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La Propagande Francophone De Daech : La Mythologie Du Combattant Heureux

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La Propagande Francophone De Daech : La Mythologie Du Combattant Heureux La propagande francophone de Daech : la mythologie du combattant heureux Pierre CONESA François Bernard HUYGHE Margaux CHOURAQUI Contact : [email protected] TABLE DES MATIERES : Avant-propos Première partie : L’aboutissement d’un long processus à la fois clandestin et licite 1.1 Le terreau salafiste 1.2 Une vidéothèque et une médiathèque djihadistes de plus en plus fournies 1.3 Al Qaeda : le mythe fondateur 1.4 La transition au pays de Cham Deuxième partie : Daech a bâti une propagande assez classique avec des moyens de nouvelle génération 2.1 Daech associe propagande globale de masse sur le Web et approche individuelle sur les réseaux sociaux 2.2 Un produit nouveau : le califat, son territoire, son Etat, sa société idéale. 2.3 Bâtir un nouvel ordre mondial 2.4 La Coalition du Mal combat l’Islam et non pas Daech 2.5 La guerre doit se propager en terre de Mécréance. 2.6 L’action terroriste défend partout les musulmans humiliés Troisième partie : La dialectique Daech : image/texte; le story telling du combattant; des produits variés et adaptés; propagande/contre propagande 3.1 Le primat de l’image sur le texte 3.2 Le Héros au pays des combattants heureux et fraternels 3.3 Daech dispose d’une organisation professionnalisée qui crée des produits adaptés aux groupes cibles : portraits, jeux de guerre, films publicitaires, reportages, clips musicaux, vidéos post attentats 3.4 La propagande salafiste est d’autant plus efficace qu’elle s’appuie sur les contradictions occidentales 2 Daech est donc une entité du web 2.0 incensurable qui associe propagande de masse et approche individuelle afin d’atteindre ses groupes cibles. Quatrième partie : Place et rôle de la communication francophone dans la politique d’ensemble 4.1 La place de la France dans la démonologie djihadiste 4.2 Les principaux griefs de Daech contre la France 4.3 Les combattants français parlent aux Français 4.4 Justifier par la théologie, la mort de musulmans français après Novembre 4.5 La France est une cible prioritaire pour ce qu’elle fait autant que pour ce qu’elle est Cinquième partie : Comment mesurer l’efficacité de la propagande sur le processus de radicalisation 5.1 Daech c’est d’abord une rhétorique 5.2 Comment mesurer l’efficacité du discours de Daech 5.3 Résultats d’entretiens en l’absence d’échantillon représentatif 5.4 Démontage de la sociologie des réseaux terroristes Conclusion : quels conseils pour une politique de contre propagande ? 3 ANNEXES : ANNEXE 1 : GLOSSAIRE : LA NOVLANGUE DE DAECH ANNEXE 2 : LISTE DES DOCUMENTS TRAITES -Vidéos - Revues - Synthèse analytique des revues ANNEXE 3 : LES PREDICATEURS SALAFISTES USUELS D’ARABIE SAOUDITE ANNEXE 4 : CHRONOLOGIE 4 AVANT PROPOS : Cette étude tente de mesurer l’efficacité d’un système d’influence, qu’on l’appelle propagande quand il s’agit de l’Autre, de communication publique quand on parle de soi- même, ou de soft power si l’on veut faire moderne. Dans ce monde, la réalité a, dans une certaine mesure, moins d’importance que la façon dont l’émetteur crée une fiction pour le récepteur. Pour autant, il serait trop simple de disqualifier la communication francophone de Daech avec un langage de la tératologie (la science des monstres) en parlant de propagande, de mensonges, ou de perversion des djihadistes, et il serait aussi trop naïf de croire qu’il suffirait de « révéler » la vérité pour faire renoncer les djihadistes ou les postulants. L’efficacité de la stratégie politico-médiatique de Daech est impressionnante. Les quelques 27.000 djihadistes étrangers présents en Syrie provenant d’une centaine de pays selon l’étude Sofan Group, équivalent en effectifs aux réservistes de l'armée française. Au même moment et à titre de comparaison, les combattants étrangers seraient 6 500 en Afghanistan et quelques centaines en Libye, Pakistan ou Somalie. Ces conflits-ci ne communiquent quasiment pas ou seulement en Arabe et en Anglais (à quelques exceptions près). Il en résulte une différence forte en termes de recrutement. On a tendance à donner à la communication de Daech la responsabilité première de la radicalisation. Comprendre sa capacité à mondialiser son combat et à prendre la tête de la mouvance salafiste est une question cruciale, et mesurer l’importance et l’économie générale de la communication vers le public francophone, un enjeu majeur pour notre sécurité puisque les Français constituent le plus important contingent d’Occidentaux. Les chiffres sont très incertains ; certaines sources parlent de plus de 10 000 Français partis (en stock cumulé), d’autres de 1 900 individus « concernés » par les filières terroristes djihadistes, dont 1 450 pour la Syrie et l'Irak en juillet 2016. Selon les derniers chiffres du Premier ministre, Manuel Valls, il y en aurait à ce jour 680 dans les zones de Djihad, 179 en transit dans un pays tiers, 203 qui ont séjourné mais qui sont revenus en France et 187 morts au combat. Mais l’efficacité de la propagande de Daech s’explique autant par l’image dégradée des différents pays intervenant dans le conflit syro-irakien que par le savoir-faire des communicants du califat. Les mensonges publics des grandes démocraties américaine, britannique, espagnole ou française qui ont été révélés, contribuent paradoxalement autant à renforcer l’efficacité du discours salafiste djihadiste que les argumentaires théologiques développés dans les revues de Daech et d’Al Qaeda. Depuis l’invasion soviétique en Afghanistan, les interventions militaires occidentales directes ou indirectes contre la révolution iranienne ou l’Irak lors de la guerre du Golfe ; le silence coupable des grandes capitales lors des trois Intifada (révolte des pierres) et des meurtrières opérations israéliennes sur la bande de Gaza ; l’invasion otanienne de l’Afghanistan ; l’intervention pour protéger le peuple libyen au nom du « devoir de protéger », qui n’a jamais été accordé aux Palestiniens ; enfin la destruction décidée de l’Etat irakien accompagnée du scandale de la prison d’Abou Ghraib, font que les Occidentaux (Russes y compris) sont devenus un ennemi global des djihadistes. Ils ont perdu toute légitimité à vouloir régir le Moyen Orient, ce qui ne les empêche pas d’intervenir militairement. Comprendre la propagande est essentiel pour déterminer où faire porter l’effort de contre- radicalisation ? Une étude comme celle-ci ne peut être conclusive que si elle est comparative. 5 Nous avons abordé l’analyse en trois étapes : Qu’est ce qui fait l’originalité de la propagande de Daech par rapport à d’autres groupes radicaux, Al Qaeda en particulier ? Comment est structurée la communication francophone de Daech : place, importance, argumentaire, originalité ? Comment mesurer l’impact réel de cette propagande dans les processus de radicalisation ? En conclusion nous essaierons de dégager quelques pistes de contre-propagande 6 Première partie : L’aboutissement d’un long processus à la fois clandestin et licite Daech a élevé la communication au plus haut niveau stratégique mais en exploitant mieux un terreau déjà largement fourni. 1.1 Le terreau salafiste Il faut tout d’abord observer l’extraordinaire progression du salafisme depuis une trentaine d’années partout dans le monde arabo-musulman. Les idées politiques diffusées par cette idéologie sont particulièrement dangereuses et préparent psychologiquement au passage à la violence par le sentiment de vérité révélée absolue nourrissant l’hostilité à la moindre déviance, par le discours vengeur assis sur la « victimisation » du monde arabo-musulman et par une vision du djihad comme concept libérateur de la terre d’Islam. Le salafisme quiétiste présenté par certains analystes comme apolitique et non violent, est un ersatz de djihadisme puisque l’essentiel des messages repose sur le racisme (contre les koufar), l’antisémitisme, le sectarisme (contre le malikisme ouvert au consensus ; le chafiisme laissant place à la liberté d’interprétation, et au hanafisme tolérant à l’égard au raisonnement personnel et surtout au soufisme trop spirituel) ; sur l’homophobie ; la misogynie, la suprématie de la Charia sur le vote populaire et enfin l’intolérance. La distinction entre l’une et l’autre formes de salafisme reviendrait à se demander si la pratique religieuse de l’un est plus supportable que l’autre dans une démocratie un peu comme si on s’était demandé si Hitler était véritablement antisémite avant son accession au pouvoir, un « nazi quiétiste » en quelque sorte. Daech se réfère à l’Islam du temps du prophète et désavoue tous les penseurs, pour s’arroger le monopole de la juste interprétation du Coran. Ce positionnement du « seul contre tous » est un levier essentiel de sa propagande. On retrouve sur les sites salafistes toutes les thématiques de l’intolérance chères à Daech ou à Al Qaeda. La propagande salafiste est donc une préparation psychologique et une justification religieuse à des pratiques violentes toujours présentées comme défensives. Pour les Salafistes, l’agression vient de ceux qui, refusant de se convertir à la vraie loi de Dieu, font spirituellement la guerre à Allah et mènent une persécution, contre les vrais croyants. Les réactions violentes dans certains quartiers contre les contrôles policiers de femmes bâchées en Niqab, en sont la traduction quotidienne. En ce sens le rôle constant et toujours actuel des prédicateurs de l’Arabie saoudite est essentiel à rappeler (ANNEXE 3). 1.2 Une vidéothèque et une médiathèque djihadistes de plus en plus fournies Daech est loin d’avoir tout inventé. La filmographie djihadiste commence avec la guerre en Afghanistan, ne cessant de se perfectionner en qualité visuelle et technique, puis en élargissant les moyens, les thèmes traités et les lieux du djihad (Bosnie, l’Algérie, puis la vague d’attentats d’Al Qaeda…). Rappelons qu’avant le 11 septembre on trouvait déjà des VHS d’exécutions : décapitations par des djihadistes tchétchènes ou tueries de soldats algériens par des militants du GIA.
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