Abdul Wali Khan: a Political Study (1942-1990)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Abdul Wali Khan: a Political Study (1942-1990) ABDUL WALI KHAN: A POLITICAL STUDY (1942-1990) RESEARCHER SUPERVISOR SAFI ULLAH KHAN MARWAT PROFESSOR REG#03-FSS/PHDHIST/S08 DR. RAZIA SULTANA VICE CHANCELLOR SBB WOMEN UNIVERSITY PESHAWAR DEPTT. OF HISTORY & PAKISTAN STUDIES FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD DECEMBER 2015 ABDUL WALI KHAN: A POLITICAL STUDY (1942-1990) BY SAFI ULLAH KHAN MARWAT REG#03-FSS/PHDHIST/S08 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for PhD degree in History with specialization in Modern South Asia to Department of History & Pakistan Studies at Faculty of Social Sciences, International Islamic University, Islamabad. DEPTT. OF HISTORY & PAKISTAN STUDIES FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY ISLAMABAD DECEMBER 2015 FOR HUMANITY ABSTRACT My PhD thesis titled "Abdul Wali Khan: A Political Study (1942-1990)" covers 48 years long active political life of Abdul Wali Khan who was the second among three sons (Abdul Ghani Khan, Abdul Wali Khan, Abdul Ali Khan) of Abdul Ghaffar Khan popularly known as ‘Bãchã Khan’ or ‘Frontier Gandhi’ during British Rãj in India. This research work deals with the socio-political and constitutional developments in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and the role of Abdul Wali Khan during British Rãj. It also covers the political and constitutional developments in Pakistan and Abdul Wali Khan's role since 1947 until 1990. In British India, Abdul Wali Khan was an active member of his father's KP-based socio-political organization popularly known as the Khudã’ĩ Khidmatgãrs (KKs). KKs were in political alliance with the Indian National Congress (INC) since 1931 until 1947. Being a KK since his childhood, Abdul Wali Khan also joined INC formally in 1942. It was the beginning of his active politics. British arrested him in 1943 for his active participation in the Quit India Movement from the platform of INC. In 1947, he became Joint Secretary of INC. Being a Congressman, he opposed the idea and creation of Pakistan. To him, division of India meant a British conspiracy to divide the Indian Muslims. He was of the view that the British materialized their policy of "divide and rule" through the All India Muslim League (AIML). After creation of Pakistan in 1947, Abdul Wali Khan severed his connections with INC and declared his allegiance to Pakistan. However, his opposition to the idea of Pakistan during freedom movement became a liability for him through out his life. In Pakistan, he emerged as a strong provincial autonomist and spoke for the rights of deprived classes of the society. He was of the view that the ruling elite at the Center was the main usurper in Pakistan. Hence, mostly, he was kept behind the bars by consecutive governments of Pakistan on the charge of anti- state activities. Repeatedly, he was dubbed as a traitor. He was the first Pakistani who was charged for high treason and trialed under Article 6 of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. However, the charge could not be proved against him and the Court acquitted him. His opponents also titled him as a secular pro-Moscow socialist. In response, he declared that he was neither secular nor socialist. Briefly, it may be concluded from his political profile that he was a Pakhtun-cum-Muslim-cum- Pakistani nationalist who got himself recognized as a constitutionalist and democrat. Safi Ullah Khan Marwat Copyright © 2015 SAFI ULLAH KHAN MARWAT, Department of History & Pakistan Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, International Islamic University, Islamabad. All rights are reserved. DECLARATION I, Safi Ullah Khan Marwat, PhD scholar bearing Registration No. 03- FSS/PHDHIST/S08 at the Department of History & Pakistan Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, International Islamic University, Islamabad, do hereby solemnly declare that the thesis titled “Abdul Wali Khan: A Political Study (1942-1990)” submitted by me in partial fulfillment for the requirement of PhD degree in History with specialization in Modern South Asia is outcome of my individual and original research. The material I have consulted is acknowledged in the text. Concurrently, I have not submitted or published this thesis and, in future, I would not submit it to any other university, or institution for the award of any other degree. Signature________________ Safi Ullah Khan Marwat ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS All praises are to Almighty Allah who enabled me to complete this thesis. I thank my supervisor, Dr. Razia Sultana for her scholarly guidance. I am grateful to Dr. N. B. Jumani, Dr. M. Rafique Afzal, Dr. Riaz Ahmad, Dr. M. Naeem Qureshi, Dr. Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah, Dr. Khurram Qadir, Dr. Sayyid A. S. Pirzada , Dr. Safeer Akhtar, Dr. Ian Talbot, Dr. Gail Minault, Dr. Paula Newberg, Dr. Kamran Asdar Ali, Dr. Robert Nichols, Dr. David Gilmartin, Dr. Fazl-i-Rahim Marwat, Dr. Raj Wali Shah Khattak, Dr. Abdur Rauf, Dr. Samina Awan, Dr. Mujeeb Ahmad, Dr. Akhtar Hussain, Dr. Abdul Zahoor Khan, Syed Akmal Hussain Shah, Shakeel Ahmad Shah, Abdul Basit Mujahid, Zikria Shinwari, Yahya Shinwari, Bihram Khan, and Mashal Khan etc for their value addition to my research. I thank Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Directorate of Archives and Libraries Peshawar, the Bãchã Khan Research Center Peshawar, National Documentation Center Islamabad, National Archives Islamabad, National Library Islamabad, Supreme Court of Pakistan Library Islamabad, National Assembly of Pakistan Library Islamabad, Press Information Department Islamabad, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Provincial Assembly Library, National Archives, Washington D. C., USA, Lynden Baines Johnson Library, Perry Castañeda Librarry, and South Asia Institute in the University of Texas at Austin, USA, and Central Library of University of Pennsylvania in USA for their co-operation during my research. I am indebted to my family and relatives, especially parents, wife, and children, whose unending prayers and support enabled me to achieve this prestigous academic level. Safi Ullah Khan Marwat ii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AIML: All India Muslim League AJKMC: All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference AL: ‘Awãmi League AML: ‘Awãmi Muslim League ANP: ‘Awãmi National Party APAML: All Pakistan ‘Awãmi Muslim League APCC: All Parties Constitutional Conference APJAML: All Pakistan Jinnah ‘Awãmi Muslim League APP: Associated Press of Pakistan AT: ‘Awãmĩ Tihrĩk BDs: Basic Democracies BPLFAR: Balochistan People’s Liberation Front for Arms Resistance BNA: Balochistan National Alliance BRF: Balochistan Reserve Force BUP: Balochistan United Front CAP: Constituent Assembly of Pakistan CC: Constituent Committee CEC: Chief Election Commissioner CIA: Central Investigation Agency CID: Criminal Investigation Department CML: Council Muslim League CMLA: Chief Martial Law Administrator ConML: Convention Muslim League iii COP: Combined Opposition Parties CWC: Congress Working Committee DAC: Democratic Action Committee DMLAs: Deputy Martial Law Administrators DPRs: Defence of Pakistan Rules INC: Indian National Congress ISI: Inter Services Intelligence of Pakistan EBDO: Elective Bodies Disqualification Order ECP: Election Commission of Pakistan EP: East Pakistan EPRs: East Pakistan Rifles FATA: Federally Administered Tribal Areas FCR: Frontier Crimes Regulation FSF: Federal Security Force FPCC: Frontier Province Congress Committee HCC: Hyderabad Conspiracy Case IJD: Islamic Janatantarĩ Dal IJI: Islãmi Jamhurĩ Ittihãd IRP: Islamic Republic of Pakistan JIP: Jamã‘t-i-Islāmi Pakistan JML: Jinnah Muslim League JUIP (F): Ja‘miyyat ‘ulamã-i-Islam Pakistan (Fazlur Rehman Group) JUIP (H): Ja ‘miyyat ‘ulamã-i-Islam Pakistan (Ghulam Ghaus Hazarvi Group) JUP: Ja ‘miyyat ‘ulamã-i-Pakistan iv JUP (N): Ja ‘miyyat ‘ulamã-i-Pakistan (Nũrãni Group) JWP: Jamhũrĩ Watan Party KK: Khudã’ĩ Khidmatgãr KP: Khyber Pakhtũnkhwã LBJ: Lynden Baines Johnson LFO: Legal Framework Order MJAH: Markaz-ĩ- Ja‘miyyat-i-Ahl-i-Hadith MJUI: Markaz-ĩ-Ja‘miyyat ‘ulamã-i-Islam MLA: Martial Law Administrator MLRs: Martial Law Regulations MQM: Muhãjar Qõmĩ Mahãz, Present Mutahiddah Qõmĩ Movement NA: National Assembly NAP: National ‘Awãmi Party NDC: National Documentation Center NDF: National Democratic Front NDP: National Democratic Party NIC: National Identity Card NIP: Nizãm-i-Islam Party NPP: National Peoples Party NPT: National Press Trust NSC: National Security Council NWFP: North West Frontier Province PA: Provincial Assembly PAI: Pakistan ‘Awãmĩ Ittihãd v Pak PWD: Pakistan Public Works Department PCC: Provincial Congress Committee PCO: Provisional Constitution Order PDA: People’s Democratic Alliance PDM: Pakistan Democratic Movement PDP: Pakistan Democratic Party PID: Press Information Department PkMAP: Pakhtũnkhwã Millĩ ‘Awami Party PML: Pakistan Muslim League PNP: Pakistan National Party PODO: Public Offices Disqualification Order PsOW: Prisoners of War PPI: Pakistan Press International PRC: People’s Republic of China QML: Qã’id-i-A‘zam Muslim League RAW: Research and Analysis Wing RCO: Revival of the Constitution of 1973 Order RTC: Round Table Conference SCC: Sukkur Conspiracy Case SKMPPMM: Sindh-Karachi Muhãjir-Punjabi-Pathan Mutahiddah Mahãz TI: Tihrĩk-i-Istiqlãl TNFJ: Tihrĩk-i-Nifãz-i-Fiqqah’-i-Jafriyyah UNO: United Nations Organization USA: United States of America vi TRANSLITERATION In this research work, the transliteration method of the Manual Of Style (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute Press, 1994) has been followed. The non- English words have been transliterated and written in italics. vii GLOSSARY Ãbiyãnah: Water tax imposed by government upon those farmers who irrigate their lands with the government sponsored
Recommended publications
  • Authoritarianism and Political Party Reforms in Pakistan
    AUTHORITARIANISM AND POLITICAL PARTY REFORM IN PAKISTAN Asia Report N°102 – 28 September 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. PARTIES BEFORE MUSHARRAF............................................................................. 2 A. AFTER INDEPENDENCE..........................................................................................................2 B. THE FIRST MILITARY GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................3 C. CIVILIAN RULE AND MILITARY INTERVENTION.....................................................................4 D. DISTORTED DEMOCRACY......................................................................................................5 III. POLITICAL PARTIES UNDER MUSHARRAF ...................................................... 6 A. CIVILIAN ALLIES...................................................................................................................6 B. MANIPULATING SEATS..........................................................................................................7 C. SETTING THE STAGE .............................................................................................................8 IV. A PARTY OVERVIEW ............................................................................................... 11 A. THE MAINSTREAM:.............................................................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
    Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt.
    [Show full text]
  • Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians from US Drone Practices in Pakistan
    Fall 08 September 2012 Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians From US Drone Practices in Pakistan International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic Stanford Law School Global Justice Clinic http://livingunderdrones.org/ NYU School of Law Cover Photo: Roof of the home of Faheem Qureshi, a then 14-year old victim of a January 23, 2009 drone strike (the first during President Obama’s administration), in Zeraki, North Waziristan, Pakistan. Photo supplied by Faheem Qureshi to our research team. Suggested Citation: INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION CLINIC (STANFORD LAW SCHOOL) AND GLOBAL JUSTICE CLINIC (NYU SCHOOL OF LAW), LIVING UNDER DRONES: DEATH, INJURY, AND TRAUMA TO CIVILIANS FROM US DRONE PRACTICES IN PAKISTAN (September, 2012) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I ABOUT THE AUTHORS III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS V INTRODUCTION 1 METHODOLOGY 2 CHALLENGES 4 CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 7 DRONES: AN OVERVIEW 8 DRONES AND TARGETED KILLING AS A RESPONSE TO 9/11 10 PRESIDENT OBAMA’S ESCALATION OF THE DRONE PROGRAM 12 “PERSONALITY STRIKES” AND SO-CALLED “SIGNATURE STRIKES” 12 WHO MAKES THE CALL? 13 PAKISTAN’S DIVIDED ROLE 15 CONFLICT, ARMED NON-STATE GROUPS, AND MILITARY FORCES IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 17 UNDERSTANDING THE TARGET: FATA IN CONTEXT 20 PASHTUN CULTURE AND SOCIAL NORMS 22 GOVERNANCE 23 ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLDS 25 ACCESSING FATA 26 CHAPTER 2: NUMBERS 29 TERMINOLOGY 30 UNDERREPORTING OF CIVILIAN CASUALTIES BY US GOVERNMENT SOURCES 32 CONFLICTING MEDIA REPORTS 35 OTHER CONSIDERATIONS
    [Show full text]
  • Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
    \ WORKING PAPER 6\ 2017 Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: A social movement perspective Katja Mielke \ BICC Nick Miszak \ TLO Joint publication by \ WORKING PAPER 6 \ 2017 MAKING SENSE OF DAESH IN AFGHANISTAN: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT PERSPECTIVE \ K. MIELKE & N. MISZAK SUMMARY So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Kho- rasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan–Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh’s emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions—east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan—during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a long- term transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan–Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • Pakistan- Party System
    SUBJECT: POLITICAL SCIENCE VI COURSE: BA LLB SEMESTER V (NON-CBCS) TEACHER: MS. DEEPIKA GAHATRAJ MODULE II, PAKISTAN PARTY SYSTEM (i). The Awami National Party (ANP) is a left-wing, secular, Pashtun nationalist party, drawing its strength mainly from the Pashtun-majority areas of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) province. It is also active the urban areas of Sindh province and elsewhere. The party was officially formed in 1986 as a conglomeration of several left-leaning parties, but had existed in some form as far back as 1965, when Khan Abdul Wali Khan split from the existing National Awami Party. Khan was following in the political footsteps of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan, popular known as the “Frontier Gandhi”), one of the most prominent nonviolent pro- independence figures under the British Raj. Today, the party is led by Asfandyar Wali Khan, Abdul Wali Khan's son. At the national level, the ANP has traditionally stood with the PPP, the only other major secular party operating across the country. 2008 was no different, and the ANP was one of the PPP's most stalwart allies in the previous government, with its 13 seats in the National Assembly backing the coalition throughout its five-year term in office. In the 2013 polls, however, the ANP will have to contend with high anti-incumbent sentiment in its stronghold of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, as a result of a lack of economic development and a deteriorating security situation. The ANP itself has borne the brunt of political violence in the province, with more than 750 ANP workers, activists and leaders killed by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan in the last several years, according to the party's information secretary, Zahid Khan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Senate of Pakistan Debates
    THE SENATE OF PAKISTAN DEBATES OFFICIAL REPORT Monday, October 05, 2015 (120th Session) Volume XI, No.01 (Nos. 01- 07) Printed and Published by the Senate Secretariat, Islamabad. Volume XI SP. XI(1)/2015 No.01 15 CONTENTS 1. Recitation from the Holy Quran…………………………………………..…1 2. Panel of Presiding Officers…………………………………………………..…2 3. Leave of Absence……………………………………………………………………2 4. Fateha…………………………………………………………………………………....5 5. Condolence Resolution on the Sad Demise of Senator (R) Justice Javed Iqbal…………………………………………………………………………………………………………...5 6. Condolence Resolution on the Sad Demise of former Senator Gulzar Ahmed Khan………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…..7 7. Motion Moved by Senator Farhatullah Babar Regarding The Privatization Commission (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015……………………………………………..……….9 8. Motion Moved by Senator Farhatullah Babar Regarding The Anti-Honour Killing, Laws (Criminal Laws Amendment) Bill, 2015……………………………………..….10 9. Motion Moved by Senator Farhatullah Babar Regarding Consideration of Anti-Rape Laws (Criminal Laws Amendment)Bill, 2015 in a Joint Sitting of Parliament……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………....11 10. Report by the Minister for Religious Affairs and Inter-Faith Harmony Regarding Mina Incident………………………………………………………………………..….13 11. Discussion on the Report of Mina Incident…………………………………………….….17 Senator Farhatullah Babar………………………………………………17 Senator Sehar Kamran…………………………………………………….21 Senator Brig. (R) John Keneth Williams…………………………...23 Senator Muhammad Usman Khan Kakar………………….……..26 Senator
    [Show full text]
  • Health Bulletin July.Pdf
    July, 2014 - Volume: 2, Issue: 7 IN THIS BULLETIN HIGHLIGHTS: Polio spread feared over mass displacement 02 English News 2-7 Dengue: Mosquito larva still exists in Pindi 02 Lack of coordination hampering vaccination of NWA children 02 Polio Cases Recorded 8 Delayed security nods affect polio drives in city 02 Combating dengue: Fumigation carried out in rural areas 03 Health Profile: 9-11 U.A.E. polio campaign vaccinates 2.5 million children in 21 areas in Pakistan 03 District Multan Children suffer as Pakistan battles measles epidemic 03 Health dept starts registering IDPs to halt polio spread 04 CDA readies for dengue fever season 05 Maps 12,14,16 Ulema declare polio immunization Islamic 05 Polio virus detected in Quetta linked to Sukkur 05 Articles 13,15 Deaths from vaccine: Health minister suspends 17 officials for negligence 05 Polio vaccinators return to Bara, Pakistan, after five years 06 Urdu News 17-21 Sewage samples polio positive 06 Six children die at a private hospital 06 06 Health Directory 22-35 Another health scare: Two children infected with Rubella virus in Jalozai Camp Norwegian funding for polio eradication increased 07 MULTAN HEALTH FACILITIES ADULT HEALTH AND CARE - PUNJAB MAPS PATIENTS TREATED IN MULTAN DIVISION MULTAN HEALTH FACILITIES 71°26'40"E 71°27'30"E 71°28'20"E 71°29'10"E 71°30'0"E 71°30'50"E BUZDAR CLINIC TAYYABA BISMILLAH JILANI Rd CLINIC AMNA FAMILY il BLOOD CLINIC HOSPITAL Ja d M BANK R FATEH MEDICAL MEDICAL NISHTER DENTAL Legend l D DENTAL & ORAL SURGEON a & DENTAL STORE MEDICAL COLLEGE A RABBANI n COMMUNITY AND HOSPITAL a CLINIC R HOSPITALT C HEALTH GULZAR HOSPITAL u "' Basic Health Unit d g CENTER NAFEES MEDICARE AL MINHAJ FAMILY MULTAN BURN UNIT PSYCHIATRIC h UL QURAN la MATERNITY HOME CLINIC ZAFAR q op Blood Bank N BLOOD BANK r ishta NIAZ CLINIC R i r a Rd X-RAY SIYAL CLINIC d d d SHAHAB k a Saddiqia n R LABORATORY FAROOQ k ÷Ó o Children Hospital d DECENT NISHTAR a .
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
    CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent.
    [Show full text]
  • Quaid-I-Azam's Visit to the Southern Districts of NWFP
    Quaid-i-Azam’s Visit to the Southern Districts of NWFP 1 ∗ ∗∗ Muhammad Aslam Khan & Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad Abstract In this paper an attempt has been made to explore the detailed achievements of Quaid-i-Azam’s visit to southern NWFP i.e Kohat, Bannu and DI. Khan. Historians always focused on Quiad’s visit to central NWFP like Islamia College Peshawar, Edward College Peshawar, Landikotal and other places, but they have missed to highlight his visit to southern NWFP. Quaid-i-Azam visited all the three Southern districts Kohat, Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan of NWFP on very short notice. Therefore no proper security arrangements were made and media did not give proper coverage to his visit. The details of Quaid’s visit to Southern NWFP is still unexplored by historians. This paper is a new addition on the existing literature on Quaid-i-Azam. Keywords: Quaid-i-Azam, NWFP, Khyber Pukhtunkhwa, Pakistan To Pakistanis, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is their George Washington, their de Gaulle and their Churchill . Quaid-i-Azam visited NWFP thrice in his life span. For the first time, Quaid arrived in Peshawar on Sunday, the 18th of October 1936 2 and stayed for a week from 18th to the 24th of October at the Mundiberi residence of Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan 3. The political situations in the province were quite blurred at that time. Quaid visited Edward College and Islamia College Peshawar. He listened to the opinions of people from all shades of life and had friendly exchange of views with all of them.
    [Show full text]
  • “New Norms” and the Continuing Relevance of IHL in the Post-9/11
    International Review of the Red Cross (2015), 97 (900), 1277–1293. The evolution of warfare doi:10.1017/S1816383116000138 The danger of “new norms” and the continuing relevance of IHL in the post-9/11 era Anna Di Lellio and Emanuele Castano Anna Di Lellio is a Professor of International Affairs at the New School of Public Engagement and New York University. Emanuele Castano is a Professor of Psychology at the New School for Social Research. Abstract In the post-9/11 era, the label “asymmetric wars” has often been used to question the relevance of certain aspects of international humanitarian law (IHL); to push for redefining the combatant/civilian distinction; and to try to reverse accepted norms such as the bans on torture and assassination. In this piece, we focused on legal and policy discussions in the United States and Israel because they better illustrate the dynamics of State-led “norm entrepreneurship”, or the attempt to propose opposing or modified norms as a revision of IHL. We argue that although these developments are to be taken seriously, they have not weakened the normative power of IHL or made it passé. On the contrary, they have made it more relevant than ever. IHL is not just a complex (and increasingly sophisticated) branch of law detached from reality. Rather, it is the embodiment of widely shared principles of morality and ethics, and stands as a normative “guardian” against processes of moral disengagement that make torture and the acceptance of civilian deaths more palatable. Keywords: IHL, asymmetric war, norm entrepreneurs, targeted killing, torture, terrorism, moral disengagement.
    [Show full text]
  • SUHAIL-THESIS.Pdf (347.6Kb)
    Copyright by Adeem Suhail 2010 The Thesis committee for Adeem Suhail Certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: The Pakistan National Alliance of 1977 APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: ________________________________________ (Syed Akbar Hyder) __________________________________________ (Kamran Asdar Ali) The Pakistan National Alliance of 1977 by Adeem Suhail, BA; BSEE Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2011 The Pakistan National Alliance of 1977 by Adeem Suhail, MA The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 SUPERVISOR: Syed Akbar Hyder Abstract This study focuses on the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and the movement associated with that party, in the aftermath of the 1977 elections in Pakistan. Through this study, the author addresses the issue of regionalism and its effects on politics at a National level. A study of the course of the movement also allows one to look at the problems in representation and how ideological stances merge with material conditions and needs of the country’s citizenry to articulate the desire for, what is basically, an equitable form of democracy that is peculiar to Pakistan. The form of such a democratic system of governance can be gauged through the frustrations and desires of the variety of Pakistan’s oppressed classes. Moreover, the fissures within the discourses that appear through the PNA, as well as their reassessment and analysis helps one formulate a fresh conception of resistance along different matrices of society within the country.
    [Show full text]
  • The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: an Empirical Study
    © Reuters/HO Old – Detainees at XRay Camp in Guantanamo. The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empirical Study Benjamin Wittes and Zaahira Wyne with Erin Miller, Julia Pilcer, and Georgina Druce December 16, 2008 The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empiricial Study Table of Contents Executive Summary 1 Introduction 3 The Public Record about Guantánamo 4 Demographic Overview 6 Government Allegations 9 Detainee Statements 13 Conclusion 22 Note on Sources and Methods 23 About the Authors 28 Endnotes 29 Appendix I: Detainees at Guantánamo 46 Appendix II: Detainees Not at Guantánamo 66 Appendix III: Sample Habeas Records 89 Sample 1 90 Sample 2 93 Sample 3 96 The Current Detainee Population of Guantánamo: An Empiricial Study EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he following report represents an effort both to document and to describe in as much detail as the public record will permit the current detainee population in American T military custody at the Guantánamo Bay Naval Station in Cuba. Since the military brought the first detainees to Guantánamo in January 2002, the Pentagon has consistently refused to comprehensively identify those it holds. While it has, at various times, released information about individuals who have been detained at Guantánamo, it has always maintained ambiguity about the population of the facility at any given moment, declining even to specify precisely the number of detainees held at the base. We have sought to identify the detainee population using a variety of records, mostly from habeas corpus litigation, and we have sorted the current population into subgroups using both the government’s allegations against detainees and detainee statements about their own affiliations and conduct.
    [Show full text]