Architecture As a Nationalist Battleground in Kosovo
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Legacies of Destruction: Architecture as a Nationalist Battleground in Kosovo Benjamin Kinney Harris A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies: Russia, East Europe, and Central Asia University of Washington 2021 Committee: Bojan Belić Daniel Chirot Scott Radnitz Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies © Copyright 2021 Benjamin Kinney Harris 2 University of Washington Abstract Legacies of Destruction: Architecture as a Nationalist Battleground in Kosovo Benjamin Kinney Harris Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Bojan Belić Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures Architectural destruction is often perceived as inevitable collateral damage during modern conflict, but a major facet of the Kosovo War of 1998-9 and its aftermath was the deliberate targeting and demolition of architectural heritage on a massive scale. Both Serbian and Kosovar Albanian nationalists participated in this desecration, the most widespread wave of violence against religious architecture on European soil since the infamous Kristallnacht riots under Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich. This thesis explains this destruction through analysis of the chauvinist nationalist narratives endorsed by both Serbian and Kosovar Albanian leaders and media which reframed architectural heritage as symbols of oppression and trauma requiring destruction. For both Serbs and Kosovar Albanians, destroying the opposing nation’s architecture came to be understood as central to a concentrated effort towards purifying the Kosovar cultural landscape and asserting ownership. This thesis intends primarily to answer how nationalist narratives of both Serbs and Kosovar Albanians centered the sacred architecture of the opposing nation as targets of violence and why these efforts proved so devastating. Through analysis of key figures, events, and cases of architectural destruction, I argue that the nationalist narratives of these two nations transformed architecture into emblems representing myths of supremacy, fears of destruction, and historical trauma. 3 Acknowledgements This thesis could not have been completed without the encouragement and assistance of numerous colleagues and mentors around the world. First and foremost, I must recognize my partner Vladimir Kremenović for their immeasurable support and collaborative insight throughout this research and writing process. Words cannot express my eternal gratitude. Special thanks to my mother, Katy Kinney, for being an invaluable sounding board on our walks around Green Lake. Thanks to my father, John Harris, for supporting my return to academia and that first trip to the Balkans that solidified my fascination with the region. My deepest gratitude to the instructors who have helped me discover and hone my academic interest in Balkan nationalist history. Thanks to my high school history teacher Dave Parsons for helping me recognize and embrace my passion for studying the past. Special thanks to Middlebury College professor Michael Geisler for encouraging my interest in nationalism and introducing me to ethnosymbolist theory. My deepest thanks to Middlebury College professor Febe Armanios, without whom I may never have gained such a tremendous curiosity for Balkan history. Thank you for your guidance and friendship. Special thanks to my Balkan friends and family who have helped challenge my preconceptions about this endlessly complex region and helped me to feel at home on the other side of the world. Thanks to Branka, Zora, and Draško Kremenović of Banja Luka, to Luka Mihajlović of Knjaževac, to Miloš Stijepić of Prijedor, to Sava Petović of Tivat, to Milka Murdjeva of Kavadarci, and to my kuma, Jelena Stefanovska of Dubica. Hvala puno! Thank you to my committee members and the other University of Washington professors who have helped encourage my interest in this topic and offered me their expert feedback. Thanks to Daniel Chirot for taking time out of his last quarter as a University of Washington 4 professor (and first quarter of retirement!) to serve on my committee. Thank you to Scott Radnitz for his thoughtful edits and support. And hvala to Bojan Belić for both two years of Serbian language instruction and so much help in this endeavor as my supervisory committee chair. Finally, many thanks to my friends for keeping me sane throughout this master’s degree, especially Scott Collins, Kate Hammonds, and Amy Spens. And to new friends made through this REECAS master’s program: Marisa Dodd, Anastasia Kharitonova-Gomez, Kate Peterson, Bob Snyder, Bekah Welch, and Miriam Wojtas – I could not have asked for a more supportive cohort. Thank you for all the laughs along the way. 5 6 Table of Contents Author’s Note on Spellings.....................................................................................................page 8 Historical Timeline of Kosovo, 1385 to Present...................................................................page 10 Introduction...........................................................................................................................page 12 Nationalist Theory: A Brief Overview..................................................................................page 22 Methodology and Limitations...............................................................................................page 28 Research Question and Hypothesis.......................................................................................page 32 Chapter One: Myths of Supremacy.......................................................................................page 33 Chapter Two: Fears of Extermination...................................................................................page 49 Chapter Three: Historical Trauma.........................................................................................page 65 Conclusion.............................................................................................................................page 75 Appendices............................................................................................................................page 85 Bibliography........................................................................................................................page 107 7 Author’s Note on Spellings The Oxford University Press style manual once stated: “if you take hyphens seriously, you will surely go mad.”1 Nowhere, perhaps, is this dictum more applicable than in academic study of the Balkans, where alternative place names and terms constantly signal national allegiances and carry inevitable political implications. Attempting to use unbiased geopolitical and ethnographic language in discussing Balkan nationalism requires tremendous patience for multiple spellings and phrasings – patience then required of any reader. In this thesis, I have adopted Serbian language spellings of place names. For example, I will refer to the region of Kosovo and not Kosova as it is spelled in the Albanian language.2 However, I will not be using the Serbian government’s official name of the region, Kosovo i Metohija, due to the politically (and religiously) charged nature of this label.3 When I first introduce a Serbian toponym, I will, however, write the Albanian alternative in parentheses. For example, the capital of Kosovo is Priština (Prishtinë). For specific ethnographic terms, such as tekke or kulla, I have chosen to use the anglicized spellings in the text while listing Serbian and Albanian spellings in the footnotes when the term is first introduced. Tables containing Serbian and Albanian alternative spellings of all toponyms and region-specific terms used in this thesis may be found in Appendix A, ordered by their first occurrence in the text. 1 The Economist: Johnson Books & Arts Column, “Hysteria Over Hyphens,” The Economist, 10 June 2017. 2 The Serbian name Kosovo is the Serbian neuter possessive adjective of kos, meaning ‘blackbird,’ and derives from the battlefield Kosovo Polje whereupon the Battle of Kosovo was fought in 1389. This thesis will refer to Kosovo as a geographic ‘region’ except when explicitly discussing issues of its political organization – reference to Kosovo as a ‘region’ is not meant to minimize or challenge Kosovo’s current status as an autonomous country, but rather acknowledge the fact that Kosovo has held numerous political designations (vilayet, territory, province, autonomous province, etc) across the span of history discussed here. 3 Kosovo i Metohija remains the Serbian Government’s official designation for the region of Kosovo; the name is politically and religiously charged because the toponym Metohija derives from a Greek word meaning ‘monastic estates,’ a reference to the large number of Serbian Orthodox monasteries in the region. The name has been cited by numerous Albanian scholars as problematic due to its implication that Kosovo remains defined by its Serbian Orthodox history. 8 I have also chosen to discuss the Serbs as a people rather than Serbians but to refer to Serbian leaders or actions. While some scholars insist upon referring to Albanians within Kosovo as ethnic Albanians to distinguish them from Albanians within Albania, I refer to them as Kosovar Albanians.4 While I generally have chosen not to anglicize Albanian or Serbian names of people or places, I have made notable exceptions in using Belgrade, Serbia, and Yugoslavia – not Beograd, Srbija, and Jugoslavija – as changing these extremely familiar