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Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt. -
Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians from US Drone Practices in Pakistan
Fall 08 September 2012 Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians From US Drone Practices in Pakistan International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic Stanford Law School Global Justice Clinic http://livingunderdrones.org/ NYU School of Law Cover Photo: Roof of the home of Faheem Qureshi, a then 14-year old victim of a January 23, 2009 drone strike (the first during President Obama’s administration), in Zeraki, North Waziristan, Pakistan. Photo supplied by Faheem Qureshi to our research team. Suggested Citation: INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION CLINIC (STANFORD LAW SCHOOL) AND GLOBAL JUSTICE CLINIC (NYU SCHOOL OF LAW), LIVING UNDER DRONES: DEATH, INJURY, AND TRAUMA TO CIVILIANS FROM US DRONE PRACTICES IN PAKISTAN (September, 2012) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I ABOUT THE AUTHORS III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS V INTRODUCTION 1 METHODOLOGY 2 CHALLENGES 4 CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 7 DRONES: AN OVERVIEW 8 DRONES AND TARGETED KILLING AS A RESPONSE TO 9/11 10 PRESIDENT OBAMA’S ESCALATION OF THE DRONE PROGRAM 12 “PERSONALITY STRIKES” AND SO-CALLED “SIGNATURE STRIKES” 12 WHO MAKES THE CALL? 13 PAKISTAN’S DIVIDED ROLE 15 CONFLICT, ARMED NON-STATE GROUPS, AND MILITARY FORCES IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 17 UNDERSTANDING THE TARGET: FATA IN CONTEXT 20 PASHTUN CULTURE AND SOCIAL NORMS 22 GOVERNANCE 23 ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLDS 25 ACCESSING FATA 26 CHAPTER 2: NUMBERS 29 TERMINOLOGY 30 UNDERREPORTING OF CIVILIAN CASUALTIES BY US GOVERNMENT SOURCES 32 CONFLICTING MEDIA REPORTS 35 OTHER CONSIDERATIONS -
Quaid-I-Azam's Visit to the Southern Districts of NWFP
Quaid-i-Azam’s Visit to the Southern Districts of NWFP 1 ∗ ∗∗ Muhammad Aslam Khan & Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad Abstract In this paper an attempt has been made to explore the detailed achievements of Quaid-i-Azam’s visit to southern NWFP i.e Kohat, Bannu and DI. Khan. Historians always focused on Quiad’s visit to central NWFP like Islamia College Peshawar, Edward College Peshawar, Landikotal and other places, but they have missed to highlight his visit to southern NWFP. Quaid-i-Azam visited all the three Southern districts Kohat, Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan of NWFP on very short notice. Therefore no proper security arrangements were made and media did not give proper coverage to his visit. The details of Quaid’s visit to Southern NWFP is still unexplored by historians. This paper is a new addition on the existing literature on Quaid-i-Azam. Keywords: Quaid-i-Azam, NWFP, Khyber Pukhtunkhwa, Pakistan To Pakistanis, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is their George Washington, their de Gaulle and their Churchill . Quaid-i-Azam visited NWFP thrice in his life span. For the first time, Quaid arrived in Peshawar on Sunday, the 18th of October 1936 2 and stayed for a week from 18th to the 24th of October at the Mundiberi residence of Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan 3. The political situations in the province were quite blurred at that time. Quaid visited Edward College and Islamia College Peshawar. He listened to the opinions of people from all shades of life and had friendly exchange of views with all of them. -
Political Fields and Religious Movements: the Exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
POLITICAL FIELDS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: THE EXCLUSION OF THE AHMADIYYA COMMUNITY IN PAKISTAN Sadia Saeed ABSTRACT This paper examines the Pakistani state’s shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state’s policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-a` -vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 23, 189–223 Copyright r 2012 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0198-8719/doi:10.1108/S0198-8719(2012)0000023011 189 190 SADIA SAEED referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the ‘‘Ahmadi issue’’ as a national question pertaining to democratic norms. In 1953, a group of prominent ulema1 in Pakistan launched a social movement demanding that the state forcibly declare the heterodox Ahmadiyya community (in short Ahmadis) a non-Muslim minority. At this moment, state authorities explicitly rejected this demand. In 1974, Pakistan’s National Assembly responded to the same demand by con- stitutionally declaring Ahmadis a non-Muslim minority. -
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan - Early Years, Partition, Arrest and Exile
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan - Early Years, Partition, Arrest and Exile Abdul Beber Ghaffar Khan, also known as Bacha Khan, was a Pashtun independence activist who campaigned to end the rule of the British Raj in India. For his adherence to pacifism and close association with Mahatma Gandhi, he earned the nickname “Frontier Gandhi”, He founded the Khudai Khidmatgar (“Servants of God”) movement in 1929. The success of the movement earned him and his supporters a harsh crackdown from the British Raj, suffering some of the worst repression of the Indian Independence Struggle. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan - Early Years Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was born on 6 February 1890 into a prosperous landowning Pashtun family from Utmanzai in the Peshawar Valley of British India. At the age of 20 in 1910 Khan opened a mosque school in his home town. But the British authorities forcefully closed down his school in 1915, because they believed that it was a centre of anti-British activities. Their accusation was on the basis that Khan had joined the Pashtun independence movement of activist Haji Sahib of Turangazi, who himself was responsible for fomenting many anti-establishment activities against the British Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan - Khudai Khidmatgar Initially, Bacha Khan's goal was to wok towards the social upliftment of the Pashtuns as he had realised that they will remain backwards due to the lack of education and centuries of blood feuds between various Pashtun families. In time, he worked towards the formation of a united, independent, secular India. To achieve this end, he founded the Khudai Khidmatgar ("Servants of God"), commonly known as the "Red Shirts" (Surkh Pōsh), during the 1920s. -
Afghanistan-Pakistan Activities Quarterly Report XI (April – May – June 2005) Sustainable Development of Drylands Project IALC-UIUC
Afghanistan-Pakistan Activities Quarterly Report XI (April – May – June 2005) Sustainable Development of Drylands Project IALC-UIUC Introduction As we near the mid-point in our four year commitment to the IALC-ANE Cooperative Agreement, we are able to report real and measurable progress toward what has been the larger and long range goal: Human Capacity Development for the Agriculture Sector in Afghanistan. We continue to be alert for signals and guidance on ways the unique set of NWFPAU resources can be used to support recovery in Afghanistan, as we move toward the more distant goal of building an in-country capacity to deliver training programs that are needed by the agriculture sector. Looking toward the next two years of the Cooperative Agreement, there is cause for concern about supplemental funding because additional support will be needed to deliver programs that can not be financed through our limited core funding. The $484,000 AID- Islamabad buy-in has made a huge difference, but we are not sure that funding stream will continue. The possibility of securing traditional or direct buy-in support through AID-Kabul has almost been eliminated. The job order submitted to RAMP-Kabul last year, requesting $648,200 in supplemental support, was reduced to $178,000. With the RAMP project scheduled to end in June 2006, it is unlikely we will get more assistance from that source. At the moment, funds that are controlled by USDA and allocated for agricultural development in Afghanistan may be a source of the supplemental funding that we need. We are pursuing that possibility. -
6455.Pdf, PDF, 1.27MB
Overall List Along With Domicile and Post Name Father Name District Post Shahab Khan Siraj Khan PESHAWAR 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Sana Ullah Muhammad Younas Lower Dir 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Mahboob Ali Fazal Rahim Swat 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Tahir Saeed Saeed Ur Rehman Kohat 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Owais Qarni Raham Dil Lakki Marwat 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Ashfaq Ahmad Zarif Khan Charsadda 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Saud Khan Haji Minak Khan Khyber 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Qamar Jan Syed Marjan Kurram 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Kamil Khan Wakeel Khan PESHAWAR 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Waheed Gul Muhammad Qasim Lakki Marwat 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Tanveer Ahmad Mukhtiar Ahmad Mardan 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Muhammad Faheem Muhammad Aslam PESHAWAR 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Muslima Bibi Jan Gul Dera Ismail Khan 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Muhammad Zahid Muhammad Saraf Batagram 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Riaz Khan Muhammad Anwar Lower Dir 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Bakht Taj Abdul Khaliq Shangla 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Hidayat Ullah Fazal Ullah Swabi 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Wajid Ali Malang Jan Mardan 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Sahar Rashed Abdur Rasheed Mardan 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Afsar Khan Afridi Ghulam Nabi PESHAWAR 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Adnan Khan Manazir Khan Mardan 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Liaqat Ali Malik Aman Charsadda 01. Station House Incharge (BPS-16) Adnan Iqbal Parvaiz Khan Mardan 01. -
Punjab Caste-System and Voting Behavior
Punjab Caste-System and Voting Behavior * Syed Karim Haider Abstract This article examines the impact of Punjab‟s caste-system on voting behavior emerging from 2013 Pakistan‟s general elections. Historically, the caste and Biradari system have been playing a significant role in the region of the Punjab since the arrival of Aryans. The historical evolution and modernization of the British Raj never fully changed the traditional value-system of the Punjabi society which is based on caste and biradari. With particular reference to caste and Biradari system, an analytical study has been made to understand deep roots of Caste-System and its impact on the voting behavior of four selected districts of the province of Punjab in 2013 general elections of Pakistan. Further, this research shows that the Punjabi society is based on multiculturalism and social diversification with parochial political culture; therefore, the Punjabi society accepts authoritarian rule which begins from family and ends at national politics. Introduction The Province of Punjab has been considered an important region of the subcontinent from very beginning. Geographically, it is located on the North and Western border of the subcontinent and historically it has a significance which goes back to the Indus civilization. Due to its geography and history, it has been an important region which continuously remained a target of foreign invaders. As a result, the province of Punjab has remained under the great influence of multiculturalism and social diversification which resulted in the development of caste-based socio-political and cultural system which has motivated the author to analyze the political behavior of the Punjab, which is deeply rooted in the caste and biradari system. -
An Estimate of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988)‟S Educational Philosophy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Redfame Publishing: E-Journals International Journal of Social Science Studies Vol. 4, No. 6; June 2016 ISSN 2324-8033 E-ISSN 2324-8041 Published by Redfame Publishing URL: http://ijsss.redfame.com Politics of Social Reformation in NWFP (KPK) - An Estimate of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988)‟s Educational Philosophy Dr. Mazher Hussain1, Muhammad Anwar2, Mian Saeed Ahmad3, Mian Muhammad Ahmad4, Azra Nasreen5 1Lecturer, Department of History, the Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. 2PhD Scholar, Department of History, the Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. 3PhD Scholar, Department of History, the Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. 4PhD Scholar, Department of History, the Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. 5PhD Scholar, Department of History, the Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. Correspondence: Dr. Mazher Hussain, the Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan. Tel: +92-62-9255463, +92-321-7593576 Received: March 17, 2016 Accepted: April7, 2016 Available online: April 20, 2016 doi:10.11114/ijsss.v4i6.1466 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v4i6.1466 Abstract In the history of North-West Frontier Province (NWFP; renamed as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa through 18th Amendment on 15 April 2010), many renowned personalities played their role for the awakening of the masses. Among them, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (alias Bacha Khan) occupies a prominent place. The history of KPK would remain incomplete without the notion of services rendered by Bacha Khan. He played his role in a dignified manner in politics, social and educational field. It is a matter of fact that continuous invasions over Pakhtuns region greatly reduced the literacy rate among Pakhtuns which resulted in backwardness of the province. -
QA on Kashmir Issue
Quaid-i-Azam on the Kashmir Issue as Governor-General ∗ Prof. Lawrence Ziring The form that the Kashmir conflict took was totally unanticipated by Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Lord Mountbatten’s personal decision to ignore the Wavell Plan as well as his rejection of the Attlee government’s intention to leave India in the summer of 1948, created the tragic circumstances that impacted the mountain state and much of the north-western quadrant of the subcontinent. 1 Personally piqued by Jinnah’s decision to reject the Viceroy’s wish to become Governor-General for both India and Pakistan, Mountbatten’s haste in winding up British administration in the subcontinent left Jinnah and his party with hardly more than a few weeks to form the new nation and government. It has been often repeated that few among the Viceroy’s inner circle seriously contemplated Pakistan’s survival past the first six months of independence. 2 More so, few ranking members of the Congress Party believed the Muslim League, the recipient of the transfer of power, and essentially an urbanized refugee organisation, would be capable of managing a diverse, provincialized and the largely tribal society. The people and regions that fell within the Pakistan design had been and were still mainly represented by landed, feudal aristocrats. For the latter the Jinnah-conceived intrusion was most unwelcome. It was mainly ∗ Director, Development Administration Programs, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of Political Science, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, Michigan, USA. This article was presented at the International Seminar on Quaid-i- Azam and Kashmir, Islamabad, 8-9 May 1996, organised by Quaid-i-Azam University (Quaid-i-Azam Chair, NIPS), Islamabad. -
Research Landed Elites and Politics of Agrarian Reforms in Pakistan: A
Available Online at www.ijcrr.in International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review ISSN 0976 – 4852 Research CrossRef DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/01/402 January, 2018|Volume 09|Issue 01| Section: Social Science Landed Elites and Politics of Agrarian Reforms in Pakistan: A Case study of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Era Khizar Abbass1, Sanwal Kharl2, Xie Xiaoqing3 1Corresponding author- student at School of Public Administration, China University of Geosciences Wuhan P. R. China, 430074 2School of Public Administration CUG Received 2017-11-25; Accepted 2017-12-22 Abstract: The harsh fact, history of India, confessed that landed gentry comprised of feudal lords, landlords, jagirdars and zamindars were created in British colonial raj. Before that in Mughal epoch, mansabdars or zamindars played a role of middleman. They performed a duty of government employer and got stipulated salary. They were responsible to collect land revenue on annual bases. They had not given vast powers. All the land was belonged to none but king. But when Britishers conquered India, they started to reform the whole social structure by making constitutional changes and introducing constitutional reforms. They created a class of local collaborators which voluntarily agreed to assist imperial power to control social imperatives. They were Indians in blood, race and color but had colonial mindset. The provinces that would form Pakistan, jagirdars and feudalism became a potent social organization; that could not be culminated even after independence despite of much so called radical experiments; Zulfqar Ali Bhutto‟s „Islamic Socialism‟ in 1970s. Landed elites perpetuating colonial legacy obstructed every constitutional reform or policy regarding agrarian sector either it was „green revolution‟ of Ayub Khan or so called radical land reforms of Z.A. -
PAN-ISLAMISM and the NORTH WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE of BRITISH INDIA (1897-1918) Dr. Abdul RAUF* Abstract the North West Frontier
Abdul Rauf PAN-ISLAMISM AND THE NORTH WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE OF BRITISH INDIA (1897-1918) Dr. Abdul RAUF* Abstract The North West Frontier Province NWFP, being a strategic region of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent, played a very important role in the political upheavals in British India. Religion played a pivotal role in shaping events which took place in the region. The Pan-Islamic slogans raised in India, not only attracted the Muslims of the NWFP but it augmented their armed struggle against the British in a more forceful vigour. Consequently, they faced a more severe treatment from the British including several military expeditions against them. The role of Pan Islamic feelings in the resistance movements, launched in the province, has not been dealt properly by the researchers. In the following pages, an effort has been made to assess the role of these feelings in the on going armed struggle of the Pukhtuns; particularly in tribal areas (North West of India) against the British and also to bring out details of some of the personalities of the province who went to Turkey and contributed physically to the cause of Pan-Islamism. Introduction Pan-Islamism1 refers to the movement which aims to unite the diversified Muslims on the basis of their common religion. There are several instances in the Holy Qur‘an and the traditions of the Holy prophet Mohammad (PBUH), which emphasises the concept of Muslim brotherhood and good feelings for the fellow Muslims. However, the political unity of the Muslims under one caliph lasted till the fall of the Umayyads and the establishment of Abbaside rule in 132 A.H.