 14 Philip Hardie, Lucretan Receptons: History, The Sublime, Hardie’s approach to the sublime is shaped by Kant’s conceptualizaton. Hardie Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). classifes the sublime as a property of objects, such as Mount Etna in Lucretus’ poem or abstract fgures such as Fama or Religio, and as the efect that these 15 Porter, The Origin of Aesthetc objects elicit in the subject.14 Porter stresses the contnuity of the idea of the Thought in Ancient Greece. sublime between Lucretus and Kant. He argues that the images ofered by 16 Conte, Genres and Readers, 19. Lucretus in Book 6 of De rerum natura are also iconic of the sublime in the Another infuental interpretaton works of Longinus and Kant. Porter argues that Longinus did not likely take of Lucretus is proposed by Luca Canali, Lucrezio poeta della these images from Lucretus, but that both Lucretus and Longinus drew from ragione (Rome: Riunit, 1986). a common traditon of writng about cosmological maters that is now lost to Canali does not menton the us.15 Conte proposes a diferent understanding of the sublime in relaton to sublime in relaton to Lucretus, but stresses that scientfc Lucretus. According to Conte, Lucretus promotes an understanding of the investgaton in Lucretus’ project sublime that he describes as genus vivendi; the sublime, in his reading, is for functons as a way of freeing the Lucretus a way of behaving and marvelling at the mysteries of the universe subject’s mind from traditons and myths. He claims that for Lucretus which is not confned to the scientfc investgaton, but involves the life of the the search for the truth acquires subject in its totality.16 the character of a combat against religion and myth. THE SUBLIME AS THE SEARCH FOR A SPACE OF FREEDOM 17 See Henry George Liddell and Robert Scot, comps., Greek- In Antquity, the concept of the sublime was expressed with the Greek word English Lexicon (1843; repr. Oxford: Oxford University Press, ὕψος and with the Latn sublimis. The Greek ὕψος means ‘high, above, 1995), s.v. “ὕψος”. upwards’ and metaphorically ‘summit or crown’;17 the Latn sublimis denotes

70 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

‘high up, elevated, tall, alof’ and is ofen used with reference to the sky or to celestal bodies.18 Lucretus mostly uses the term as an adjectve to qualify natural phenomena. However, he does not engage with the sublime only when he specifcally uses the term sublimis. Passages in which the content or style of De rerum natura evoke the noton of the sublime are equally relevant. Lucretus 18 Peter G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford holds a unique perspectve on nature. For him the cosmos is grandiose, and Latn Dictonary (Oxford: Oxford atoms – at the other end of a scale from miniscule to vast – are mysterious and University Press, 1983), s.v. massive in their wonder-value. What modern science may consider objects of “sublimis”. For etymology, see Jan Cohn and Thomas H. Miles, “The empirical research are for him objects of amazement and wonder. He strives Sublime: In Alchemy, Aesthetcs to understand nature, but without dispelling these attudes. For this reason, and Psychoanalysis,” Modern the sublime is almost omnipresent in his poem; by this defniton, the sublime Philology 74 (1977), 289-304. Cohn and Miles argue that the fnds its place precisely within this blend of scientfc-poetc approach towards sublime originally indicates the nature. The sublime in Lucretus’ De rerum natura is discussed here in two ways: quality of the object that elicits a frstly, the object of Lucretus’ analysis is sublime because he deals with what partcular reacton in the subject and then comes to designate this is exceptonally grandiose – the cosmos – and massively small and mysterious reacton itself. – atoms; and secondly, the way in which Lucretus approaches, thinks, and ultmately writes about the universe is what I call the scientfc-poetc sublime. 19 Sean McConnell, “Lucretus and Civil Strife,” Phoenix 66 (2012), 97-121; Don P. Fowler, “Lucretus As discussed above, oppression is ofen a preconditon of the sublime, and and Politcs”, in Philosophia further comparison with Longinus’ work and historical context provides an Togata: Essays on Philosophy and Roman Society, eds. Miriam Grifn additonal argument and a new insight in the understanding of this aspect of and Jonathan Barnes (Oxford: the Lucretan sublime. Like Longinus, Lucretus wrote in an era characterized by Clarendon Press, 1989), 120-49. politcal turmoil. During his tme, in the frst century BCE, Rome witnessed civil 20 See Robert D. Brown, Lucretus war and the consequent end of the Republic. As Sean McConnell and Don Fowler on Love and Sex: A Commentary stress, De rerum natura contains ample references to this politcal situaton on De rerum natura IV, 1030–1287 throughout.19 The poem begins with an invocaton to Venus, goddess of love and with Prolegomena, Text and Translaton (Leiden: Brill, 1987). 20 pleasure. This invocaton consttutes a reference to Lucretus’ and the poem’s Epicurean background, but also to the politcal situaton of civil strife. Lucretus 21 Lucretus, De rerum natura asks Venus to beseech Mars, the god of war, for placidam pacem (quiet peace) 1.40-42, trans. William H. D. Rouse, Loeb Classical Library for the Romans because in this tempore iniquo (troubled tme) it is impossible 181 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard for the poet to do his job with aequo animo (an untroubled mind).21 This is the University Press, 1924).

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 71 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

frst reference that Lucretus makes in the poem to the politcal situaton in his tme. Further on in the poem, Lucretus describes how politcal corrupton and the degradaton of morals and customs became the norm in Rome.22

DeniqueDenique avarites avarites et honorum et honorum caeca cupido, caeca cupido, quae miserosquae miseros homines homines cogunt cogunttranscendere transcendere fnes fnes iuris et iurisinterdum et interdum socios scelerumsocios scelerum atque ministros atque ministros noctes atquenoctes dies atque nit dies praestante nit praestante labore labore ad summasad summas emergere emergere opes, haec opes, vulnera haec vulnera vitae vitae

23 23 22 McConnell interprets this non minimamnon minimam partem partem morts formidinemorts formidine aluntur. aluntur. reference as Lucretus’ message to the Roman aristocrats, in which In Lucretus’ analysis, moral corrupton is both due to the politcal situaton and he denounces their love of greed and desire for honour. McConnell, also to a plague directly afectng Roman minds, namely a fear of the unknown “Lucretus and Civil Strife”, 114. increased by superstton and caused by lack of knowledge. In this context, the sublime is a way for Lucretus to overcome this fear and replace it with ratonal 23 Lucretus, De rerum natura 3.59-64, trans. Rouse: “Moreover, tranquillity acquired through scientfc investgaton. For Lucretus, scientfc avarice and the blind lust of investgaton aims at freeing minds from superstton and making nature our distncton, which drive wretched ‘friend’, which can be approached not as a subject of fear that dominates us, men to transgress the bounds of law, and sometmes by sharing and but as an opportunity for our cognitve powers to explore the cosmos. As in scheming crime to strive night and the case of Longinus’ understanding of the sublime, the sublime here is a tool day with exceeding toil to climb for the philosopher to reafrm his liberty and the power of thought against the pinnacle of power, these sores of life in no small degree are fed oppression. by the fear of death”.

The Roman aristocracy, and especially the intellectual circle patronized by Scipio, 24 For an historical introducton to De rerum natura: Luca Canali, considered Stoicism to be representatve of their value system. In oppositon to Lucrezio poeta della ragione this philosophical model, Lucretus appears as the Roman Epicurus who could (Rome: Editori Riunit, 1986); make new values available to a new social class who were diferent from the Stuart Gillespie and Philip Hardie, 24 eds., The Cambridge Companion aristocracy. According to Epicurean philosophy, a wise person should not to Lucretus (Cambridge: partcipate in politcs and should instead aim to live in tranquillity in order to Cambridge University Press, 2007); dedicate herself to study. Lucretus’ positon is in line with Epicurean philosophy Luca Canali, Il tridente latno (Rome: Gaf, 2007). in being materialistc and atomistc. As intellectualist as it may sound, Lucretus

72 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

responds to the calamites of his tme through science, namely by proposing the investgaton of the universe as a therapy against fear, superstton, and dangerous passions. It has ofen been argued that the Epicurean wise person acts only in an emergency,25 but to Lucretus, this does not mean that she passively accepts circumstances except in exceptonal situatons. On the contrary, Lucretus’ task is a constant efort to replace dangerous passions such as fear and anger with doctrina and ratonal investgaton into causes, even though he is aware of the difcultes of this process.26 According to Lucretus, the wise person must replace fear and superstton with scientfc investgaton and the power of knowledge. In his descripton of Epicurus in Book 1, Lucretus creates an image of a revolutonary philosopher who looks up at the sky from a terrestrial perspectve,27 which contrasts with the traditonal image of the 25 Cicero and Seneca claim that a philosopher, such as the one described in Plato’s Sophist, who instead looks wise person takes part in politcs down from above.28 only under certain extreme circumstances: “extra quam si eum tempus et necessitas cogerit” THE SCIENTIFIC-POETIC SUBLIME IN LUCRETIUS’ DE RERUM NATURA (Cicero, Republic 1.10), “nisi si quid intervenerit” (Seneca, De Oto For Lucretus, the sublime is a way to transgress boundaries and create a space 3.2). Cicero and Seneca do not explicitly refer to the Epicurean for freedom of thought. Nevertheless, the sublime is not conceived as a locus wise person and it is possible amoenus to which one can escape from the present situaton and fnd the that they refer to the Stoic sage. tranquillity for writng. On the contrary, the sublime has transgressive force However, in that case it would be unusual to claim that the Stoic in that it aims to overturn and denounce, although in a philosophical way, sage takes part in politcs only in any form of oppression. This transgressive force of the sublime pervades his extreme circumstances. entre poem. From the start, the descripton of Epicurus strikes the reader as a 26 Lucretus, De rerum natura depicton of a revolutonary man: 3.307-322.

Humana ante oculos foede cum vita iaceret Humana ante oculos foede cum vita iaceret 27 See also Lee Fratantuono, A in terris oppressa gravi sub religione, Reading of Lucretus’ De rerum in terris oppressa gravi sub religione, quae caput a caeli regionibus ostendebat natura (London: Lexington Books, quae caput a caeli regionibus ostendebat 2015), 23. horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans, horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans, primum Graius homo mortalis tollere contra 28 Plato, Sophist 216c. primum Graius homo mortalis tollere contra

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 73 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

29 Lucretus, De rerum natura 1.62- est oculosest aususoculos primusque ausus primusque obsistere obsistere contra, contra, 79, trans. Rouse: “When man’s life quem nequequem famaneque deum fama nec deum fulmina nec fulmina nec minitant nec minitant lay for all to see foully grovelling upon the ground, crushed beneath murmuremurmure compressit compressit caelum, caelum, sed eo magissed eo acrem magis acrem the weight of superstton, which inritat animiinritat virtutem, animi virtutem, efringere efringere ut arta ut arta displayed her head from the naturaenaturae primus primusportarum portarum claustra claustra cupire. cupire. regions of heaven, lowering over mortals with horrible aspect, a Ergo vividaErgo vis vivida animi vis pervicit, animi pervicit, et extra et extra man of Greece was the frst that processitprocessit longe fammanta longe fammanta moenia moenia mundi mundi dared to uplif mortal eyes against atque omneatque immensum omne immensum peragravit peragravit mente animoque,mente animoque, her, the frst to make stand against her; for neither fables of the gods unde refertunde nobis refert victor nobis quid victor possit quid oriri, possit oriri, could quell him, nor thunderbolts, quid nequeat,quid nequeat, fnita potestas fnita potestas denique denique cuique cuique nor heaven with menacing roar, quanamquanam sit ratone sit ratoneatque alte atque terminus alte terminus haerens. haerens. but all the more they goaded the eager courage of his soul, Quare religioQuare pedibusreligio pedibus subiecta subiecta vicissim vicissim so that he should desire, frst of obteritur,obteritur, nos exaequat nos exaequat victoria victoria caelo. caelo.29 all men, to shater the confning bars of nature’s gates. Therefore the lively power of his mind In this passage, Lucretus describes the oppression under which humankind prevailed, and forth he marched lived before the transgressive act of Epicurus in triumphing over superstton by far beyond the faming walls of the power of free thought.30 Human lives were characterized by being oppressa the world, as he traversed the immeasurable universe in thought (crushed) under the weight of superstton, personifed as a terrible being and imaginaton; whence victorious that bears down on the terrestrial world from above. In the passage there are he returns bearing his prize, the many terms indicatng oppression and weight. Opposing superstton’s pressure knowledge of what can come into being, what cannot, in a word, how from the sky onto the ground, Epicurus’ gaze creates an opposite force from each thing has its powers limited ground to sky, toward liberaton from oppression. In this regard, he is the frst and its deep-set boundary marked. to dare raise his eyes against superstton; his unafraid upward gaze confronts Therefore superstton is now in her turn cast down and trampled it directly, and in doing so, overcomes it. Lucretus lists all those conditons underfoot, whilst we by the victory that traditonally impeded men from confrontng superstton because they are exalted high as heaven”. provoke fear of the unknown: stories of the gods, thunderbolts, roars from

30 A separate analysis should heaven. Superstton originates from a mixture of these fears and a sense of the be made on the use of language smallness and frailty of humanity before the power of nature. The mechanism and metre and on the sublime that feeds superstton is the inability to go beyond fear and replace it with character of language in Lucretus. For a linguistc study, see David scientfc investgaton of natural phenomena. Scientfc investgaton allows West, The Imagery and Poetry of humans to be unafraid, and provides a framework to fnd ratonal explanatons

74 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

for that which seems overwhelming and incomprehensible.31 Epicurus is thus Lucretus (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969); Ivano characterized by his courage in going beyond the fammanta moenia mundi. Dionigi, Lucrezio: le parole e le cose His powers of mind prevail against fear and superstton, and his imaginaton (Bologna: Patron Editore, 1988). and thought traverse the universe. Thus, Lucretus describes in this passage a 31 See Giusto Traina, “Terremot transgressive act in Epicurus breaking the boundaries of what seemed precluded e società romana: problemi to humans before. From this journey beyond ‘nature’s gates’ Epicurus brings di mentalità e uso delle the prize of knowledge that dispels superstton from humankind.32 informazioni”, Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore de Pisa 15 (1985), 867-87. Lucretus uses his own ‘prize of knowledge’, scientfc investgaton, to explain natural phenomena. Conceiving the universe as full of atoms and understanding 32 See also Elizabeth Asmis, Epicurus’ Scientfc Method (Ithaca: natural phenomena as collisions and interactons among atoms allows the Cornell University Press, 1984). philosopher to look at the cosmos with a scientfc eye. In order to explain the universe, Lucretus creates a model based on atomic moton in which nothing is 33 There is an apparent contradicton between how lef to passions.33 The method he uses to support his theory of the movement Lucretus presents a materialistc of the atoms is described by analogy with what we can see when the rays of the universe in which there is no space sun bring light into a dark room: for passions (according to the Epicurean philosophy, passions are caused by fne atoms in the soul) ContemplatorContemplator enim, enim, cum soliscum solislumina lumina cumque cumque and the fact that he proposes a insertinsert fundunt fundunt radii radiiper opaca per opaca domorum: domorum: ‘passionate’ investgaton, by using many expressions of passion. multamulta minuta minuta modis modis mults mults per inane per inane videbis videbis corporacorpora misceri misceri radiorum radiorum lumine lumine in ipso in ipso 34 Lucretus, De rerum natura et velet ut vel aeterno ut aeterno certamine certamine proelia proelia pugnas pugnas 2.112-124, trans. Rouse: “Do but apply your scrutny whenever the edereedere turmatm turmatm certanta certanta nec dare nec darepausam, pausam, sun’s rays are let in and pour their conciliisconciliis et discidiis et discidiis exercita exercita crebris; crebris; light through a dark room: you conicereconicere ut possis ut possis ex hoc, ex primordiahoc, primordia rerum rerum will see many minute partcles mingling in many ways throughout qualequale sit in sitmagno in magno iactari iactari semper semper inani. inani. the void in the light itself of the Dum Dumtaxat taxat rerum rerum magnarum magnarum parve parve potest potest res res rays, and as it were in everlastng exemplareexemplare dare dareet vestgia et vestgia nottai. nottai. 34 confict struggling, fghtng, batling in troops without any pause, driven about with frequent By analogy with the sun’s rays, Lucretus indicates how he proceeds in his meetngs and partngs; so that you investgaton of the universe. The frst step is to observe a phenomenon, and may conjecture from this what it

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE | 75 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

the second step is to consider how it reveals the workings of the universe. Thus, this is an inductve method that presupposes a similarity between microcosm and macrocosm: namely, what one observes on a smaller scale can happen on is for the frst-beginnings of things a larger scale. From the observaton of partcles illuminated by the rays of the to be ever tossed about in the sun, Lucretus infers that atoms work analogously to these partcles and collide great void. So far as it goes, a small 35 thing may give an analogy of great and struggle in the void. His method of scientfc investgaton can thus be things, and show the tracks of described as a method based on two steps: observaton and conjecture.36 In knowledge”. Lucretus’ tme, the lack of advanced instruments prevented measurable proofs

35 On atomic moton in Lucretus, beyond what one could plainly observe. Despite this problem, he employs the see: Don P. Fowler, Lucretus creatvity of the poet to ofer a coherent and compelling system to explain on Atomic Moton (New York: nature. He crafs his language in such a way as to make his scientfc proposal Oxford University Press, 2002); on atomism in Antquity, see John more appealing to his reader, and enters the arena of compettve scientfc R. Milton, “The Limitatons of theories with the powerful instrument of poetc language. Ancient Atomism”, in Tuplin et al., Science and Mathematcs, 178-95. For Lucretus, the scientfc-poetc sublime is what Conte defnes as not only 36 For an introducton to the a genus scribendi but also a genus vivendi.37 Namely, the sublime is a way of method of science and on the crafing the hexameter in order to appealingly explain how the universe works. history of science in Antquity, see Tracey E. Rihll, “Greek Science in Moreover, it is a mode of thinking about and living in the universe. In Lucretus’ Context”, in Tuplin et al., Science universe there is no space for superstton and fear; the philosopher looks at and Mathematcs, 2-21. the most frightening phenomena as if they were atoms swirling and fghtng in

37 Gian Biagio Conte distnguishes the void. He reacts to these phenomena by observing them and formulatng between genus vivendi and genus an explanaton. This process is characterized by divina voluptas atque horror scribendi as diferent ways of (divine delight and a shuddering),38 which Lucretus felt in response to Epicurus approaching the sublime: the sphere of acton of the sublime traversing the moenia mundi: “His ibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas / shifs from the object to the percipit atque horror, quod sic natura tua vi / tam manifesta patens ex omni subject. Conte, Genres and parte retecta est”.39 Through his scientfc exploraton however, Lucretus is the Readers, 19. ‘new Epicurus’ who dispels the darkness of superstton with the light of reason 38 Petrus Hermanus Schrijvers, in the Roman world. Horror ac divina voluptas: études sur la poétque et la poésie de Lucrèce (Amsterdam: A. M. In De rerum natura investgaton of the universe produces a feeling of Hakkert, 1970). simultaneous pleasure and terror. These are the same reactons that Kant

76 | JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE GIULIA BONASIO

describes in relaton to the sublime: the sublime generates terror because of the grandiosity of natural phenomena that the subject perceives, but at the same tme brings pleasure because the subject is aware of the power of reason over nature. Pleasure and terror are elements of the sublime described by Kant, and are understood as something that happens in the mind of the subject. They are also part of the scientfc-poetc sublime as presented by Lucretus’ mode of investgaton of the universe. For Lucretus, however, pleasure has a diferent connotaton than it does for Kant. To Lucretus, the pleasure of the scientfc- poetc sublime is induced by not seeing nature as a mighty and frightening force. Through scientfc investgaton, by searching out ratonal explanatons for what happens in the cosmos, nature is successfully brought to ratonal terms. One experiences a diferent feeling in relaton to the Lucretan sublime than that elicited by the sublime described by Kant or by Burke. Firstly, one tries to formulate a scientfc explanaton of natural phenomena by looking for their causes. Secondly, she enjoys this scientfc exercise of reducing nature to a ratonal frame. But even in this ratonalistc view of the universe, she feels terror because she is aware of the impossibility of explaining everything and fnding a scientfc explanaton for every phenomenon in the world.

CONCLUSION

Lucretus’ De rerum natura presents an unprecedented and unparalleled form of the sublime called the scientfc-poetc sublime. In Lucretus’ work, the scientfc-poetc sublime is a way of investgatng and thinking about the universe. The scientfc-poetc sublime has the peculiarity of originatng from a scientfc investgaton that combines ratonal analysis and the search for causes 39 Lucretus, De rerum natura 3.28-30, trans. Rouse: “Therefore of phenomena with creatvity and poetry. In this partcular form, the sublime from all these things a sort of is very diferent from the eighteenth-century descriptons of the phenomenon divine delight gets hold upon by Burke and Kant, which ofen shape the modern noton of the sublime. me and a shuddering, because nature thus by your power has Further, some traces of the scientfc-poetc sublime can be found in Presocratc been so manifestly laid open and philosophy, and Lucretus’ approach is in some ways also similar to that of uncovered in every part”.

JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE |77 BEYOND THE FLAMMANTIA MOENA MUNDI

Seneca. Via comparison with Longinus’ treatse on the sublime, it is possible to single out a preconditon of it, namely oppression. In this sense, the sublime is a way of conceiving nature that goes beyond superstton and conventonal ways of thinking, and it creates a space of individual freedom.

Beyond the poetc fascinaton that the scientfc-poetc sublime exercises, this way of thinking about cosmic maters has the advantage of combining poetry with science, two approaches that are ofen considered contrastng. The scientfc-poetc sublime demonstrates how Lucretus investgated the universe and how he conceived nature as full of wonder. Additonally, it shows how two fundamental approaches to nature can be fused together. In modern study of scientfc phenomena these two approaches – scientfc and poetc – have parted from one another. Thus, De rerum natura is a unique occasion to admire the sublimity of language and the poet’s expertse in moulding hexameter to discuss scientfc mater. Lucretus’ double approach allows him to establish a relatonship with nature that leaves superstton and fear behind, and emphasizes creatvity and freedom of thought.

Giulia Bonasio is a PhD candidate at Columbia University (New York), where she is preparing a dissertaton on Aristotle’s Eudemian Ethics. Her interests lie at the intersecton of ancient philosophy, especially Plato and Aristotle, and Classics. She specializes in ancient ethics, and she is also partcularly interested in aesthetcs and psychology. She has worked on the notons of the sublime, the beautful, and pleasure.

78| JOURNAL OF THE LUCAS GRADUATE CONFERENCE Cover illustraton: Chaos, klid a útržky zdravého rozumu (Alena Koenigsmarková; 2009). 2016

Breaking the Rules Textual Reflections on Transgression