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University Microfilms International 300 N, ZEEB ROAD, ANN ARBOR, Ml 48106 18 BEDFORD ROW, LONDON WC1R 4EJ, ENGLAND 8115159
SOMERSAN, SEMRA
DEATH SYMBOLISM: A CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY
The Ohio State University PH.D. 1981
University Microfilms International300 K. Zeeb Road, Ann Atbor, MI 48106
Copyright 1981 by
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University Microfilms International DEATH SYMBOLISM!
A CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio State University
By
Semra Soroersan, B.A., M.A.
The Ohio State University
1981
Reading Committee! Approved By
Dr. Ojo Arewa
Dr. EriKa Bourguignon
Dr. Daniel T. Hughes
Dr. William Sumner ______Adviser Department of Anthropolo^ TO
NERMIN SOMERSAN
ERIKA BOURGUIGNON
LEYLA ZILELI
WITH GRATITUDE AND APPRECIATION
ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The members of my committee Dr. Ojo Arewa and Dr.
Daniel T. Hughes provided valuable advice and critique in
the preparation of the dissertation. Ms. Jeanne Peebles
gave generously of her time in an extremely busy period
for the typing of the manuscript and earlier as a co-code|r.
Ms. Ann Bellisari helped with the typing and my husband,
Galip Feyzioglu with proofreading, both of them when they
could have been working on their own dissertations. To
all of theBe individuals I am deeply grateful.
To my adviser, Dr. Erika Bourguignon, however, I owe
everything. Without her, I would not be getting this degree today or be the same person.
iii VITA
April 18, 1 9 ^ ...... Born, Ankara, Turkey
1967...... B.A. in Economics. Robert College, Istanbul, Turkey
1968-196 9...... Junior Statistician, Tourism Bank of Turkey, Istanbul, Turkey
1969-197 1 ...... Continuing Education in Psychology, Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey
1972-197^...... Fulbright Scholarship to Study in the United States 197^...... M.A. in Psychology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio 197U-I976...... Research Associate for Dr. Saad Z. Nagi, Mershon Professor of Sociology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1975...... M.A. in Anthropology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1976-1980...... Graduate Teaching Associate, Depart ment of Anthropology, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
PUBLICATIONS
Helper Effort As an Inhibitor of Help Seeking. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychonomic Society, Boston, Massachusetts, 197^ (with A.E. Gross). Is It Time to Lay the Myth of Anthropology as Science to Rest? Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Southern Anthropolo gical Society, 1976.
iv Medical Technology and the Images of Death. Presented at the Special Invitational Battelle Seminar, ColumbUB, Ohio, 1979. Death Symbolism in Matrilineal Societies. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Central States Anthropological Society, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1980.
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Fieldi Social Anthropology
Religion and Symbolism
Holocultural Methodology
Culture Change
Dynamics of American Culture
v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page
DEDICATION...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... iii
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF TABLES ...... vi
PREFACE...... 1
Chapter
I. THE PARADIGM AND THE HYPOTHESES TO BE TESTED 7
The P a r a d i g m ...... 12 The Hypotheses...... 15
II. METHODOLOGY...... 24
The S a m p l e ...... 24 Data Collection and Quality Control. . . 28 The Variables and their Operationalization...... 30 The Coding Process ...... 32 Regional Variation Tests ...... 3^ Unit Focus T e s t s ...... 35
III. RESULTS...... 36
The Universality of the Soul and its Nature...... 36 Beliefs Concerning Ancestral Spirits . . 53 Nature of Ancestral Spirits...... 63 Belief in Reincarnation...... 68 Results 1 A Summary...... 98 Page
IV. ANALYSES AND CONCLUSIONS...... 106
A Digression and a Comparison...... 106 Analyses of the Results and Interpretations ...... 112 The Individual Soul and Its Nature . . . 114 Beliefs in Ancestral Spirits and Reincarnation...... 123 Predicted Quality of Afterlife ...... 128 Matrix of Relationships Among the Death Symbols and Sociolcultural Conditions . 129 A General Framework...... 13° Two Configurations of Death Symbolism. . 133 Limitations of the Sample and the Great and Little Traditions...... 144 Directions for Future Research ...... 146
V. S U M M A R Y ...... 150 Notes...... 154-
APPENDICES ......
A. The HRAF Probability Sample by Major World Areas and OWC Codes...... 161
B. Loftin-Hill Alignment for the HRAF Probability Sample and Diffusion T e s t s ...... 163
C. Data Quality Control and Unit Focus Data, Operational Definitions and Tests...... 168
D. Bibliographic Quality Control Data and Tests. . 18?
E. Operationalization of thd Exogenous Variables . 192
F. Operationalization of the Endogenous Variables 211
G. Intercoder Agreement Tests ...... 220
H. List of Variable Numbers and Abbreviations . . . 225
I. Coded Data for SPSS and ORDMAT R u n s ...... 227
ETHNOGRAPHIC BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 232
REFERENCES...... 248
vii LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Frequency Distribution of the Nature of Individual Soul...... 40
2. Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by the Degree of Dependence on Agriculture. * . ., . . .41 * 4 3. Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by the Intensity of Agriculture ...... 41
4. Correlation of the Degree of Dependence on Agriculture by the Intensity of Agriculture. . . . 42
5. Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by the Degree of Stratification...... 44
6. Correlation of the Primary Mode of Subsistence by the Nature of Individual S o u l ...... 44
7. Correlation of the Primary Mode of Subsistence Using Extended Categories by the Nature of Individual Soul...... 45
8 . Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Kingroups...... 45
9. Correlation of the Nature, of'Individual Soul by Community Size. ...»...... 46
10. Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Settlement Pattern...... 4?
11. Correlation of the Intensity of Agriculture by Settlement Pattern...... 4?
12. Correlation of the Community Size by Intensity of Agriculture...... 48
13. Correlation of Community Size by Settlement Pattern...... 48
VijOL Table Page
14. Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by High Gods...... 49
15. Correlation of High Gods by the Intensity of Agriculture ...... 50
16. Correlation of High Gods by Community Size .... 50
17. Correlation of Nature of Individual Soul by Belief in Reincarnation ...... 51 18. Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Altered States of Consciousness ...... 52
19. Regional Distribution of the Nature of Soul .... 53
20. Frequency Distribution of Belief in Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 55
21. Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Kingroups ...... 55
22. Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Succession to the Local Headman's Office...... 56
2 3 . Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Kingroups Using Extended Categories ...... 56
24. Correlation of Kingroups by Succession to the Headman's O f f i c e ...... 58
2 5. Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by the Segregation* of Adolescent Boys...... 59 26. Correlation of the Segregation of Adolescent Boys by Kingroups 59
27. Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by High G o d s ...... 60 28. Correlation of High Gods by Kingroups...... 60
29. Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Altered States of Consciousness ...... 61
3 0 . Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Reincarnation ...... 62
31. Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Kingroups 62
32. Regional Distribution of Belief in Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 63
viiJcr T«ble Page
3 3 . Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by the Primary Mode of Subsistence...... 65
3 4 . Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by Succession to the Headman's O f f i c e ...... 66
3 5. Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by High G o d s ...... 67 3 6. Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by Belief in Reincarnation ...... 67 37* Regional Distribution of Nature of Ancestral Spirits ...... 68
3 8 . Frequency Distribution of Belief in Reincarnation 70
39* Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Intensity of Agriculture...... 71
40. Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Succession to Headman's Office...... 71
4-1. Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Family Organization...... 72
42. Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Type of M a r r i a g e ...... 72
4 3 . Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Marital Residence ...... 73
44. Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Kingroups...... 73 4 5 . Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Male Genital Mutilation...... 74
46. Correlation of Male Genital Mutilation by Kingroups...... 74
47. Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by High Gods...... 75
48. Correlation of Intensity of Agriculture by Succession to the Headman's Office...... ?6
49. Correlation of Intensity of Agriculture by Kingroups...... 76
* viii Table Page
50. Correlation of Succession to the Headman's Office by Male Genital Mutilation ...... 77
51* Correlation of High Gods by Male Genital Mutilation...... 78
52, Correlation of Family Organization by Kingroups . 78
5 3. Correlation of Family Organization by Marital R e s i d e n c e ...... 79
5*K Regional Distribution of Belief in Reincarnation 80
55* Number of Societies Believing in the Existence of a Separate Realm for the D e a d ...... 81
5 6. Frequency Distribution of Predicted Quality of A f t e r l i f e ...... 85
57* Primary Mode of Subsistence by Nature of Afterlife 86
5 8. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Dependence on H u n t i n g ...... 87 59* Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Dependence on Agriculture...... 87
60. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Intensity of Agriculture ...... 88
61. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Degree of Stratification...... 89
62. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Succession to the Headman's Office...... 89
6 3. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Kingroups 90
6^. Correlation of Kingroups by Degree of Stratificotion ...... 90
6 5. Correlation of Kingroups by Marital Residence. . 91
6 6. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Marital Residence...... 92
6 7. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Segregation of Adolescent B o y s ...... 93
6 8. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Norms Concerning Premarital Sex...... 93 ix Table Page
69. Correlation of Norms Pertaining to Premarital Sex by Degree of Stratification...... 94
70. Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by High Gods . 94
71. Correlation of High Gods by Dependence on H u n t i n g ...... 95
72. Correlation of High Gods by Intensity of Agriculture 96 7 3. Correlation of High Gods by Degree of Stratification...... 9®
74. Correlation of High Gods by Marital Residence . . 96 75# Correlation of High Gods by Segregation of Adolescent B o y s ...... 97
7 6. Correlation of High Gods by Premarital Sex Norms 97 77# Regional Distribution of Nature of Afterlife. . . 98
78. Results of Diffusion Tests with Endogenous Variables...... 166
79# Results of Diffusion Tests of Variables Correlated with Belief in Reincarnation ...... 167 2 8 0 . X Tests Between the Endogenous Variables and the Control Variables ...... 175
81. Correlation of DQC1 by Belief in Ancestral Spirits ...... 176
82. Correlation of DQC1 by Npture of Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 176
8 3 . Correlation of DQCi by Nature of Afterlife. . ..177
84. Correlation of DQCI by Nature of Individual Soul 177
8 5. Correlation of DQCI by Belief in Reincarnation. . 177 8 6. Correlation of DQC2 by Belief in Ancestral Spirits ...... 178 8 7. Correlation of DQC2 by Nature of Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 178
x Table Page
8 8 . Correlation of DQC2 by Nature of Afterlife . . . 178
8 9. Correlation of DQC2 by Nature of Individual Soul 179
90. Correlation of DQC2 by Belief in Reincarnation . 179
91. Correlation of DQC3 by Belief in Ancestral S p ir i t s ...... 179
92. Correlation of DQC3 by Nature of Ancestral S p ir i t s ...... 180
93. Correlation of DQC3 by Nature of Afterlife. . . . 180
94. Correlation of DQC3 by Nature of Individual Soul 180
95* Correlation of DQC3 by Belief in Reincarnation. , 181
9 6. Correlation of DQC4 by Belief in Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 181
97* Correlation of DQC** by Nature of Ancestral S p i rit s...... 181
98. Correlation of DQC*f by Nature of Afterlife. . . . 182
99. Correlation of DQC^f by Nature of Individual Soul 182
100. Correlation of DQC^ by Belief in Reincarnation. . 182
101. Correlation of DQC5 by Belief in Ancestral Spir i t s...... I83
102. Correlation of DQC5 by Nature of Ancestral Spi r i t s...... * I83 103. Correlation of DQC5 by Nature of Afterlife. . . . I83
104-, Correlation of DQC5 by Nature of Individual Soul 184*
10 5. Correlation of DQC5 by Belief in Reincarnation. . 184*
106. Correlation of Unit Focus by Belief in Ancestral Spirits ...... 184*
107. Correlation of Unit Focus by Nature of Ancestral Spiri ts...... I85
108. Correlation of Unit Focus by Nature of Afterlife. 185
xi Table Page
109. Correlation of Unit Focus by Nature of Individual S o u l ...... 185
110. Correlation of Unit Focus by Belief in Reincarnation ...... 186
111. Intercorrelation Matrix on BQC by Endogenous Variables...... 189 112. Correlation of BQC by Belief in Ancestral Spirits 189
113. Correlation of BQC by Nature of Ancestral Spirits 190
114. Correlation of BQC by Nature of Afterlife .... 190
115. Correlation of BQC by Nature of Individual Soul . 191
116. Correlation of BQC by Belief in Reincarnation . . 191
117* Intercoder Agreement on Belief in Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 221
118. Intercoder Agreement on Nature of Ancestral S p i r i t s ...... 221
119. Intercoder Agreement on Belief in Afterlife . . . 222
120. Intercoder Agreement on Nature of Afterlife . . . 222
121. Intercoder Agreement on Belief in the Existence of Individual Soul (In Life)...... 223
122. Intercoder Agreement on Belief in the Immortality of the S o u l ...... 223
1 23 . Intercoder Agreement on.the Nature of Individual Soul...... '...... 224
124. Intercoder Agreement on Belief in Reincarnation . 224 PREFACE
Cultures endure, traditions are passed on from genera tion to generation, values persistor they change, but indi viduals have a finite biological existence and must die.
Every culture must somehow come to terms with this irrevocable condition of human existence. The biological universal must be brought into the realm of cultural form and human reason b o that it can be made meaningful, comprehensible, and endurable.
This shared biological destiny necessitates that death not remain an isolated, fragmented event experienced by indivi duals alone, but become an integral part of sociocultural reality and its conceptualizations. A complete study of human kind without an examination of this darker side of existence would be a non sqquitur.
The aim of the present research is to analyze the patterns of belief pertaining to death from a cross-cultural perspective. Ethnographic data from a preindustrial world wide sample of sixty societies have been collected and ana lyzed for this purpose.
In the recent and more specifically the American expe rience, encounters with death have been minimized due to the interaction of a whole host of factors such as advances in 2 biomedical technology, the greater utilization of the hospitals and nursing homes for the care of the terminally ill and the aged (1), the Protestant Work Ethic, the need for constant mobility, and increasingly the aged living away from the family. As a consequence, the general attitude to ward death and the dying has been neglect and denial (2 ).
This maybe an adequate strategy so long as death is out of mind and out of sight. When the occurence of death changes from one of remote possibility to one of high immediate pro bability, however, more realistic means of coming to termB with it have to be cultivated to keep one's sanity and integ rity as a person (3). The recent proliferation of research in this area is a testimony to the efforts being made by Western scientists to bring the realm of death back into life. I hope that this cross-cultural study will be regarded as a contribution along the same lines. There is however, one major differencei for the first time the present undertaking brings in a worldwide perspective provided by ethnographic data which 4 should make our understanding richer, linking our experience to the experience of other human beings acrosB the world, and hence making it less chaotic. A long standing tradition in sociology, going back to G.H. Mead (193*0, suggests that the uniqeness of the self lies in its possibility for being a an object to itself, whereas no other event in the universe is reflexive in the same sense. Thus in analyzing other cul tures, other people's conceptualizations of death, one even tually comes to confront one's own. Perhaps one can learn and help others learn to "soften the blow of death by welcome" (*f).
In the Western experience too, death was not always an isolated unwitnessed event. Between 13^8-1350» the Black
Death killed more than a third of the entire population between India and Iceland and returned four times during the rest of the century. In October 13^8, Philip VI asked the medical faculty of the University of Paris for a report on the affliction that threatened human survival. With careful thesis, antithesis, and proofs, the doctors as cribed it to a "triple conjunction of Saturn, Jupiter, and
Mars in the JfOth degree of Aquarius said to have occured on
March 20, 13^5" (5)* The explanation by the masters of
Paris became the official version and was widely accepted throughout Europe. To the public at large however, who acquired knowledge by ear through public sermons, plays, and recital of narrative poems there could be but one explanation for the plague— the wrath of God'. Such a sweeping and un sparing evil without any visible cause could only be seen as
Divine punishment upon mankind for its sins. It might even be God's terminal disappointment in his creature (6).
A strange image of death emerged from the plague years on the painted walls of the Camposanto in Pisa, Italy*
"The figure is not the conventional skeleton, but a black- cloaked old woman with streaming hair and wild eyes, carrying a broad bladed murderous scythe. Her feet end in claws instead of toes. Depicting the Triumph o‘f Death, the fresco was painted as part of a series that included scenes of the Last Judgment and the Tortures of Hell. The same subject* painted at the same time by Triani's master, Andrea Orcagna, in the Church of Santa Croe in Florence, has since been lost except for a fragment. Together the frescoes marked the start of a pervasive presence of Death in art, not yet the cult it was to become by the end of the century, but its beginning" (7)*
Death was usually personified as a skeleton with hour glass and scythe, in a white shroud or bare boned, grinning at the irony of man's fate reflected in his image; that all men, from beggar to emperor, from harlot to queen, from ragged clerk to Pope must come to this. No matter what their po verty or station in life, all is vanity, equalized by death.
The temporal is nothing! what matters is the afterlife of the soul.
In Triani's fresco, Death swoops through the air toward a group of young, carefree nobleman and ladies who flirt and entertain each other with books and music in a fragrant grove of orange trees. A scroll warns that "no shield of wisdom, or riches, nobility or prowess can protect them from the blows of the Approaching One" (8 ).
When the plague gave death such an omnipresence that it could be met everyday just around the corner, a passive habituation to it might have developed. Instead it exerted a ghoulish fascination, "Emphasis was on worms, putrefaction and gruesome physical details. Where formerly the dominant idea of death was the spiritual journey of the soul, now the rotting of the body seemed significant. Effigies of earlier centuries were serene, with hands joined *in prayer and eyes open, anticipating eternal life" (9). In the late
XlVth and XVth centuries however, the high ranking eccle
siastics often had themselves shown as cadavers in
realistic detail. To accomplish this, death masks and molds
of bodily partB were made of wax. The cult of death was in
full swing. Artists dwelt on physical rot in great detaili
worms wriggled through every corpse, bloated toads sat on the
eyeballs (10). A literature of dying expressed itself in popular treatises on Ars Moriendi, the Art of Dying, with
scenes of deathbed, doctors and notaries in attendance, ho vering families, shrouds and coffins, grave diggers whose
spades uproot the bones of earlier dead, finally the naked corpse awaiting God's judgment while angels and vicious black devils dispute for his soul.
In the history of Western civilization then, death, the dead, and the dying were not always physically and symbol ically separated from the living. Thanks to the medical technology of the times which attributed the bubonic plague to the movements of the heavenly bodies, rather than to the bacterium Pastuerella pestis. people were significantly aware of its imminent presence. They coped with this omnipre sence in rather interesting ways, but hardly ever attempted to conceal or deny it. In any case, given the medical faci lities of the Middle Ages, such a strategy would have been quite futile. In the non-Western preindustril societies of today, death, dying, and even the dead are still a part and parcel of everyday life. The domains of religion, mythology, folklore, "medicine", and even occasional "legal" disputes may revolve around these very issues and themes. It is the aim of this study to explore and search for an under standing of these realms. THE PARADIGM AND THE HYPOTHESES TO EE TESTED
Taking into account the general perspective presented
in the Preface, in undertaking a study of death, one cannot
enclose oneself in its ivory tower, but must comprehend the
structures, the belief systems that shape and give meaning to
this experience. Most themes, beliefs, behaviors concerning
death are, in fact, derived from the field of religion per se
(11). In the sociological and anthropological approaches to the
study of religion, one findB two traditions. One tradition,
which for lack of a better term, I will call materialistic,
can be traced back to Karl Marx and Ludwig Feuerbach (12)
and maybe even earlier. It posits that in the final analysis,
religion is determined by the infrastructure of a society.
According to the proponents of this view, the basic socioeco nomic organization of a society, as comprised of the modes of
subsistence, means of production, settlement patterns and
social structure is primary* while the superstructure,
which includes institutions like the arts, religion, and ritual is secondary. The terms primary and se
condary, in this context, refer respectively to the antecedent- consequent aspect of the relationship. In this first group one can place the founders of anthropology such as
Morgan, Tylor, Frazer, and the founders of sociology such as Durkheim and Spencer. Ofcourse the list would have to he expanded to include a great many of the contemporary theorists. (1 am not implying here that Marx and others shared the same basic view of religion, but simply that they all saw religion as primarily a consequence, rather than a cause.) B.B. Whiting and J.W.M. Whiting (1976) have formula ted a more recent version of this view which they schematize as follows (13 )*
Environment
N Maintenance Child's The Infant it Projective 1 Systems----- ► Learning— ylhe Adult------Systems History Environra.
Before explaining this diagram, I should point out that the
Whitings primary area of concern is not religion, but so cialization. With this caveat, let us look at their model.
"The Maintenance Systems" in their model can be considered as infrastructurei they include subsistence patterns, means of production, settlement patterns, social structure, defense system, law, and division of labor. "Projective Systems", on the other hand, can be considered as superstructure; they include religion, magic, ritual, art, and recreation. In this model* the relationship between the infrastructure and the 9 superstructure remains essentially similar to the
earlier models in that the latter is preceded by the former.
However, the Maintenance Systems do not effect the Projective
Systems directly* rather their influence is mediated through
the Child’s Learning environment! and the behaviors and drives
of the Infant and the Adult.
The second tradition, which developed! in a sense, as a
reaction to the materialistic determinism of the former pa
radigm, can be traced back to Max Weber (195&, 1958)* Max
Weber approached the whole field of religion in very different
terms. In his study of the relation between Protestantism
and capitalism, his primary concern was with those features
of the institutional system of modern Western society which
were most distinctive in differentiating it from the other
great civilizations. First he established a relation of con
cordance between the "cognitive patterns of Calvinism" (14)
and some of the principal institutionalized attitudes towards
secular roleB in Western society. Then he set about systema- f i * tically to place this material*in the broadest possible compa
rative perspective through studying especially the religion and social structure of China, India, and Ancient Judea. As a result of these studies he concluded that it was not possible to reduce the wide variations in religious beliefB
to any features of independently existing socioeconomic struc
tures, though he insisted on the great importance of
situational factors in a number of different connections. 10 These factors however, served only to pose the problems with which great movements of religious thought have been concerned. But the distinctive cognitive patterns were only understandable as a result of a cumulative tradition of intellectual effort in grappling with the problems thus presented and formulated.
Weber was one of the first to argue for the indepen dent causal significance of religious ideas (15). Since then others such as Lenski (1961), Evans-Pritchard (1956), Lien- hardt (1961), Dumont (1963, 196?), have in varying degrees also looked at religion as a phenomenon sui generis.
Just as important as the recognition of religion as a prime factor in the historical process, were Weber's views concerning the rationalization of religious belief systems— the process whereby consistency and rationality were achieved in relation to the contingencies and problems of social life.
He made clear above all that there is a fundamental dis tinction between the significance for human action of prob lems of empirical causation, and what, on the other hand, he called the "Problems of Meaning". For example, in such cases as premature death through accident, the problem of how it happened in the sense of an explanation of empirical causes can be readily solved to the satisfaction of most mindst yet there is still a sense of emotional and cognitive frustration with respect to the problem of whv such things must happen.
Parallel to the functional need for emotional adjustment to such experiences as death, is a cognitive need for understanding, for trying to have it "make sense".
Weber attempted to show that problems of this nature, concerning the discrepancy between normal human interest and expectations in any situation or society and what ac tually happens are inherent in the nature of human existence.
They always pose problems that have come to be known as prob lems of evil, of the meaning of suffering and the like. In his comparative analysis, Weber shows there are different directions in the definition of human situations in which rationally integrated solutions to these problems may be sought. It is the differentiation with respect to the treatment of precisely such problems which constitute the pri mary modes of variation between the great systems of reli gious thought.
Such differences as, for instance, that between the
Hindu philosophy of Karma and transmigration and the Christian doctrine of Grace with their philosophical backgrounds are not merely of speculative significance. Weber shows how ins trumental such differences in doctrine are in bringing about practical attitudes towards many aspects of everyday life.
Perhaps the most striking feature in Weber's analysis is the demonstration of the extent to which the variations in so cially sanctioned values and goals in secular life correspond to the variations in the dominant religious philosophy of the great religions. Of the two traditions, the general framework of
this study is based upon the latterj the belief systems in
which sure embedded many of the images, and symbols of death,
# are viewed here, in large part, as phenomena of independent
causal significance. However, it cannot be denied that there
is a tendency to integrate these two levels (i.e. infrastruc
ture and superstructure) inherent in human belief and action.
Consequently, the hypotheses tested tend to interrelate the
domains of religion and socioeconomic structure— what has
been referred to as endogenous and exogenous variables res
pectively in the methodology section— rather than to specify
direct causal relationships. In any case, no outright
causal statements can be inferred from nonexperlmental re
search of this sorti only some educated guesses can be made
using partial correlations.
Adopting the basic Weberian framework and the sociology
of knowledge approach of Berger and Luckmann (1963), and
Luckmann (1967), I will argue that the processes which give rise to the formation of the concepts of the self and of the
soul are essentially religious processes (16).
The following analysis is taken in large part from
Luckmann (196?).
The familiar forms of religion known to us as "primitive" religion, ancestor cult, church, sect, and so forth are specific historical institutionalizations of symbolic universes. Symbolic universes are socially accepted
systems of meaning that refer to the world of everyday life
on the one hand, and point to a world that is experienced
as transcending everyday life on the other. There are two
main points in this definition. 1- The social component of
systems of meaning! subjective experience in isolation is res
tricted to mere happenings and is void of meaning. Meaning
in other words, is not an inherent quality of subjective pro
cesses, but accrues to them in interpretive acts. Conse
quently there is a dynamic relationship between experience,
meaning, and interpretive schemes which occur only in con
frontations with other individuals. Furthermore, the mainte
nance of symbolic universes over the generations— and hence
their establishemnt in the social tradition— rests on
processes of social transmission. 2- Symbolic universes re
late everyday experiences to a transcendent layer of reality.
Other systems of meaning do not point beyond the world of
everyday lifej that is they do not contain a transcendent
reference.
Detachment from the flow of one'B own experiences results
from the participation in the experiences of a fellow human.
Consequently, social processes become the "basis for detach ment that is presupposed in the construction of interpretive
schemes "transcending" the flux of immediate experience" (17)*
This occurs in the face-to-face situation in which the sub
jective processes of one partner find expression in events in shared space and time and thus become observable to the other partner, Thus one begins to look at oneself through the eyes of others. Detachment leads to the individuation of consciousness and permits the construction of interpretive schemes, ultimately systems of meaning. Past, present, and future are integrated into a socially defined, morally rele vant biography. This integration develops in continuous so cial relations and leads to the formation of conscience, self, and soul. Thus the organism transcends its biologic nature.
And this transcendence of the biologic nature by the organism is a religious phenomenon. Hence, following Luckmann (1967)1 we may conclude that the social processes that lead to the formation of the self are fundamentally religious in nature.
Empirically, of course, individuals do not create
"objective" and moral universes of meaning, they are born into them. This means that human organisms normally transcend their biologic nature by internalizing a historically given universe of meaning as it interacts with their personal experience, rather than by constructing universes of meaning. In the pro cess of socialization the configuration of meaning under lying a historical social order is internalized. We can refer to this configuration of meaning as a world view.
Once internalized, the world view becomes a subjective reality for the individual and sets boundaries on the range of meaningful and potentially meaningful experience. It de termines the individuals orientation in the world on whose 15 conduct it exerts an influence. It also has an indirect impact through institutionalized and non institutionalized social controls reflecting the social order.
It is in the process of the interaction of immediate experience, with the historical social reality and its sharing with others that "phenomena" transcending the biologic organism develop. Admittedly metaphysical entities, at least from a positivistic perspective, such as Self* Conscience, and
Soul emerge in the process. In the present context, the one that is most important to us is the concept of the Soul, if indeed it is possible to distinguish between the three. The soul construct, afterall, reflects the transcendence of biolo gical reality most vividly in positing a vital essence that cannot be analyzed by biological, physiological, and/or physical functions, nor ended when they end.
Now I wil go on to the hypotheses that I will be testing in the course of this research. These represent only some of t the relationships I am interested in exploring within the ge neral framework provided by Weber, Luckmann, and Berger.
Hence, I will also be examining other relationships which may emerge during the study although they may not have been provi ded* for in the hypotheses. I believe the inductive method to be just as valid a scientific approach as the deductive method, especially where our theories are not sufficiently elaborate, or sufficiently comprehensive enough to deal with the aspects 16
of life we are interested in encompassing.
Given the general perspective provided by Luckmann,
we would expect the soul to be a universal concern of human
kind, whether individuated for each person or simply in the
form of a group or cosmic or universal soul.
H10» There is an equivalent of the concept of soul in all
human cultures, whether it be a group or cosmic or individual
soul. Some anthropologists such as Levy-Bruhl (1966), have
suggested that persons and things in "primitive thought"
form part of one another even to the point of identity. A
woman or man participates in his or her gods, totem animal,
and other mystical powers. This is known as the "law of participation". So far this view has met with violent cri
ticism, but has never actually been tested in a worldwide
sample of societies. If it is valid we would expect the
soul to be a part of the universali soul in these cultures. H^i Societies which show a relatively low degree of spe cialization or stratification and/or which practice a hunting- gathering mode of subsistence will be less likely to have a conception of the individual soul as a differentiated entity as compared to societies with higher levels of specialization
(or stratification) and/or which practice agriculture.
H^2 * Societies which believe that the individual has more than one soul will be more likely to be stratified and/or to have developed a greater degree of specialization than those which have a singular conception of the soul. Hj^ i Unilineal societies, or those which trace kinship either through the male or the female lines, but not both, will be more likely to have a singular conception of the soul. Cognatic societies, on the other hand, or those which trace kinship simultaneously and equally through the male and the female lines, will be more likely to have a dual conception of the soul.
The soul can also be conceptualized as man's search for immortality. Being independent of the natural laws which cir cumscribe the flesh, it can be said to reflect the striving for continuity beyond death. Questions such as "What awaits the soul after death?", "What will be the circumstances of its 'life' in the afterworld?" are of great interest and concern in many cultures.
Postulated "conditions of afterlife" may relate to the fundamental socioeconomic structure of a society. In a cross- cultural study, Barry, Child, and Bacon (1959) have shown that high accumulation economies socialized their children for responsibility and obedience, while low accumulation economies socialize for achievement, and self-reliance. In this usage "accumulation" is not necessarily related to whether there is a food surplus or shortage, it simply means the degree to which the food resources (however abundant or meager) are characteristically present in advance to be cared for or stored prior to being used, as against being consumed as soon as procured. Thus hunting-gathering societies are characterized by low accumulation whereas pastoral nomadic and agricultural societies axe characterized by high accu mulation. The respective child training practices can be generalized to rewards and punishments promised to individuals in this life, and the one hereafter. We could argue that the less the emphasis on conformity and obedience in the society, i.e. among hunter-gatherers, the more likely it is that after life will be an undifferentiated place, either the same as life on earth or a uniformly pleasant place for all.
Low accumulation societies will be more likely to be lieve that afterlife is a gratifying place for all, or one basically similar to the everyday life world. High accumu lation societies, on the other hand, will tend to believe that the "quality" of afterlife depends on life here on earth, i.e. that rewards will fall differentially on individuals, contin gent on one's conduct in this life.
In some societies, the "soul" takes a more recognizable
* character after death in the form of ancestral spirits. Ac cording to most indigenous beliefs, ancestral spirits comprise a group of souls with a direct claim to kinship with the mem bers of a group. In some instances, they are revoked and re membered as a group without being individually identified.
In others, each family unit has itB very own ancestral spirits, different from that of every other family in a group. Hence, though one may be dead, one will be assured respect, care, re membrance, and ritual through one's children and/or one's grandchildren. At one level, ancestral spirits can be said to reflect a further extension of oneself beyond death, another reach at immortality. At another level though, they can be seen as a cultural construction of the nuclear filio- parental relationship, however elaborately they may be pro jected onto preparental antecedents (18). In both cases, the premise is that death does not distinguish a persons partici pation in the life and activities of his family and community, but rather opens a way to a mode of participation that is different from the mundane mode of living.
It is over a hundred years ago since Tylor (1920, vol. 2, orig. 18?1) drew special attention to ancestor or Manes
Worship, as preferred to refer to it following Roman termino logies!
"The worship of Manes," he said, "is one of the great branches of the religion of mankind. Its principles cure not difficult to understand, for they plainly keep up the social relations of the living world. The dead ancestor now passed into a deity, simply goes on protecting his own family and receiving suit and suit and service from them as of oldr the dead chief still watches over his own tribe,'still holds his authority by helping friends, harming enemies, still rewards the right, and sharply punishes the wrong" (p.113).
Nineteenth century scholarship on the topic is excellently re viewed in the Hastings Encyclopedia of 1911 under the heading
"Ancestor Worship and the Cult of the Dead". It is interes ting to note that many of the currently unresolved problems have been sketched here— particularly those concerning the
"dispositions" of the ancestors toward their living kin. In Totem and Taboo (1913). Freud argues that an
cestor worship is a reaction against close relations and
hostile responses in life which breed guilt feelings and
piacular worship after death of those subjected to hostility.
Frazer tends to see the whole issue as a fear of the dead
(1933-1936). Goody (1962) regards the social processes by
which one becomes dead as essentially the same as that by
which one becomes an ancestor. Fortes (1965) maintains that
ancestors are a projection of jural ties from the past to
the present. In a more recent article (1976). he takes a more
specifically psychological position, positing that ancestor
worship "achieves the goal at the same time of submitting to
the reality of the death of parents, which removes them physi
cally, and keeping them symbolically alive and at home among
the displacing offspring" (p.14), Kopytoff (1971), Bomewhat
in line with the former position of Fortes (1965), suggests
that at least in the African context ancestors are above all
elders who must bet '*
"..understood in terms of the same category as living elders.. Elders, after they die, maintain their role in the jural re lations of successive generations. The ancestor cult is an integral part of the system of relationship with the elders. The relationship with elders (that is 'ancestors') is seen as being on the same symbolic plane as that with living elders and not as secondary to it or derivative from it" (pp.138-139).
Uchendu takes issue with the position of Fortes and Ko pytoff who essentially see in ancestor worship a projection of
the social world to the world of select dead - a structural 21 symbolism of sorts, stemming from Durkheimian theory
(Uchendu, 19?6 i 285 ). With a view towards embedding an cestral beliefs within the larger belief system of a society
(particularly in the African context), Uchendu (1976) suggests that the culture of ancestors cannot be divorced from the polytheistic system of which it is a part (p.286). Weiner
(1976), in relation to her Trobriand data, does not isolate ancestor worship as a separate religious institution or as a genealogical construct. With an even stronger generalizing approach than Uchendu*s she argues for an expansion of social categories to include a cosmic frame of reference.
Newell (1976) suggests that a more specific identifies*- tion of different ancestral spirits be made and their exact connection to the worshipper delineated before more theory making goes on. Any systematic look at ethnographic data from all over the world societies, though, shows that this is nearly an impossible taski very few ethnographers have tried to figure out the relationship, between ancestors worshipped and their worhippers. The paucity and ambiguity of the data, however, cannot all be attributed to lack of knowledge, moti vation or interest on the part of the ethnographers. There is a wide discrepancy between the prescribed norms of which ances tors should be commemorated by whom and the actual determi nants limiting or expanding such commemoration. Pragmatism is apparent all overj when the right descendant is not present, for whatever reason, others take over the* obligation and responsibility of worship for a deceased who was "well-
deserving". In other cases, even the "right" descendants
may not wish to commemorate a particular potential ancestor.
Ahern (1973»139-1^8), for instance, notes a consistent corre
lation between missing tablets and lost land in Ch'inan, a
village in northern Taiwan. Smith (1976) shows the extreme
diversity of "ancestors" as also evidenced by memorial tablets
and the varying levels of commemoration in the Japanese case.
Hence, even when presence of ancestral beliefs can be pin
pointed behaviorally by presence of special demarkers such as
tablets, determining who exactly is considered an ancestor
and who is not, proves to be an extremely complex if not im
possible task.
Since I was much more interested in what the
ethnographic data would reveal with regard to ancestral be
liefs, rather than in verifying any of these theories, which
all basically stemmed from studies of single societies, I
formulated only two hypothesesthat I want to test. I will ob- * serve and analyze all other relationships which emerge from
the data.
H2q | Societies which have a belief in reincarnation will be more likely to have ancestral spirits than those which do not have such a belief.
H2i > The less the emphasis on compliance and obedience in a the society, the more rewarding and guiding will the ancestors be. Hence in hunting-gathering societies the ancestors will be more likely to be rewarding and guiding than in pastoral and agricultural societies. In these latter group of so cieties! we would expect the ancestors to allot punishments and rewards differentially, contingent on one's behavior. METHODOLOGY
This research was designed to study the perceptions
and images of death from the perspective of a stratified
random sample of world societies» using a technique known in
anthropology as holocultural methodology. By testing hypo
theses on a stratified random sample of world cultures selec
ted from the universe of societies described by anthropo
logists, holocultural methodology enables us to make reliable probabilistic statements about the operation of cultures and
the interrelationship of sociocultural variables and events.
The Sample
The societies used in the investigation, sixty in all, represent a standard cross-cultural sample, known as the
HRAF-Blue Ribbon Sample or more' formally as HRAF-PSF (Human
Relations Area Files- Probability Sample Files). They have been chosen randomly by the Human Relations Area Files organi
zation (19), from a preindustrail worldwide sampling universe
of cultural units that was geographically stratified, and met certain literature requirements for data quality control (20).
The main purpose of this sample is "to facilitate the rigorous
2k 25 testing of social science hypotheses by means of statistical
comparisons of variables drawn from a world wide sample of
cultural units” (21).
The regional distribution of the sample and the societies
included under each region is shown in Appendix A.
The Problem of Cultural Diffusion
Cultural diffusion means the transmission (diffusion)
of cultural characteristics from one society to another.
Should the researcher find evidence of diffusion, this implies
that intercultural borrowing may present an alternative ex
planation to the research hypotheses, other than the one
suggested by the theory under investigation. If it has opera
ted among the societies in the sample, some of the societies manifest specific values of the variables because they are or
have been in contact with other societies in the sample. When
a number of cultures in the sample are interdependent in this manner, we can reasonably assert that they are actually
different parts of the same culture, creating significant but
spurious correlations.
The general question to be asked is whether societies in
the sample that are geographically close, resemble each other
on the variables under scrutiny more than those that are further apart. If they do not show such a resemblance, then one can conclude that cultural diffusion has not influenced the results of the study, and that the results found 26
significant are instances of valid relationships.
The diffusion tests are run separately for each hypothe
sis or variable since cultures borrow selectively from each
otheri i.e. there is rarely wholesale importation of social
structures or traditions (22).
Among the several tests available for diffusion, the .
current study used the one most widely accepted in the an
thropological community, and the one suggested by HRAF (23).
This is known as the linked pair test (24) which measures the
tendency for societies to resemble each other more if they are
close together. It does so by computing the measure of
association between each theoretical trait and a diffusion
alignment that reflects the distances between the societies.
The HRAF alignment, the one used here, is based on the culture
cluster alignment produced by Murdock and White (25) and was
prepared in the manner suggested by Loftin-Hill (26).
This alignment is shown in Appendix B.
The linked pair test performed on the endogenous va- % riables revealed that adjacent societies in the sample are
sufficiently dissimilar in the variables under consideration
to reject the null hypothesis of nonindependence among the
units of the sample. Of the five death symbols investigated
here only beliefs in reincarnation tended to show evidence of
intercultural borrowing. That is overall diffusion or histo rical contact does not provide an alternative explanation for 27 for the relationship found among the variables in the arrayed societies. (See Appendix B for diffusion tests.)
Bibliographic Bias
Although the HRAF Probability Sample was selected in a stratified random fashion, the availability of ethnographic data was considered in the selection process. This might create a bias in sample selection which is referred to as bibliographic bias (Naroll et. al., 197^). The variables under study must be described well enough to be examined in each societal unit. By accepting this bias, a bibliographi- cally defined universe is produced from which probability samples can be drawn. The more stringent the bibliographic restrictions, the smaller the bibliographic universe, and the greater the probability of its being systematically different from the universe of all known cultures.
The bibliographic restrictions may produce differences between the relationships observable in the sample and the actual relationships in the universe of all cultures described by anthropologists. Since some of the societies in the sample can be expected to fulfill the bibliographic selection re quirements to a greater degree than others, measurements of this variation can be considered estimates of bibliographic error. Thus the hypothesis that bibliographic error has an influence on the results of the study can be tested. 28
For this purpose, a bibliographic quality control
factor (BQC, for short) is established which reflects the
amount of ethnographic literature that was available for each
of the cultures when the data for the study were collected.
The BQC factor is evaluated by computing the relationship bet
ween the theoretical variables and the BQC factors. In the
present study, the codes for this factor have been taken
from the Worldwide Theory Testing manual and are presented in
Appendix D. The bibliographic quality control tests run on this data
set did not reveal any significant relationships between the
theoretical variables and the BQC factors. Hence, it can
safely be concluded that bibliographic bias did not contribute
to the significant relationships observed (see Appendix D).
Data Collection and Quality Control
Sources Used (* The ethnographic material -used in extracting the data base
for this study has been documented in a separate section im mediately preceding the References titled "Ethnographic Bibli
ography" . When available the ethnographies were read in book
form. In addition, all the HRAF Microfiles on the 60 societies were scrutinized and the relevant information taken down as described later in this section. In cases of conflicting ob
servations (by different ethnographers), the Sixty Cultures 29 file was used to determine the more reliable source and the information derived from the less reliable source was dis carded .
Method of Data Collection
A data file was prepared for each society. Here# all the beliefs, symbols, attitudes, and conceptions concerning the soul, afterlife, ancestral spirits, reincarnation, and other practices concerning death and dying were written down verbatim from the books and microfiles, on loose leaf sheets.
These were compiled in three-ring notebooks at the end of each day of data collection. Each quotation was followed by a full bibliographic reference including the page numbers.
Occasionally to clarify a quotation it was necessary to make explanatory remarks. These were clearly distinguished from the body of the quotation itself to prevent any sort of investigator bias at this stage.
Data Quality Control Tests
Data quality control (DQC,' for short) tests were run on the data to insure against the possibility that the signifi cant relationships observed among the cultural variables were due to the use of unreliable, inaccurate ethnographic infor mation. The variables used in thiB process were obtained from the Worldwide Theory Testing manual. Naroll, Michik, and Naroll, the authors of this manual, have selected five variables, or factors, which are especially likely to be related to data accuracy. These arei 1- DQC li the
use of systematic observation technique by fieldworkeri
2- DQC 2 i native language familiarity of fieldworker;
3- DQC 3 i length of time of fieldworker(s) spent in the field
collecting information; 4- DQC number of months spent in
the field times the number of fieldworkers in the team; and
5- DQC 5» time lag between the date of the fieldwork and the
date when the culture, as described existed. The relevant
point in this last one, is, whether or not memory ethnography
is involved and whether or not the investigator did historical
reconstruction based on primary data. The operational defini
tions and coding rules for these factors are shown in Appendix
C. Members of the HRAF staff have examined most of the
ethnographic sources in the Probability Sample Files and have
coded all five DQC factors according to these operational de
finitions. The coded data for the DQC factors are shown in
Appendix I along*with all the variables used in this study.
In the present research, lack of reliable data could
not account for any of the significant relationships observed.
(See Appendix C.)
The Variables and Their Operationalization
The variables used in the present study can be grouped
into two categories, which to borrow a term from multivariate
'analysis, I will refer to as endogenous and exogenous va
riables (27). Endogenous variables are Variables to be explained by the theory (or theories) under investigation,
or the variables the researcher is interested in studying.
Each of the endogenous variables may be dependent on some or
all of the remaining endogenous variables* But in addition, there is a set of predetermined or exogenous variables which the theory and/or the researcher takes as givens, and is not interested in explaining. This latter group may have fixed values in the study or can be subject to variation, and may be intercorrelated with each other for unknown reasons. In either case, if they can be brought under control, they will greately increase the explanatory power of the model.
The endogenous variables in this study are those related to images and expressions of deathi more specifically, the nature of individual soul (in life and after death), predic tions about afterlife, beliefs about reincarnation, and ancestral spirits. The exogenous variables, on the other hand, are those related to socioeconomic structure! settle ment patterns, mode of subsistence, social stratification, k community organization, kin groups and so forth.
The former cluster of variables have been operationa lized by the present investigator. Of these, two, namely re incarnation and ancestral spirits, had been used earlier in another sytematic holocultural study, though in a somewhat different context (28). The operationalization and coding of the latter group of variables on the other hand, were borrowed partly from Murdock's Ethnographic Atlas/ and partly from 32
Bourguignon and Greenbaum's Diversity and Homogeneity in World Societies (29). This kind of borrowing is con sidered ethical practice in holocultural research. It is also what makes the whole endeavor replicable, and cumu lative (3 0 ).
The operational definitions for the endogenous as well as for the exogenous variables are shown in the appendices.
(See Appendix E, and F.)
The Coding Process
Description
After a finalized formulation of the operational defini tions (see Appendix T) for the endogenous variables, the pres present investigator, and a co-worker (31) who was totally unfamiliar with the paradigm and the hypotheses under study, coded the data independently of each other. When the co worker was undecided about a code, she wrote down the ambi guity as she saw it along with.the pertinent questions which t were later discussed with the principal investigator. After the necessary clarifications, the co-worker worked alone in deciding on the code. Measures of intercoder agreemnet thus helped to determine the replicability of the principal inves tigator's codes, providing a check for the reliability of the study. 33 Intercoder Agreement
The set of societies assigned to each particular variable
code by the principal investigator were compared to the set
of societies assigned to the same variable code by the co worker. The number of agreements between the two assignments were computed for every variable code. The null hypothesis that the set of societies designated by particular variable codes by the co-worker were not signifipantly different from the set of societies designated by the same variable code by the principal investigator was tested by comparing the num ber of agreements for each variable code with the total num bers designated for the respective variable codes by the prin cipal investigator. A chi square test was used in this com parison. As shown in Appendix G, in none of the variables the observed frequency of agreements differed significantly from the number designated by the principal investigator.
Since the hypothesis that the s e t s of societies designated in terras of particular variable codes by the co-worker are * the same as the sets of societies designated by the respective variable codes by the principal investigator could not be rejected, the principal investigator's codes were used as the data basis for the society. Regional Variation Tests
Regional Variation tests were* conducted to examine the
possibility that the relationships observed in the sample
exist in only one hemisphere (East or West) of the World, but
not the other. For example, most of the exceptional cases
(those societies manifesting the significant relationship)
could be concentrated in the Western Hemisphere. Since the
HRAF Probability Sample is relatively small. Worldwide Theory
Testing manual suggests employing only two regions for the re
gional variation testsi Eastern Hemisphere (Africa, Circuro-
Mediterreanean and East Eurasia) and Western Hemisphere
(the Americas and Insular Pacific) (32).
The results of regional variation tests are displayed
throughout the results section. Of the endogenous variables
under investigation, nature of afterlife and belief in rein
carnation correlate significantly with the hemispheric regions
suggested by Worldwide Theory Testing. However, a final ap
praisal of this relationship has to await for the increase in
the sample size of the HRAF-PSF since the combined categories
Eastern Hemisphere and Western Hemisphere are too comprehen
sive to lend themselves to meaningful interpretations. 35
Unit Focus Tests
Unit focus tests measure errors in the resultB of the
Btudy caused by the failure of the data to be focused on a single community at a single point in time for each of the societies. The question to be asked is whether the relation ships observed in the sample can be explained by the fact that unfocused data were included in the study. To examine this possibility) the relationships based on focused data are com pared with those based on unfocused data. Ideally) all the data for each societal unit should pertain to the same group of people at the same time period. Worldwide Theory Testing manual considers data for a particular unit to be focused if they all pertain to the same community and the same time span of ten years or less. There is some evidence to believe that the majority of such errors are random errors which tend to lower rather than raise associations. Empirical support for this is provided by Divale (197^). t 4 The unit focus control factors can be found in Appendix I along with the rest of the coded data. The results of the unit focus tests along with the operationalization of the unit focus factor are-shown in Appendix C. The analyses indicate that unit focus is not correlated significantly with any of the endogenous variables. Thus it can be concluded that the lack of unit focus has not provided a plausible alternative to the hypotheses under scrutiny. RESULTS
Pour realms of death symbolism have been investigated in
the course of this study* the soul concept, beliefs in an cestral spirits, reincarnation, and afterlife. In the fol lowing analysis, undertaken inevitably from an etic perspec tive, they will be treated as if they were mutually exclusive realms. From the perspective of the peoples and cultures con cerned however, these themes, symbols, and domains are very much interwoven and interrelated. Although one cannot hope to show the full intricacy of this relationship, and its actual cultural embeddedness, I will attempt to describe as much of it as I can in the conclusion section by placing many of these symbols in their cultural contexts. For the time being how ever, I will limit myself to the "hard" data and discuss my findings. *
I. THE UNIVERSALITY OF SOUL AND ITS NATURE
Souli A "Hoiocultural" Concern
Belief in the existence of an entity transcending the ma terial, physical body, which is generally referred to as a
"soul" in the English language, appears to be a universal con cern crossing all cultural boundaries. Although taking on dif ferent forms, shapes, meanings and even a different 36 37 significance from one culture to another, "soul” emerges as one of the two universal symbols in my data. Some scholars, such as Robbins (1973)» have pointed out that the bouI is the folkloric equivalent of the identity concept in social science.
This interesting parallel will concern us more later on.
Ethnographic data collected from the sixty societies in my sample reveal the soul to be a significant construct for almost all human cultures. Of the sixty societies, 5&, or 93# show a belief in the presence of an equivalent of the soul concept. In the remaining four societies (or ?%) there is no evidence that the soul notion is absent, rather the existing ethnographies provide no information pertaining to this symbolic concern. These four societies are Highland
Scots, Libyan Bedouin, Shluh, and Bahia Brazilians (33)*
Hypothesis 10, then, which proposed that a soul concept, whether individuated for each human person, or a group or cosmic soul woulci be found in every society, received strong support from the ethnographic .data. Of greater interest • % perhaps, is the finding that, in every case, the b o u I is an individual soul, not a group or cosmic soul as Levy-Bruhl
(1966) would have us believe. Hypothesis 11 which suggested that the conception of the soul as a differentiated, indi vidualized entity is related to increased levels of strati fication was rendered irrelevant by this finding. This is not to say that in Borne societies a notion of a universal * or cosmic soul does not exist; rather, notions of an individual soul are always present, these are sometimes accom panied by notions of a group or cosmic soul.
In 90$ of the societies in my sample, the prevailing
belief is that upon death, the soul separates from the body
to lead an independent, immortal existence. In this respect,
the folkloric soul concept can be said to deviate from the
social scientific "identity" concept since without a per- ceiver, an experiencer, there could be no "self-identity" no matter how one. choses to define it (3*0 • In any case,
social scientists do not concern themselves with phenomena from which "hard data" can not be extracted, at least not in their scholarly pursuits. Hence the soul is considered to be an entity transcending material, corporeal existence, world wide, although its "form", "character" and significance shows a great deal of cultural diversification.
In 6 (10$) of the societies, no ethnographic information was found concerning what happens to the soul after death.
These six societies aret Highland Scots, Masai, Pygmies,
Libyan Bedouin, Shluh, and Bahia Brazilians.
These findings concerning the universality of soul and its persistence after death fall well in line with an early statement made by Murdock (19*+5), where he listed a series of items which he described as "common denominators of culture known to history or ethnology" (35). One of the items on this list was the soul concept. 39
■ Nature of Soul
Although soul seems to be a concern of practically all
human cultures, it is not conceived of as having a uniform
nature throughout the world( neither in this life nor in the
"next" one. Among the Cubeo (Tucana) of Northwest Amazon, for
example, the soul is called ume which also means "breath" and
"breeze." It leaves the body during dreams, returning as the
dreamer awakes. After death the ume has human form. It can
be heard talking and can be seen by the shaman. The spirits
of people who have been adulterers, uncooperative, breakers of
the bonds of ritual friendship or in any other way markedly
unsocial assume an animal form. "Since they did not care for
people," the Cubeo say, "they can not live among the souls of
people after death" (36). Among the Toradja of the Central
Celebes Island of Indonesia, it is believed that everyone has
two souls during this life, his tanoana on his back, and his
angga on the front side of his body (37)* They often dispute
with each other and one's life'course depends on which is the
stronger of the two. When a person is sick, feels listless,
this is proof that his tanoana has left him. If the separa
tion of the two souls lasts a long time, the person dies.
Ethnographic data on soul concepts show that number of
souls possessed by an individual has concerned the mytholo gical systems of a large number of cultures. The majority
of the cultures in our sample, 53# t believe that individuals * have only one soul. Fifteen percent believe that individuals 40
have two souls, while 18# believe that individuals were
endowed with three or more souls (see Table 1).
TABLE 1 Frequency Distribution of the Nature of Individual Soul
;ure of Individual Number of Relative Soul Societies Frequency (#)
Singular 32 53-3
Dual 9 15.0 Triple 6 10.0
Quadruple 1 1.7
Quintuple 4 6.7
No Information 8 1 3 0 Total 60 100.0
The number of souls attributed to individuals by dif ferent cultures is associated with several variables related to the infrastructure, andthree related to the superstructure.
The primary mode of subsistence, the degree of dependence on agriculture, the intensity of the agriculture, settlement patterns, and to some extent community size from among the infrastructural variables show significantly high degrees of relationship with the number of souls. These associations are shown in tables 2, 3, 5, 6 and 7. 41
TABLE 2
Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by the Degree of Dependence on Agriculture (n=5U Number of Degree of Dependence on Agriculture SoulsidUal 0-25# 26-45# 46-65# 66-100# Single 14 0 12 6 Dual 10 8 0 Triple 1 1 3 0 Quadruple 0 0 0 1 Quintuple 0 1 2 1
Kendall's Tau B = .157i p-10, one tailed lln all the tables, the numbers in the cells refer to the number of societies
TABLE 3
Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by the Intensity of Agriculture (n-51) Number of Intensity of Agriculture Individual No Casual Shiftg/ Intnsv. Souls 'Agric. Agric. Hortic. Agric. Singular 11 1 12 8 Dual 0 1 ' 7 1 Triple or more 0 1 6 3 Kendall’s Tau B *= .19, p= »07, one tailed
Table 2 shows that the notion of soul plurality is most common among peoples who have a relatively high dependence on agriculture (46-65#). However, the relationship between the number of souls and degree of dependence on agriculture is not a simple linear relationship. PeopleB who have a 42 relatively low degree of dependence on agriculture (0-45#) are in ore similar to those who have a very high degree of dependence (66-100#)i among both groups the dominant be lief is in the notion of a singular soul. It is among those who have a medium to high degree of dependence on agriculture that soul multiplicity views are more prevalent. Table 3 buttresses these statementsi people who practice no agri culture are not likely to have a plural conception of the soul, and intensive agriculturalists resemble them more than they resemble other groups. It is the shifting cultivators and horticulturalists who are more likely to believe in the plurality of individual souls. Indeed there is a high posi tive correlation between degree of dependence on agriculture and the intensity of agriculture (table 4 ) , although one does not necessarily imply the other (3 8 ).
TABLE 4
Correlation of the Degree of Dependence on Agriculture by Intensity of Agriculture (n-58) Intensity of Degree of Dependence on Agriculture Agriculture 0- 25# 26-45# 46-65# 66-100# No Agr. 13 0 0 0 Casual Agr. < 3 0 0 0 Shiftg/Hortic. 1 1 18 5 Intensive Agr. 1 1 12 3
Kendall's Tau B - .57. p s .0000, one tailed 43 Hypothesis 12, then, which proposed that degree of strati fication and degree of dependence on agriculture would be positively correlated with the number of souls attributed to individuals received partial support. On the one hand, there was a significant positive association between number of souls and degree of dependence on agriculture) but this was not a simple linear relationship. Societies with very low and very high degrees of dependence on agriculture
(those with no agriculture, casual agriculture and with in tensive agriculture) were unlikely to believe in soul plu rality. It was the societies which had a medium-high degree of dependence on agriculture, practicing shifting cultiva tion or horticulture, that were most likely to have beliefs attributing more than one soul to individuals (tables 2 , 3 ).
On the other hand, the degree of stratification and number of souls attributed to individuals proved to be unrelated as can be seen in table 5 *
Hypothesis 13 proposed a relationship between notions of soul plurality and the primary mode of subsistence in a society. This hypothesis received support1 hunter-gatherers and pastoralists were unlikely to have notions of soul plu rality, while the same was much more prevalent among the cultivators (table 6). However, a closer look at this re lationship by separating shifting cultivators and horticul- turalists from intensive cultivators shows that in fact conceptions of soul plurality are much more frequent among shifting cultivators and horticulturalists than among intensive cultivators (table 7).
TABLE 5
Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Degree of Stratification (n=50)
Degree of Nature of Individual Soul Stratification Singular Plural No stratification 12 6 Wealth distinctions only 10 6 Dual-elite stratification 6 if Complex stratification if 2 Kendall's Tau B s .028, p “ .if2, n.s.
TABLE 6
Correlation of the Primary Mode of Subsistence by Nature of Individual Soul (n=5 D Primary Mode of Nature of Individual Soul Subsistence Singular Plural H-G/An. Hu. 13 2 Shiftg/Hortic./Int. Agr. 19 17
x2 - 5*20, with 1 d ’*f.( p<.05, one tailed
Hypothesis lif suggested that unilineal descent societies, will be more likely to have a singular conception of the soul than bilateral descent societies. Table' 8, below however, shows that there was no support for this hypothesis. 45
TABLE 7
Correlation of the Primary Mode of Subsistence by Nature of Individual Soul (n=5D Primary Mode of Nature of Individual Soul Subsistence Singular Plural H-G/An. Hu. 13 2 Shiftg. Agr./Hortic. 11 13 Intensive Agriculture 8 ^ 2 x = 6.70 with 2 d.f., p < . 05t one tailed
TABLE 8 Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Kingroups (n=50)
Kingroups Nature of Individual Soul Singular Plural Unilineal 19 12 Bilineal 12 7 2 x - .04, with 1 d.f., n.s.
Community size influences conceptions concerning the nature of soul. Table 9 Bhows that the highest incidence of soul plurality is found among societies where local groups are made of 5i-199 individuals. 46
TABLE 9
Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Community Size (n«43)
Community Size Number of Under 5 ,000- Over Individual Souls 50 51-199 200-999 49,999 50,000 Single 10 8 5 1 4 Dual 0 7 1 0 0 Triple 0 3 1 1 2
Kendall’s Tau B s .215, P B *06, one tailed
Among very small communities, having fewer than 50 individuals, soul is conceived of as being singular. Among communities which have 200 or more individuals instances of soul plurality can be found, but are not very common.
Again the larger communities seem to be more like the very small ones, rather than the medium sized communities. In r this context too, then, the relationship is not a simple linear one, but shows a curvilinear pattern.
Among the infrastructure variables, the one having the strongest association with the number of souls is the settlement pattern. As can be seen in table 10, individual soul is significantly more likely to be plural among sedentary peoples them among nomadic or seminomadic peoples. 4?
TABLE 10
Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Settlement Pattern (n=51) Number of Settlement Pattern Individual Souls Nomadic/Seminomadic Sedentary Singular 18 14 Plural 3 16 2 1 x =6. 4 ? (corrected for continuity) d.f. - 1, p < . 02, one tailed
^Upon Siegel’s (195^ 1110) suggestion the correction for continuity was UBed in all cases where N>50.
If we examine pairwise correlations, we find that both community size and settlement pattern are correlated with dependence on agriculture and intensity of agriculture
(table 11, 12) as well as being correlated with each other
(13).
TABLE 11
Correlation of the Intensity of Agriculture by Settlement Pattern (n=58)
Intensity of Settlement Pattern Agriculture Nomadic/Seminomadic Sedentary None or Casual Agric. 16 0 Shftg/Hortic. 5 20 Int. Agric. 3 14 2 x = 31.3td.l\"2, p= .0000, one tailed 4-8
TABLE 12
Correlation of Community Size by Intensity of Agriculture (ns47) Intensity of Community Size Agriculture Less Over Than 50 51-199 200-999 5000 None or Casual Agric. 8 ti 2 0 Shftg/Hortic. 2 ll 5 2 Int. Agric. 1 3 0 9 Kendall's Tau B = .539, P = .0000, one tailed
TABLE 13
Correlation of Community Size by Settlement Pattern (n«*7> Community Size Settlement Less Over Pattern Than 50 51-199 200-999 5000
Nomadic/Seminomadic 10 7 3 0 Sedentary 1 11 4 11
Kendall's Tau B - .5^1» P = .0000, one tailed
With regard to these infrastruc ture variables in general, we can say that they all seem to be necessary but not suffi cient conditions for determining soul plurality. Degree of dependence on agriculture, intensity of agriculture, commu nity size and settlement patterns may make the presence of a belief in soul plurality more likely, but they do not 49 necessarily exclude a belief in soul singularity. Seden tary societies for instance, are just as likely to have beliefs in singular soul, as they are to have beliefs in multiple b o u Is . Shifting agriculturalists are more likely than any other agriculturalists to have beliefs in several souls, yet beliefs with regard to soul singularity are just as common among them as among those who practice no agri culture at all.
Turning our attention to the superstructure, we find a significant relationship between nature of high gods and the nature of soul. More specifically table 14 shows that where there are high gods interested and active in morality, plurality of souls notions are virtually absent. It is in cultures where there are no high gods or where they are not actively concerned with morality that we find beliefs in possession of more than one soul by individuals*
TABLE 14
Correlation bf the Nature of Individual Soul by High Gods (nc46)
High Gods Number of None/Not Intrstd/Actvly Individual Souls Interested Involved with in Morality Morality Singular 8 Plural 15 1 x2 = 2.?7, d.f. = 1, p4..10, one tailed 50
TABLE 15
Correlation of High Gods by Intensity of Agriculture (n=51) Intensity of Agriculture High Gods None/Casual Shftg/Hortic Intensive None/Not Int erested in Morality 13 19 6 Interested in Morality 2 3 8
x2 = 10.18, d.f. - 2, p = .006, one tailed
TABLE 16
Correlation of High Gods by Community Size (n-U-3) Community Size Less Over High Gods Than 50 51-199 200-999 5,000 None/Not Int erested in Morality 9 15 6 1+ Interested In Morality 2 1 1 5
Kendall's Tau B = .263, p = .03, one tailed
Presence of beliefs in high gods which are actively involved in human morality are highly correlated with the presence of intensive agriculture (table 15) and with larger community sizes (table 16). 51
TABLE 17
Correlation of Nature of Individual Soul by Belief in Reincarnation (n=43)
Nature of Belief in Reincarnation Individual Soul Absent Present Singular 13 14 Plural 3 13
x2 ” 3*72, d.f.- 1, p=.05> one tailed
There is a correlation between nature of individual soul and belief in reincarnation. Conception of individual soul is significantly more likely to be plural in those societies where beliefs in reincarnation are present1 where the nature of individual soul is thought to be singular on the other 10 hand, beliefs in reincarnation may or may not be present. 52 Nature of soul is also associated with the kind of al-
tered states that are thought to prevail in a society (39)•
Where there are no altered states given the emic explanation
of possession trance, individual soul is significantly more
likely to be singular than plural. Where there are altered
states explained emically as being due to possession, on the
other hand, the soul is just as likely to be conceived of as
singular as well as plural.
TABLE 18
Correlation of the Nature of Individual Soul by Altered States of Consciousness (n«45)
Altered States Number of None or Possession Individual S o u I b Trance Only Trance Singular 13 14 Plural 4 14
x2 = 3*09* d.f. = 1, p<.10, one tailed
One remaining issue with regard to the nature of indi
vidual soul concerns its regional distribution. It is inter
esting to note a tendency for the notion of multiple souls
to be more prevalent in the Western Hemisphere (The Americas
and Insular Pacific) than in the Eastern Hemisphere (Africa,
Circum-Mediterreanean, and East Eurasia). As seen from the
chi-square teBt performed on table 19 however, this tendency was not significant. 53
TABLE 19
Regional Distribution of Nature of Soul (n«52> Hemisphere Number of Individual Souls Eastern Western Singular 17 15 Plural 6 14
x2=1.?4 (Corrected for continuity) d.f. - 1, p < .20, one tailed
Beliefs Concerning Ancestral SpiritB
Ancestral spirits refers to the spirits of those who
were once living, human, and biologically and sociologically
related to the present generations. Among the Bemba of
Zambia, for example, the hut of each householder is in a
sense a shrine, since the spirits of his own ancestors
and those of his wife are supposed to linger there (Richards,
1939i356-57)* Ancestors are remembered in prayers before
the shrine of a head of a family* Here a man will pray to
the spirits of his maternal grandfather, or maternal uncle,
if the latter is already dead. The spirit of a maternal
ancestor is though to quicken the child in its mother's womb, and to protect it all its life. The name of the
ancestor or ancestress is discovered by divination, and given
to the child. The heir actually becomes the dead man in a
social sense. A dead woman will be replaced by her sister or a maternal grandaughter (Richards, 1956»38_39)» The
Trobrianders believe that during the moon of Milamala or festive period, the spirits of the departed visit their native villages. The spirits return regularly every year to their community and the belief in their presence is clear, concrete, and expressed in institutionalized arrangements.
Food- is displayed for them, and they enjoy its sight. Food is cooked for them and they consume its spiritual substance.
A special very high platform is built for them so that they may sit on it, high above every mortal (Malinowski, 1935«
4-67-68).
Not all societies of course have beliefs in ancestral spirits. Table 20 shows that of the sixty societies in cluded in this Btudy, approximately 27# have no beliefs con cerning ancestral spirits, while about 62# do have such be liefs. In some societies ancestors are generalized] i.e. shared and communally commemorated by the whole group (as is for example the case among the Garo, Tlingit, Iroquois,
Andaman, Chuckchee, Cagaba, and Yanoama). In others an- cestors are not generalizedj they can be identified indi vidually by their descendants and they are closely asso ciated with the activities of the lineage groups. Table 21 shows that individualized ancestors are significantly more likely to occur among societies with unilateral kingroups than those with bilateral kingroups. 55
TABLE 20
Frequency Distribution of Belief in Ancestral Spirits (n=60)
Belief in Number of Relat Ancestral Spirits Societies Frequ +» No such belief c 12 20.0 to 2 6,7# Culture heroes or to & Cult of Saints < 4 6.7 Generalized Ancestors 9 15.0 £G d) Ancestral n Spirits a) 10 16.7 M Ancestor Worship 61.7# Cult 18 3 0 .0 No information 7 11.7 Total 60 100.0
TABLE 21
Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Kingroups (n=3^)
Kingroups Ancestral Spirits \ Unilateral Bilateral Generalized 3 5 Individualized 20 6 2 x = 3.66, d.f. = 1, p = .0 6, one tailed 56 What kinds of infrastructural and superstructural events correlate with the presence of ancestral spirits?
Beliefs' in ancestral spirits are more likely to be present when succession to the local headman's office follows the matrilineal or patrilineal line (table 22).
TABLE 22
Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Succession to the Local Headman's Office (n=47) Succession to Headman's Office Belief in No office/ Matril. or Ancestral Spirits Nonhered. Patril. Heir Absent 11 1 Present 12 23 2 x = 11.75» = 1* p<.001, one tailed
TABLE 23 Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Kingroups (n=**9) Kingroups Belief in Ancestral Spirits Matrilineal Patrilineal Bilateral Absent 0 8 7 Present 11 12 11
x2 = 6,28, d.f. - 2, p < .0 5, one tailed 57 In fact there is only one society, namely the Kurds of the
Middle East, that have no ancestral spirits although they have patrilineal succession to the Jieadman*b office. In those societies where there is no headman's office, or where succession to that office is nonhereditary, ancestral beliefs may or may not be present.
There is also a significant association between the presence of beliefs in ancestors and kingroups. Compared to the patrilineal and bilateral societies, societies with the matrilineal mode of tracing descent are significantly more likely to have a belief in ancestral spirits. There was not a single matrilineal society which did not have beliefs in ancestors. Patrilineal and bilateral societies, on the other hand, may or may not have such beliefs. It appears then that matrilineality is a sufficient but not a necessary condition for the presence of beliefs in ancestors.
In other words, although all matrilineal societies have ancestral beliefs, these beliefs are not confined to matri lineal societies. So there must be other cultural factors influencing the existence of beliefs in ancestors.
Of course succession to headman's office and kingroups are not unrelated cultural eventB (40). As can be seen in table 2k societies with the bilateral mode of tracing des cent are more likely to have nonhereditary succession or no headman's office at allj patrilineal or matrilineal socie ties, on the other hand, are more likely to have matrilineal * or patrilineal heirs to the headman's office, respectively, 58 rather than having nonhereditary succession or no headman's
office. X should also note here an important distinction
in this context between matrilineal and patrilineal socie
ties which is not observable from the table. With two
exceptions* all the matrilineal societies have matrilineal
heirs to the office of the local headman. The two exceptions
arei the Twi, and the Pawneej the first one haB nonhereditary
succession, the second one has patrilineal succession.
Patrilineal societies either have patrilineal heirs or
nonhereditary succession With two exceptions! the Tiv of
Nigeria and the Masai of Kenya have no headman's office.
TABLE 24
Correlation of Kingroups by Succession to Headman's Office (n«49> Succession to Headman's Office No office/ Matril. or Kingroups Nonhered. Patril. Heir Matril/Patril . 11 20 Bilateral 15 3 (0 x2 = 10.47, d.f. - 1, p < .002, one tailed
Beliefs in ancestral spirits are significantly more
common among societies that practice segregation of adoles
cent boys in varying degrees as opposed to those who have no segregation at all. Segregation can be partial such that adolescent boys reside and eat with their natal families, but sleep apart from them or it could be ’complete where boys go to live as individuals in houses of relatives or non relatives outside the nuclear family.
TABLE 25
Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by the Segregation of Adolescent Boys (n=Mf)
Segregation of Adolescent Boys Belief in Ancestral Spirits Absent Present Absent 11 3 Present 13 17
x2 = **.79, d.f. s 1, p < .0 5, one tailed
TABLE 26
Correlation of Segregation of Adolescent Boys by KingroupB (n=**9) Segregation of Adolescent Boys Kingroups Absent Present Matrilineal 0 10 Patrilineal 13 7 Bilateral * 16 3
x2 = 19*71, d.f. = 2,■ p^.001, one tailed
As can be seen in table 25, where there is no segregation there are no ancestral beliefs. Segregation of adolescent boys, however is also highly correlated with kingroups as is shown in table 2 6. All matrilineal societies have segre gation, patrilineal societies may or may not have it, while bilateral societies rarely have this custom. 60 Turning our attention now to the relationship between beliefs in ancestral spirits and other superstructure vari ables , we find that ancestral beliefs are usually absent where there are high gods interested and actively involved in human morality* but when there are no high gods or when the existing high gods are uninterested in morality, beliefs in ancestral spirits are highly likely to occur (table 2 7).
TABLE 27
Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by High Gods (ns46)
High Gods Belief inNone/Unc oncerned Concerned with Ancestral Spirits with Morality Morality Absent 7 6 Present 28 5
x2 = 3*82, d.f. s 1, p B .0 5, one tailed
TABLE 28 9 ♦ Correlation of High Gods by Kingroups (n=?9) High Gods Kingroups N one/Unc one erned Concerned with with Morality Morality Matrilineal 11 0 Patrilineal 12 7 Bilateral 14 5 2 x = 5*17* d.f. * 2, p<.10, one tailed 61 Presence of high gods is also correlated with kingroups.
In matrilineal societies high gods are either absent or they are oblivious to the dynamics of human morality. In patri lineal and bilateral societies, high gods are more likely to be concerned with and involved in human morality (table 28).
Beliefs in ancestral spirits are related to the kind of altered states thought to prevail in a societyi where there are trance states explained as being due to possession, beliefs in ancestral spirits are more likely to be found.
However, this association was only marginally significant
(table 2 9)•
TABLE 29
Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Altered States of Consciousness (n=44)
Altered States of Consciousness
Belief in ' None/Trance Tranoe state given Ancestral Spirits State or Possess. emic explanation Belief Only of possession Absent 7 5 Present 11 21
x2 s 2 .0 7» d.f. s 1 , p = .1 6, one tailed
Last, but not the.least, hypothesis 20 proposed a posi tive correlation between the existence of beliefs in ances tors and the existence of beliefs in reincarnation. The data lend very strong support for this hypothesis. Table 30 62 shows that where there are ancestral spirits there are also reincarnation beliefs* where there are no ancestral beliefs * there are also no reincarnation beliefs** However, ancestral beliefs can be found in the absence of reincarnation beliefs.
In other words, although belief in reincarnation almost always necessitates a belief in ancestral spirits, a belief in ancestral spirits does not necessarily imply a belief in reincarnation.
TABLE 3 0
Correlation of Belief in Ancestral Spirits by Reincarnation x2 = 2 0 .8 6, d.f. = 1 , p < . 0000 , one tailed TABLE 31 Correlatiori of Belief in Reincarnation by Kingroups Reincarnation Kingroups • Absent Present Matrilineal 0 9 Patrilineal 11 9 Bilateral 6 10 x2 = ?.9 9» d.f. = 2 , p <1 .0 2 , one tailed Belief in reincarnation is related to kingroups (table 31)■ Matrilineal societies almost always have beliefs in rein carnation, while patrilineal and bilateral societies may or may not have them. Beliefs in ancestors showed no differential regional distribution. Societies in the Eastern Hemisphere were just as likely to have them as societies in the Western Hemisphere (table 32 ). TABLE 32 Regional Distribution of Belief in Ancestral Spirits (n=53) Regions Belief in Eastern Western Ancestral Spirits Hemisphere Hemisphere Absent 9 7 Present 16 21 O x (corrected for continuity) = *3 2 6, * d.f. “ if n.s. 4 4 H Nature of Ancestral Spirits Ancestors in some socieites act as the disciplinarians par excellence. t They reinforce "desirable" behaviors on the part of their descendants, and punish "undesirable" behaviors. Among the Taiwan Hokkien of Taiwan, the belief in the potential influence of ancestral spirits for good and evil is so strong that the relatives of a dead person who has left no descendants will often adopt a child to worship the deceased (Gallin, 1966t23*0> If a family neglects its duties toward the ancestors, the ancestors may plague it with illness and other misfortune. Ancestors among the Taiwan Hokkien, however, do not represent some general moral ity. They are concerned only with their own good and the good of the family, not with general morality and the good of society (Wolf, 196*j-i113-114) . The villagers say that ancestors would not punish them for committing a theft or murder, "Why should they do that?", they say, "we are all members of the same family" (Wolf, 196^ 1113-11^)• In return for the support of their living descendants, ancestors are expected to look after the general welfare of the family (Wolf, 196^i113-11^). In other socieites, ancestors are thought to be helpful to the living, giving them guidance when they need it and are not at all punitive. The Wolof of West Africa have a deep seated feeling that ancestors are helpful to the living and give them psychological comfort and security (Ames, 1953) 8-9). Similarly among the Iban of East Malaysia the dead are invoked before going on an expedition against the enemy, and are begged to help their friends on earth so that they may be successful against their foes (GomeB, 191li1^2). In times of need and peril the dead are called upon (Gomes, 19111 1^2 ). What determines the nature of ancestors in a society? Hypothesis 21 proposed an association between the degree of accumulation in a society and the nature of ancestors. An cestors in low accumulation socieities were predicted to act unconditionally, while those in high accumulation societies were predicted to allot rewards and punishments contingent upon the behavior of descendants. The data how ever, did not provide any support for this hypothesis (table 33). Instead, the present study showed three infra structure and two superstructure variables to be correlated with the nature of the ancestors. TABLE 33 Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by the Primary Mode of Subsistence (n-32 ) Nature of Ancestral Spirits Primary Mode of Subsistence ’ Unconditional Conditional Hunting/Gathering , 1 3 « Pastoralism and Cultivation 6 22 Fisher's Exact Probability Test, p = .8 6, n.s. These are succession to the local headman's office, jurisdic tional hierarchy, community size, high gods, and belief in reincarnation. The nature of these associations are dis cussed below. Where there is hereditary succession to the headman's office on the matrilineal or patrilineal side, the ancestral spirits are believed to act in a conditional fashion to re ward the "desirable" behaviors of their descendants, and punish "undesirable" behaviorsi where there is no headman's office or when succession to that office is nonhereditary, then ancestral spirits may or may not act in a conditional fashion (table 3*0 • TABLE 34 Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by Succession to the Headman's Office (n=3 D Succession to the Headman's Office Nature of No Headman's Off. Matril. or Ancestral Spirits or Nonhereditary Patril. Heir Not conditional on behavior 4 2 Conditional on behavior 7 18 o x = 3 *1 6, d.f. = 1 , p < .1 0 , one tailed There is a significant correlation between the nature of high gods and nature of ancestral spirits (table 35). Where there are no high gods or the existing high gods are unin terested and unconcerned about human morality, ancestral behavior is much more likely to be conditional on behavior of descendants. Where the high gods are actively involved in morality, rncestral spirits tend to behave in an uncondi tional manner. TABLE 35 Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by High Gods (n=29) High Gods Nature of None/Unconcerned Concerned with Ancestral Spirits with Morality Morality Not conditional on behavior 4 3 Conditional on behavior 21 1 Fisher's exact probability test, p s .0^, one tailed TABLE 36 Correlation of Nature of Ancestral Spirits by Belief in Reincarnation (n-26) Nature of Belief in Reincarnation Ancestral Spirits Absent Present Not conditional on behavior 3 3 % Conditional on behavior 1 19 Fisher's exact probability test, p = .03, one tailed Presence of beliefs in reincarnation and nature of ancestral spirits are also correlated. Ancestors are be lieved to behave in a conditional manner much more frequently 68 when there are beliefs in reincarnation, than where there are no such beliefs (table 3^)* Analysis of the regional distribution of the nature of ancestral spirits showed that ancestors in the Eastern Hemisphere are more likely to be uniformly guiding to their survivors than ancestors in the Western Hemisphere who were more likely to behave in a conditional manner (table 3?)* TABLE 37 Regional Distribution of Nature of Ancestral Spirits (n=33) Geographic Regions Nature of Eastern Western Ancestral Spirits Hemisphere Hemisphere Not conditional on behavior 5 2 Conditional on behavior 10 16 x2 = 2 A, d.f. = 1, p s .12, one tailed Belief in Reincarnation Reincarnation refers to a belief in the return of a dead individual's soul to earth in consecutive bodies. In some societies the belief is that a soul will be reborn and occupy the body of an animal or plant, in others it is believed that it will be reborn and occupy the body of a fellow human. In still other societies, the soul of a dead individual is thought to pass to a member of the kingroup. Among the Bemba of Zambia, this latter form of reincarnation belief pre- * vails. When a man or a woman dies, his or her social per sonality must be immediately perpetuated by a successor who passes through a special ritual called ukuovanika. and thus acquires the name, the symbols of succession (a bow for a man and a girdle for a woman) and the umupashi (i.e. the disembodied spirit that parts from the body upon death) of the dead person (Richards, 19^0i98). By this social identi fication, a man assumes the latter's position in the kingroup, uses the same kin term, and in the case of a chief, it is almost impossible to tell when a man is describing incidents which took place in his own life or those of an ancestor two or three generations dead. This social perpetuation of the dead is so important that right after death, before the successor has finally been appointed, a small boy or girl, usually a maternal grandchild, is chosen to inherit the name of the deceased temporarily. The child is given a small piece of the lather's property, and thereafter addressed as "grandfather" or "grandmother" whatever the right kin term • * is (Richards, 19^0i98). Among the Tlingit of southeast Alaska the birth of a child always means the return of someone who has died, and afterlife is but the prelude to a new existence (de Lugana, 195^*181), "I was ashes then" is the expression commonly used in referring to a time before one was born. All the dead may become reincarnated no matter what their previous life or how they had died. They may also choose the parents 70 to whom they are to be reborn (de Laguna, 195^*181). Know ledge of life after death and of the needs and fate of the soul are learned from those who died and became reincarnated long ago and from those who visited the land of the dead when unconscious. The soul is born again seven times (de Laguna, 195^*181). Belief in the transmigration of a soul from a dead person to a descendant or its rebirth in animal or human form is found in 48# of the societies in my sample (table 3 8 ). Analysis of the data showed that these beliefs are associated with the intensity of agriculture, succession to the head man's office, family organization, type of marriage, marital residence, kingroups, and male genital mutilation from the infrastructure variables, and with high gods and beliefs in ancestral spirits from the superstructure variables. Belief in reincarnation is found more often among those who practice shifting cultivation or horticulture than among those who practice intensive agriculture or no agri culture at all (table 39) * TABLE 38 Frequency Distribution of Belief in Reincarnation Belief in Number of Relative Reincarnation Societies Frequency # Absent 31 52 Present 29 48 Total 60 100 71 TABLE 39 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Intensity of Agriculture (n=49) Intensity of Agriculture Belief in Shftg./ Reincarnation None/Casual Hortic. Intensive Absent 7 4 9 Present 7 16 6 o c = 6.361 d.f. = 2 , p = .04, one tailed TABLE 40 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Succession to Headman's Office (n=43) Succession to Headman's Office Belief in None/ Matril. or Reincarnation Nonhered. Patril. Heir Absent 15 3 Present 8 17 p x = 1 1 .0 8 , d.f. = ’1 ,'p < .0 0 1 , one tailed Reincarnation beliefs are also more common among those societies that have matrilineal or patrilineal heirs in suc cession to the local headmans office, rather than those who have nonhereditary succession or no local headman's office (table 40). 72 Table 41 shows that reincarnation is always present among societies that have stem families while they may or may not be present among those who have independent nuclear or ex tended families. TABLE 41 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Family Organization (n=58) Family Organization Belief in Reincarnation Independent Stem Extended Absent 12 0 17 Present 13 6 10 x2 = 7*81i d.f. =2, p = .02, one tailed TABLE 42 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Type of Marriage (n=49) \ Type of Marriage Belief in Soror. Reincarnation Monogamy Polygyny Polygyny Absent 9 1 10 Present 21 3 5 .2 _ = 6.02, d.f. -2, p = .0 5, one tailed 73 TABLE 43 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Marital Residence (n*49) Marital Residence Belief in Neolocal/ Matri- Avun- Reincarnation Optional loc, culoc. Patriloc. Absent 4 1 0 15 Present 4 7 4 14 x2 * 7.12, d.f. - 3. p s .07i one tailed TABLE 4tf Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Kingroups (ns47) Kingroups Belief in Reincarnation Matrilineal Patrilineal Bilateral Absent 0 11 8 Present 9 9 10 c2 = 7*99, d.f. = Z't p '* .02, one tailed Furthermore, reincarnation is more frequent in societies which practic monogamy and sororal polygyny (table 42), which have matrilocal or avunculocal resident (table 43), and among societies which trace descent matrilineally (table 44). It is less likely to be present in societies which have non- sororal polygyny (table 42)j and it may or may not be present in socieites which have patrilocal» neolocal or optional marital residence, and which trace descent in a patrilineal or bilateral fashion (table 44). Belief in reincarnation is also correlated with the practices of circumsicion and its cultural variations! it is significantly more frequent where such practices are absent (table 45). TABLE 45 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by Male Genital Mutilation (n-49) Male Genital Mutilation Belief in Reincarnation Absent Present Absent 10 10 Present 25 4 2 x “ 7.60, d.f. =1 , p < . 006, one tailed TABLE '46 Correlation of Male Genital Mutilation by Kingroups Male Genital Mutilation Kingroups Absent Present Matrilineal 12 0 Patrilineal 10 11 Bilateral 21 2 = 16.37, d.f. = 2, p - .0003, one tailed 75 TABLE 47 Correlation of Belief in Reincarnation by High GodB (n=44) High Gods Belief in None/Unc one erne d Concerned with Reincarnation in Morality Morality Absent 8 11 Present 24 1 x2 = 15.81, d.f. «= 1, p = .0001, one tailed From among the variables which make up the belief system, belief in reincarnation is highly correlated with high gods (table 47). It is found more frequently in societies where there are no high gods or where the high gods are uncon cerned with human moralityi it is extremely rare in societies where the extant high gods are actively involved in human morality. Earlier in this chapter, I had also shown beliefs in reincarnation to be positively correlated with beliefs in ancestral spirits and nature of individual soul. Some of the exogeneous variables that have high corre lations with belief in reincarnation are also significantly correlated with each other. These relationships are shown in tables 48 through 53* 76 TABLE 48 Correlation of Intensity of Agriculture by Succession to the Headman's Office (n=51) Succession to the Headman's Office Intensity of No Office/ Matril. or Agriculture Nonhered. Patril. Heir None/Casual 9 4 Shftg/Hortic. 7 16 Intensive 10 5 2 x =7*10, d.f. = 2, p < . 05» one tailed TABLE 49 Correlation of Intensity of Agriculture by Kingroups (n-56) Kingroups Intensity of Agriculture Matrilineal Patrilineal Bilateral None/Casual 2 3 10 Shftg/Hortic. 10 9 5 Intensive 0 98 = 15*93# d.f. = 4, p = .003, one tailed Intensity of agriculture, for example, is correlated with succession to the local headman's office, kingroups, and high gods. Intensive agriculturalists are more likely 77 to have nonhereditary succession as are those who practice no agriculture at alii while extensive agriculturalists are more likely to have hereditary succession (table 4^). Matri lineal societies almost always practice extensive culti vation, while patrilineal and bilateral societies may or may not do so (table 49). Furthermore, among extensive cul tivators, high gods rarely intervene in human morality, as is the case among those who practice no agriculture at all, while among intensive cultivators high gods are significantly more likely to be interested in human morality (table 15). Succession to the local headman’s office is correlated with male genital mutilatiom such mutilation is signifi cantly more common among societies with patrilineal than mat rilineal succession. Male genital mutilation is alBO much less frequent among societies where high gods are not inter ested in human morality, whereas it may or may not be present in societies where high gods are actively involved in indi- p vidual morality (table 5 1)* TABLE 50 Correlation of Succession to the Headman's Office by Male Genital Mutilation (na51) Male Genital Mutilation Succession to Headman's Office Absent Present No office/nonhered 21 5 Matril, Heir 10 0 Patril. Heir 7 8 x2 - 10.08, d.f. = 2, p < .007» one tailed 78 TABLE 51 Correlation of High Gods by Male Genital Mutilation (n-51) Male Genital Mutilation High Gods Absent Present N one/Unc ono erned with morality 32 6 Concerned with morality 6 7 x2 (corrected for continuity) = 5*52, d.f. s li p<.02, one tailed Previously I had shown the relationship between high gods and kingroups (table 28). Family organization is correlated with kingroups and marital residence as is shown in tables 52 and 53. * TABLE 52 t Correlation of Family Organization by Kingroups (n-56) Kingroups Family Organization Matrilineal Patrilineal Bilateral Independent/Stem 4 10 16 Extended 8 11 7 x2 = 4.64, d.f. - 2 , p < . 10, one tailed 79 TABLE 53 Correlation of Family Organization By Marital Residence (n-58) Marital Residence Family Neolocal/ Matri- Avun- Patri- Organization Optional local culoc. local Independent/Stem 10 3 2 16 Extended 1 9 2 15 x s 10.17, d.f. 3* P ^ •02i one tailed Matrilineal socieites are more likely to have extended families than bilateral families, while patrilineal socie ties may have independent, stem or extended families (table 52). Also compared to the extended family organization, in dependent family organization is more common where marital residenoe is neolocal or optional rather than matrilocal or avunculocal (table 53). Where there iB patrilocal resi- dence on the other hand, family organization can be of the independent or extended type (table 53)• Geographically, belief in reincarnation is more common in the Western than in the Eastern Hemisphere (table 5^)• Although a significant proportion of the societies in the Western Hemisphere have such beliefs, societies in the Eastern Hemisphere may or may not have them. 80 TABLE 5^ Regional Distribution of Belief in Reincarnation (n=51) Geographic Regions Belief in Eastern Western Reincarnation Hemisphere Hemisphere Absent 16 6 Present 13 16 2 x (corrected for continuity) = 2,91 d.f. = 2, p<.09» one tailed Belief in Afterlife and Its Predicted Quality Belief in the afterlife of the soul and the "existence” of a separate realm for the dead are the two universalB in death symbolism. I have already talked about the first. Table 55 shows that an overwhelming majority of world societies believe in the "existence” of a separate realm for the dead. * * One of the exceptions to this "universal” are the con ceptions of the Mbuti Pygmies of the Ituri Forest (Congo) concerning afterlife. There is a great difference of opinion among the Mbuti pygmies concerning afterlife from one hunt ing band to another, or even within any one band. According to Turnbull, "being a practical people whose physical exi stence is determined, in detail, by day-to-day context, they are far more concerned with the present than with the 81 TABLE 55 Number of Societies Believing in the Existence of a Separate Realm for the Dead (n=60) Separate Realm Number of Relative for the Dead Societies Frequency % Present 56 93.3 Absent 0 0.0 "Don't Know"1 4 6.7 Total 66 100.0 This category represents the emic point of view, as do the others. past or future" (1965i2**7). With regard to the future, be it in this life or the next, they eschew speculation on the grounds that not having been there they do not know what it is like, and not knowing what it is like, they cannot predict what their behavior will be like. To anyone who 9 claims a knowledge of afterlife they say, "How do you know? . t Have you died and been there?" ,(Turnbull, 1965i247). "This disclaimer to absolute knowledge of the future of afterlife.. is a characteristic universal among the Mbuti", says Turnbull, "this .(however) did not prevent individuals from having ideas about the unknown, but such speculation was con sidered fruitless and took the form of a legend and was listened to with interest and, often with amusement (Turnbull, 1965*2^7). 82 Among the Ojibwa of the Upper Great Lakes (North America), on the other hand, view of the cosmos incorporated a belief in afterlife which is basically pleasant in nature. According to them, the Land of the Dead, d.iibalaking. is neither above nor below the earth but in a distant' region in the south (Hallowell, 1955* 155)• In this country, Indians whose souls had left their bodies, went on living forever. It was a land richer in game and birdlife than the northern country, a place where no one had any trouble making a living, although life was in other respects a duplication of this one. Though there were bad spirits, there was no associated belief in a "hell” . In fact, the notion that eternal happiness or misery in the life after death is in any way dependent upon the conduct of one’s life "here" is derived from Christianity (Hallowell, 1955il55-57)• There is the "persistence of the positive notion, traditional with them that the life after death is a happy one for everybody" (Hallowell, 1955*157)* Beliefs regarding the life after death, then, did not embody sanctions of any great importance with respect to an individual's daily conduct during life, "Even today, fear of illness in this life is a controlling factor of much greater importance than any fear of unhappi ness in the life after death. In former times, customs with a 'disease sanction' were undoubtedly those followed with a maximum stringency" (Hallowell, 1955il57). Chukchee (Northern Siberia) thought concerning after life is quite a bit more elaborate and tends to emphasize that life in the hereafter is conditional on behavior "here and now". According to them the beBt places in the land of the dead are given to people who died a voluntary death. The man who wishes to die announces it to a relative, whose duty it is to fulfill his request by strangling him or kill ing him with a spear. Most often suci death is chosen by the old, but sometimes it was prompted by grave illness, grief, or serious insult (Antropova and Kuznetsova, 82*0. There are several places where the deceased abide. The Aurora Borealis is chiefly the place of abode for those who died a sudden or violent death. The whitish spots are the people who died from contagious disease; the red spots are those stabbed with a knife; the dark spots are those strangled by the spirits of nervous disease; the changeable rays are the deceased people running about and playing ball with a walrus head which is alive...(Bogoraz, 190*1— 1909i33^0• Men who have been strangled with 'a slip noose at their own % request, have honorary places among the spectators, or they themselves may play, but do so in a very awkward manner because of the rope dangling behind them on the ground (Bogoraz, 190^-1909«33*0 • A newcomer to the World of the Dead has to pass at first through a region inhabited by dogs, who live in small earth huts of their own. People, who dur ing their lives were unkind to dogs, and beat them, will be * attacked by the dogs underground, and bitten severely. 84 The forefathers and relatives of the newcomer meet him (her) and lead him (her) to their placei otherwise he (she) would be unable to find his way. Other people also come out to watch him and investigate everything he has brought so no dead man is provided with reindeer taken from another's herd, with clothes made at a strange hearth or with anything stolen or obtained unlawfully. In the underground world such things would be seized by the family of their lawful proprietors. A poor man with no reindeer fares best if he walks to the underground country supporting himself with a staff and wearing clothes cut and made by his own women (Bogoraz, 1904- 1909»33*0* The houses of the deceased are large round tents without any seams. The reindeer herds are numerous and consist of animals brought in for sacrifice and of wild reindeer killed in hunt. Some of the inhabitants however, live by sea pursuits on the shores of an ocean which abounds with walrus. The men and walrus play a kind of game in which men try to shoot them. When an animal is shot, it is hauled by the shore and eaten, then t^e bones are thrown back into the water and it comes to life again (Bogoraz, 1904-19091334). The Chukchee belief in an afterlife whose nature depends on one's behavior on earth however, does not represent the majority of beliefs in world societies. Overall only 28# of the world societies believed that the quality of afterlife was conditional on conduct on earth, while 53# believed that in afterlife rewards and punishments were not contingent upon behavior (table 56), In this latter group afterlife was 85 either thought to be a replica of life on earth or a place of happiness and abundance. TABLE # Frequency Distribution of Predicted Quality of Afterlife (n=6o) Societies Believing Number of Relative Afterlife to bei Societies Frequency Unconditional in nature t 32 53.3 Conditional in naturei 17 28.3 No information. 11 18,3 Total 60 100.0 Hypothesis 15 proposed a relationship between the pre dicted quality of afterlife and the degree of accumulation in a society by suggesting that high accumulation societies (pastoral nomads and cultivators)' will be more likely to be- \ lieve in an afterlife conditional on behavior on earth, while low accumulation societies will believe in a nonconditional afterlife. The data support this hypothesis. As can be seen in table 57 hunting gathering societies are not at all likely to believe that the nature of afterlife for the indi vidual iB conditional on life on earth. Pastoralists and cultivators, on the other hand, might be just as likely to 86 to believe in an unconditional afterlife as in a conditional afterlife. In this context, then hunting-gathering societies showed a much greater degree of homogeneity than the pastoral- ists and cultivating societies. This might be explained by the fact that indeed this second group includes a much more diverse group of societies than the former such as pastoral- ists, horticulturalists, shifting cultivators, and intensive agriculturalists. TABLE 57 Primary Mode of Subsistence by Nature of Afterlife Nature of Afterlife Primary Mode Not Conditional Conditional of Subsistence on Behavior on Behavior Hunter/Gatherers 11 0 PastoralistB/ Cultivators 19 18 Fisher's exact probability test, p = ,002, one tailed Nature of afterlife is negatively correlated with degree of dependence on hunting and positively correlated with degree of dependence on agriculture and its intensity (tables 58, 59, and 60) • 87 TABLE 58 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Dependence on Hunting (n-47) Degree of Dependence on Hunting Nature of 0-45# 46-100# Afterlife Dependence Dependence Unconditional 15 16 Conditional 13 3 x2 = 4.74, d.f. = 1, p ^ . 03, one tailed TABLE 5 9 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Dependence on Agriculture (n-47) Degree of Dependence on Agriculture Nature of 0-45# 46-100# Afterlife Dependence Dependence Unconditional 16 15 Conditional ' 2 14 x2 = 6.83, d.f. B 1( p < . 01, one tailed That is 1 the greater the degree of dependence on hunting, the lesB likely it is that afterlife will be conditional, while the more the degree of dependence on agriculture, the more likely it is that it will be conditional. In addition table 60 shows that among peoples who practice no agriculture or who practice it only casually, conditional afterlife is very 88 rare. Shifting agriculturalists are also more likely to have nonconditional afterlife. TABLE 60 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Intensity of Agriculture (n=47) Intensity of Agriculture Nature of None or Shftg/ Afterlife Casual Hortic, Intensive Unconditional 12 1^ 5 Conditional 2 8 6 c2 = ^.55* d.f. = 2 , p = .10, one tailed The degree of stratification in a society influences beliefs concerning the predicted quality of afterlife. Table 6l shows that societies which have no stratification are more likely to think of afterlife as being unconditional in nature while societies with complex stratification almost always be- 9 lieve nature of afterlife to be contingent upon conduct on r4 earth. Table 6^ shows why the’*relationship between degree of stratification and nature of afterlife is not a simple linear relationship (i.e. the more the stratification, the more likely that afterlife is conditional in nature). Fifty percent, or 6, of the societies with dual or elite stratifi cation are matrilineal societies which almost always believe afterlife to be noncontingent on behavior on earth (table 63) 89 TABLE 61 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Degree of Stratification (n=46) Degree of Stratification Wealth Dual/Elite Complex Nature of Distinc- Stratifi- Stratifi- Afterlife None tions cation cation Unconditional 12 9 8 1 Conditional 3 7 1 5 Kendall's Tau B = .219i p4.06, one tailed TABLE 62 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Succession to the Headman's Office (n-36) Succession to Headman's Office Nature of No Office/ Matrilineal Patrilineal Afterlife Nonhered. Heir Heir Unconditional 12 9 5 Conditional 7 0 7 x2 = 7.75. d.f. - 2 , p = .02, one tailed Societies which have matrilineal heirs for succession to the local headman's office always believe in an uncondi tional afterlife, while societies with patrilineal heirs, or nonhereditary succession may or may not believe so (table 62). I have already shown the relationship between succes sion to the local headman's office and kingroups (table 24). 90 TABLE 63 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Kingroups (n=45) Kingroups Nature of Afterlife Matrilineal Patrilineal Bilateral Unconditional 10 7 13 Conditional 1 7 7 x2 = 4.68, d.f. = 2, p^.10, one tailed TABLE 64 Correlation of Kingroups by Degree of Stratification (n=55) Kingroups Stratification Matrilineal Patrilineal Bilateral None 5 7 7 Wealth distinc tions present, not crystallized 7 9 Dual or elite stratification 4 2 Complex stratification 3 4 *2 _ = 11,12, d.f. = 6, p < .091 one tailed So, not surprisingly, we also find a significant association between the predicted nature of afterlife and kingroups. Table 63 shows that matrilineal societies almost always believe the nature of the afterlife to be unrelated to "good deeds" on earth, while patrilineal and bilateral so cieties may or may not do so. Furthermore, the relationship between kingroups and marital residence (table 65) leads us to expect the latter to be also correlated with the nature of afterlife. Table 66 shows that our expectations are confirmedi societies which have neolocal, optional, or avunculocal residence all without exception tend to believe afterlife to be unconditional in nature while patrilocal societies may or may not believe it to be so. TABLE 65 Correlation of Kingroups by Marital Residence (n=56) Marital Residence Neolocal/ Matri- Avun- Patri- Kingroups Optional loc. culoc. loc. Matrilineal 1 7 4 0 Patrilineal 2 0 0 19 Bilateral 8 5 0 10 p x = **3 *5» d.f. = 6, p = .0000, one tailed We should also note here an observation which is not readily discernable from this table 1 there are five bilateral so cieties which have matrilocal residence (table 65), and it is these, from among all the matrilocal societies, which 92 believe afterlife to be conditional, the seven remaining matrilocal societies (which are matrilineal) all believe nature of afterlife to be independent of individual behavior on earth. TABLE 66 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Marital Residence (n=W Marital Residence Nature of Neolocal/ Matri- Avun- Patri- Afterlife Optional loc. culoc. loc. Unconditional 7 7 3 1^ Conditional 0 5 0 11 x2 - 6.58, d.f. = 3» p^.10, one tailed Kingroups are also associated with the segregation of adolescent boys, the latter being universal among matrilineal societies (table 2.6), Hence, we also find a correlation be- * tween the practice of segregating the adolescent boys from their families and a belief in the conditional nature of afterlife (table 67). Where segregation is present after life is always conceived of as being unconditional, while when it is absent afterlife may or may not be conditional. Nature of afterlife is correlated with norms concerning premarital sex (table 68), it is much more likely to be thought of as being unconditional among societies which allow premarital sex or which have trial marriages, than among those which prohibit premarital sex. 93 TABLE 6? Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Segregation of Adolescent Segregation of Boys Nature of Afterlife Absent Present Unconditional 13 lk Conditional 12 2 x2 = 5*^7» d.f. = 1, p < .02, one tailed TABLE 68 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by Norms Concerning Premarital Sex (n=39) Premarital Sex Nature of Allowed/ Afterlife Trial Marriage Prohibited Unconditional 19 9 Conditional 3 8 x2 = 5.28, d.f. = 1, .05t one tailed Norms concerning premarital sex are not related to kingroups, nor is it related to any of the other infrastructure variab les discussed above except stratification (table 69). From the variables related to the superstructure, nature of afterlife is significantly correlated with high gods. 94 TABLE 69 Correlation of Norms Pertaining to Premarital Sex by Degree of Stratification (n-49) Degree of Stratification Wealth Dual/Elite Complex Norms of Distinc- Stratifi- Stratifi- Premarital Sex None tions cation cation Allowed or Trial Marriage 12 9 5 1 Prohibited 6 5 4 7 2 _ = 7.32, d.f. * 3 , p < . 10, one tailed TABLE 70 Correlation of Nature of Afterlife by High Gods (n-44) High Gods Nature of None/Unconcerned Concerned with Afterlife with Morality morality Unconditional . 26 4 Conditional 8 6 x2 - 4.74, d.f. = 1 , p ^ . 03, one tailed As can be seen in table 70 where high gods are uninterested in individual morality, afterlife is unlikely to be conting ent upon the behavior of individuals on earth. Where high gods are interested and actively involved in morality, on the other hand, afterlife may or may not be conditional on 95 behavior. Tables 7l through 76 show that high gods are associated with a whole array of infrastructure variables. High gods are never involved in morality in societies which are highly dependent on hunting, while they may or may not be involved in the same where there is a low degree of depen dence on hunting (table 71)• Similarly table 72 shows high gods to be uninterested in morality where agriculture is absent or extensive than where it is intensive. Furthermore high gods tend to be much more involved in morality where there is societal stratification than when there is no such stratification (table 73)* High gods are also uninter ested in morality where marital residence is neolocal, optional, matrilocal or avunculocal (table 74) 1 where there is segregation of adolescent boys (table 75) and where sexual norms do not prohibit premarital sex (table 76). TABLE 71 Correlation of ftigh Gods by Dependence on Hunting (n=51) Degree of Dependence on Hunting High Gods 0-45# 46-100# None/Unc oncerned with morality 19 19 Concerned with morality 13 0 2 x (corrected for continuity) = 8.33, d.f. = 2 , p < .004, one tailed TABLE ?2 Correlation of High Gods by Intensity of Agriculture (n=51) Intensity of Agriculture None/ Shftg/ High Gods Casual Hortic. Intensive None/Unconcerned with morality 13 19 6 Concerned with morality 2 3 8 x2 = 10. 8, d.f. - 2 , p = .006, one tailed TABLE 73 Correlation of High Gods by Degree of Stratification (n=51) Stratification High Gods Absent Present N one/Unc oncerne d with morality 17 21 Concerned with morality 1 12 x2 = 5*82, d.f. = 1 , p ^ . 03, one tailed TABLE 7b Correlation of High Gods by Marital Residence (n=51) Marital Residence Neolocal/ Matri- Avun- Patri* High Gods Optional loc. culoc. loc. None/Unconcerned with morality 9 10 3 16 Concerned with morality 1 1 0 11 x2 = 7.I5 , d.f. « 3. P<-07. one* tailed 97 TABLE ?5 Correlation of High Gods by Segregation of Adolescent Boys (n=47) Segregation High Gods Absent Present None/Unc oncerned with morality 16 18 Concerned with morality 11 2 x2= 5*^3• d.f. = 1, p<.02, one tailed TABLE 76 Correlation of High Gods by Premarital Sex Norms (n-46) Premarital Sex Allowed/ High Gods Trial Marriage Prohibited N one/Unc one erne d with morality 21 12 Concerned with , morality 4 9 f 4 o \ * x = 4.06, d.f. = 1, P<.05, one tailed Geographical distribution of nature of afterlife shows it to be less likely to be conditional in the Western Hemi sphere j while the majority of the societies in the Western Hemisphere believe quality of afterlife to be unconditional, the societies in the Eastern Hemisphere may or may not con ceive of it as being conditional (Table 77) in nature. 98 TABLE 77 Regional Distribution of Nature of Afterlife (n=**9) Geographic Regions Nature of Eastern Western Afterlife Hemisphere Hemisphere Unconditional 11 21 Conditional 10 7 x2 = 2,71. d.f. = 1, p<.10, one tailed Resultsi A Summary In the previous section I gave a detailed description of all the interrelationships between the cultural expres sions of death symbolism and the remaining sociocultural va riables (which for the purposes of this study were referred to as endogenous and exogenous variables respectively). I have also attempted to show thq interrelationships between the exogenous variables affecting the identical endogenous variable. Due to the relatively small sample size (N=60), I was not able to get at the causal relationships by employing partial correlation techniques. These would be of great im portance in giving greater reliability to the findings of the present study. HRAF is now in the process of doubling the size of its sample by selecting an additional 60 cultural u- * nits. (Lagac^, 1977*vi) (^1). Once their selection and the present research is completed, a future study should inquire into the reliability of these associations using more rigorous statistical techniques such as partial correla tion (*f2). Testing and retesting is as much a part of holo- cultural methodology in anthropology as it is of any other scientific discipline. Naroll et. al. (197^) make this very explicit in an article called "Hologeistic Theory Testing" as the following quotation taken from this article showsi "... a hologeistic study whose correlations suggest new hypo theses must be considered only a pilot study, not a test of those same hypotheses. These new hypotheses need to be tested again on a new sample" (p. 122). My purpose in this section is to condense the signifi cant findings of this study into a compact summary for easy reference. Conceptions Concerning the Soul and its Nature 1- An overwhelming proportion of the world societies 9 (93#) have beliefs in a spiritual entity transcending the ma- 9 * terial, corporeal existence of 'individuals. ThiB entity is thought to be separable from the body during life and to per sist indefinitely after death, hence overriding time and space constraints which bound other kinds of individual experiences. Although there is no evidence of a disbelief in the soul con cept in the remaining 7# of the societies, there is a paucity of data pertaining to the soul. This finding leads me to po sit individual soul as a universal concern of all human cul tures. 100 2- In some societies! individuals are thought to possess more than one soul (from two all the way up to eight). Notions concerning soul plurality appear more fre quently under the following sociocultural conditional a- where there is shifting agriculture and horticulture rather than where there is hunting-gathering, pastoralism, and inten sive cultivation (tables 3i 6, 7)j b- where community size is medium rather than where it is large or small (table 9)i c- where there is sedentarism, rather than nomadism (table 10)t d- where there are trance states emically explained as being due to possession than where there are no such explanations for trance states or where there is no such Btate at all (table 18)i e- where there are no high gods or where such gods are unin terested in morality, rather than where there are high gods ac tively involved in human morality (table 16)j f- where there are beliefs in reincarnation rather than where there are no such beliefs (table 17). It is also important to note here that a majority of the cultural conditions having an impact on the nature of indivi dual soul are interrelatedi intensity of agriculture, for example, is correlated with settlement patterns, community size, and with high gods which in turn are also intercorrelated. 101 Beliefs in Ancestral Spirits and Their Nature Beliefs in ancestral spirits exist in 62% of the societies in the HRAF Probability Sample* while in 27% no such beliefs occur. Ancestors can be individually recog nized and commemorated, or they can be remembered and com memorated as a group (referred to as generalized ancestors here). Individualized ancestors are found most frequently in societies which have unilineal kingroups (table 21). The existence of beliefs in ancestors is more likely to be found under the following cultural conditions* 1- where there is patrilineal or matrilineal succession to the local headman's office, than where succession is nonheredita- ry or where there is no local headman's office (table 22)i 2- in matrilineal societies than in patrilineal or bilateral ones (table 23)* 3- where there is segregation of adolescent boys than where there is no segregation (table 25)* where there are no high gods or where such gods are unin volved in human morality than where they are (table 27)* 5- where there are trance states explained emically as being due to possession than where there are no such explanations, or where trance is totally absent (table 29)* 6- where there are beliefs in reincarnation than where there are no such beliefs (table 30). Some of the cultural conditions influencing ancestral be liefs are also related among themselves* segregation of ado- * lescent boys, for instance, is more likely to occur in m atrilineal societies. Also, in m atrilineal societies high gods are not lik ely to be concerned about human m orality, and beliefs in reincarnation are almost always p r e s e n t . 7- Ancestors are thought to behave in a conditional fashion where there is matrilineal or patrilineal succession to the headman's office, than where succession is nonhereditary (table 3*0 • 8- Ancestors are more likely to act as disciplinarians (i.e . to behave in a conditional fashion) where there are no high gods involved in morality or where they are absent (table 35)* 9- Where there are beliefs in reincarnation, ancestors are more likely to act as disciplinarians on the behavior of their descendants .than where there are no such beliefs (table 36). 10- Ancestors in the Western Hemisphere are more likely to be have in a conditional manner than ancestors in the Eastern Hemisphere (table 37). B eliefs in Reincarnation a Belief in the return of ah individual soul to earth in consecutive bodies is present in of the societies in the HRAF Probability SAmple. Reincarnation b eliefs are found more frequently under the following cultural conditions! 1- Among shifting cultivators and horticulturalists than among hunter-gatherers, pastoralists, and intensive cultivators (table 39); 2- among societies where there is matrilineal or patrilineal ♦ succession to the headman's office than where succession is 103 nonhereditary or where there is no local headman’s office (table 40 )i 3- among societies that have stem families (i.e. those con sisting of only two related families of procreation, particu larly of adjacent generations) than among societies which have independent nuclear or extended families (table 41)f 4- among societies which practice monogamy or sororal polygyny than among those which practice nonsororal polygyny (table 4 2 )j 5- among societies which practice matrilocal or avunculocal residence than among societies which practice patrilocal, neo local or optional marital residence (table 43)t 6- among matrilineal societies than among patrilineal or bi lateral societies (table 44)t 7- among societies which have no high gods or where high gods are not involved in morality than among those where high gods are actively involved in morality (table 47)> 8- among societies in the Western Hemisphere than among those in the Eastern Hemisphere (table 5^)* Some of the variables which\ influence beliefs in reincar- nation are also correlated with each other. Intensity of ag riculture, for instance, is correlated with high gods, with succession to the headman's office, and with kingroups. Fa mily organization is correlated with kingroups and marital residence. In addition kingroups and marital residence are correlated with each other. 104 Belief in Afterlife and its Predicted Quality In the cosmology of 93# °f the societies in the present studyi there is a separate realm for the souls of the dead, known as the "land of the dead," in its various translations. Here, the souls of dead individuals are thought to reside, indefinitely or temporarily until rebirth. So the concern for a "residence" for the souls of dead individuals is a second universal in death symbolism. There are some societies though, such as the Pygmies of the Ituri Forest and the Masai where the attitude is what could be referred to as an "agnos tic" one in the English language* since they have never been dead, they say, they do not know what happens to the indivi dual soul after the body dies. In some societies, the predicted quality of afterlife is contingent on individual behavior on earth, in others it is either a replica of life on earth or a uniformly pleasant place for all concerned. Afterlife is not thought to be con- ditional on life on earth under the following cultural circum- t stances* 1- among hunter-gatherers, shifting cultivators, and horticul tural ists than among pastoralists or intensive cultivators (table 57. 6o). . 2- among societies with no stratification or with dual-elite stratification than among those with complex stratification (table 61)j 3- among societies with matrilineal heirs^ to the headman's office than among those with patrilineal heirs, with 105 nonhereditary succession to the headman's office, or those with no headman's office at a ll (table 62); 4- among m atrilineal societies than among patrilineal or bilateral societies (table 63); 5- among societies which practice neolocal, optional, or avun- culocal marital residence than among those which practice pat- rilocal residence (table 66); 6- where there is segregation of adolescent boys than where there is no such segregation (table 67); 7- where premarital. sex is not sanctioned or where there are trial marriages at an early age than where premarital Bex is stricly prohibited (table 68); 8- where there are no high gods or where they are not interes ted in morality than where high gods are actively involved in human m orality (table 70); 9- among societies in the Western Hemisphere than among those in the Eastern Hemisphere (table 77). ANALYSES AND CONCLUSIONS A Digression and a Comparison Ever since the Reformation there have been two traditions seemingly orthogonal, yet deeply intertwined with one another in the Western World. They have been hostile and at odds with each other, though products of the same basic paradigm. The conflict created by the split in the world of knowledge between "the sacred" and "the profane" has remained unresolved to this day in many minds. "The deepest theme in history", wrote Goethe, "has been posed by the conflict between faith and un faith" (4-3). Renaissance humanism made its contribution not merely to a cultural efflorescence, but also to a religious re finement both in Italy and in Europe. The Protestant Reforma tion and Renaissance Humanism brought about an increasing in wardness and individualism in religious life which resulted in a "spiritualization of the sacraments and of all institutional aspects of Church Life... Personalization of religion involved an emphasis upon the virtuous life of the individual informed by Stoic raoralism" (Spitz, 1966i5). The individualization of religion, accompanied later on by the separation of the sacred and secular aspects of sociocultural systems in Europe, and in the living and dying of individuals led to the birth of two 106 107 separate realms of knowledge. The subject matter of, for instance, physics qua physics did not exist in the early 19th century (nor did chemistry, biology, sociology, psychology or anthropology)! neither did science exist as an academic career. What did exiBt were people doing "natural philosophy". The word "science", in fact, was not coined until I83I (Merx, 1965, vol. I 1B9). According to Merz (1965, vol. 1»91)» the great inventions of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth cen turies were made without special scientific knowledge and frequently by persons who possessed skill rather than learning. Natural philosophy, on the other hand, was subsumed within the realm of theology. Newton's chief concern, for example, was not with Prinkinia. but with showing the age of the earth based on the Book of Daniel. He wanted to look at religion in a rational way. Documents containing these pieces of in formation were exposed only recently (44). By and large Western civilization has "borne a strong rationalist tradition which has insisted on subjecting Judaeo Christianity to the acid test of reason" (Wax, 1968i225i also Weber, 1958*13-27). The emphasis on rationalism existed even in the medieval times. It found its expression in the theological endeavor -to de monstrate that reason and faith were complementary in reaching the truths of the Catholic religion (Wax, 19681225). From a 20th century perspective we can say that the act of the natu ral philosopher was first an order of faith, not a matter of scientific rationality, if indeed science* does not involve faith of some kind. 108 In the Western World until the mid nineteenth century then, the basic blueprint for the lives and death of individuals, for the shape of social institutions, arts, belief, and value systems was primarily a religious one. Views of the sacred cosmos were responsible for the entire socialization of individuals. In many preindustrial societies today, relatively lesB touched by scientific positivism , gar gantuan technologies, and industrialization, these sacred world views s till constitute the primary paradigms for living and dying. Religious beliefs, cosmologies are not specialized domains, removed from everyday life , but are responsible for the entire life of the individual. For a great many peoples, in fact, the distinction made by many in Western society bet ween the sacred and the secular worlds is an immaterial one at best; these two realms are seen as being extensions of one another as different parts of the same whole, or as one and the same thing. We might say that these peoples have an in tegrated rather than a differentiated view of the world, to use an■'anthropological analogy* they have a h olistic world view. For them the cosmos is not sp lit between irreconci lable dualities, but is a unified whole. And individual be liefs, behaviors, and attitudes are influenced, not only by proximate stim uli impinging upon them in their day-to-day pursuits, but also by overarching views of the sacred cosmos. The act of "perceiving" the world is achieved through these overarching, transcending, encompassing blueprints. The Weberian formulation of the relationship between the religious and socioeconomic institutions maybe even more relevant for peoples living in these traditional cultures than for those living in Western society. Images, symbols of death, too, germinate within these pervasive religious paradigms which shape and give transcen dent meanings to the life worlds if individuals. For most people living in these traditional cultures the interpreta tions, suffering, pain, and experience of death, i.e. Prob lems of Meaning in a Weberian sense, are a part and parcel of daily existence. Participation in the end-of-the-life expe riences of others is an undubitable requirement of living. Both the lack of specialized institutions for the aged, the chronically, and the terminally ill, and the shared systems of meaning contribute to this. In the postindustrial Western society, where the shared belief systems have given way to a consumer orientation such that each individual can pick and choose from the numerous religious alternatives available in the market place (Luck- mann, 1967); where the care of the aged, and the dying have been relegated in large part to special institutions (4-5)1 where there is a radical emphasis on productivity, efficiency, and the Protestant Work Ethic in general (Lenski, 196l)j where the "marvels" of medical technology have all but made us believe we are invulnerable (46)j any systematic concern with death and the problems of the dying are received with great resistance, bordering on hostility (47). Given the intimate 110 experience with death in the past (Tuchman, 1978), this, can only be considered an exceptional development. "...This is the first ’death-free* generation in the history of the world,” says R. Fulton, "a generation that is being confronted with the question of longevity for what? You have two generations coming into conflict here, a generation that has in its own private life, never really experienced death* and a generation of elderly people who constitute the largest and fastest growing population of elderly people this country has ever seen... The point is not that death is voguish or death is new or something we are coming to recognize, it is just that the whole sociological structure within which living and death occurs has changed and changed profoundly"(1972*2 0 ). As the twentieth century draws to a close, a renewed in terest is emerging on death-related issues and topics. In addition to the very significant point raised by Fulton above, other contributing reasons, originating from the field of bio medical technology must also be mentioned. 1- Genetic engi neering is being increasingly used in the detection of defec tive genes, particularly in cases where there is a high risk factor (Ellison, 1978). If amniocentesis, endoamnioscopy, and^ or ultrasonography reveal genetic defects in the fetus, the parents have either a life-death decision or a quality of life judgment to make. 2- Organ transplants have practically be come commonplace, although the issues they raise have not. Till 1977, a relatively modest number of 41 surgical teams had performed 292 liVer transplants, compared with the 65 teams that had done 333 heart transplants, and the 301 teams that had conducted more than 25 000 kidney transplants (Fox and Swazey, 1978*317). The "heavy overall mortality associated with liver transplantation and the formidable technical or Ill mechanical problems it has entailed, have retarded the acceptance of this procedurei (Fox and Swazey, 1978*31?), 3 - In many cases technologically advanced life- sustaining devices can extend life indefinitely* though in a vegetative state, creating unforeseen dilemmas for the family, the physician, and the law. The Karen Quinlan case epitomized this dilemma very poignantly (Colen, 1976). These among others, and particularly the last two techno logies have created an endless controversy within the medical community and now frequently involving social scientists and theologians alike concerning the definitions of death (48)* for before organs can be removed for transplantation, or life sustaining mechanisms cut off, it has to be determined that a person is irreversibly dead. From the point of view of the total organism however, there is no absolute fool proof defi nition of irreversibility as the following paragraph from the pathologist H.C. Hopps (1959*78) shows* "The ultimate, most serious effect of injury is death. Necrosis is death but with this limitation* it is death of cells or tissue WITHIN A LIVING ORGANISM. Thus we differen tiate between somatic death, which is death of the whole, and necrosis, which is death of the part. From the tissue viewpoint, even when the whole individual dies, he dies part by part and at different times. For ins tance, nerve cells die within a few minutes after circulation stops, whereas cartilege cells may remain alive for several days. Because of this variation in cellular susceptibility to injury, it is virtually impossible to Bay just when all the component parts of the body have died. Death of composite whole, the organism as an INTEGRATED functional unit is a dif ferent matter. Within three or four minutes after the heart stops beating, hypoxia ordinarily leads to irreversible changes of certain vital tissues, particularly those of the central nervous system, and this causes the individual to die." 112 This quotation dates hack some twenty years, but the basic dilemma it presents, somewhat onesidedly, is still with us today (^9)• It is interesting to observe that in the "most scientific" of all debates concerning death, we find physicians, social scientists, and theologians alike di vided between v ita listic and mechanistic views of the human being, and hence unable to agree upon a definition of death satisfactory for all. In view of the heightened urgency in dealing with the aged, the terminally ill, and the revolutions taking place in biomedicine which is drastically altering our lives and our deaths, the present study attempted to present for the first time, a cross-cultural perspective on the experiences and images of death from a stratified random sample of world so c i e t i e s . Analyses of the ReBUltB and Interpretations "Man iB the only animal who knows he is going to die" has become a proverbial statement.* « Although the validity of the "only" contention may be questioned, the significance of the issue of "awareness" is undiminished. This is what transforms • a biological constant into a cultural variablei a Problem of Meaning, a search embedded within the totality of a religious p a r a d ig n . 113 Prom the theoretical perspective provided by Weber (1956, 1958), and Berger and Luckmann (1963. 196?), we would expect encounters with death and its symbols to legitimated by religious representations. To put it dif ferently, in traditional societies, and to some extent, in varying degrees, in nontraditional societies, the sacred cos mos "determines directly the entire socialization of the in dividual and is relevant for total individual biography" (Luckmann, 1967(61). Death and related themes therefore, do not exiBt in vacuum, they cannot be studied in isolation, they cannot be separated from the belief systems, socially accepted meanings, mythologies prevailing in a society, (This seems to be true even in the postindustrial Western society to some extent, as is acutely reflected in the debate surrounding the definitions of death. The whole issue obviously, touches very deeply held convictions, values, emotions concerning the Sanc tity and Quality of Human Life in the Judaeo-Christian tradi tions and hence the ambivalence to accepting "irreversible brain coma" as a substantive demarcation of the end of life.) Symbolic universes, the sacred cosmos shape not only the everyday life worlds of individuals, but also the worlds ex perienced aB transcending everyday life. Death symbols, at tributions of causality regarding death, attitudes toward death, and the requirements for individual conduct upon the death of others, all are intimately interwoven with religious beliefs prevailing in a culture. Although religious beliefs are variable death is a constant for human life. For the 114 survivors it involves aI o b s , a void, emptiness, and inevitable suffering. To be endured and accepted suffering must be given meaning. Meanings are variable, but loss, and void are constants. The Individual Soul and its Nature Are there any unifying symbols in the constancy of the death experience for human societies? The results of the present study lead us to believe that there may be two uni versale in death symbolismi 1- a belief in the immortality of the soul, and 2- a belief in the "existence” of a se parate "land of the dead". Although the nature of "immorta lity" and the predicted quality of life in the land of the dead show a great deal of variation depending on the socio cultural circumstances and religious beliefs, that they might be universal symbols is evidenced by the fact that on over 90# of the societies in this preindustrial worldwide sample, these two beliefs were observed to exist by independent ob- * servers (ethnographers) and coders. This finding is corrobo rated by the results of a number of early studies. Murdock (1945) found soul notions to be one of the common denomina tors of culture.. Cohen (1968) who has done a number of ho- locultural studies also observed the universal existence of * soul concepts (1968i407). Universal phenomena cannot be explained within the con fines of a cross-cultural survey. As is well known to scientists, constants cannot be explained in terms of variables. Naroll makes this very explicit in his 1970 article, "What Have We Learned Prom Cross-Cultu ral Surveys?". The holocultural method, he points out, "is a method for generalizing widely about variables. Traits that are universal among human beings insofar as they are universal cannot be effectively studied by cross-cultural surveys..." (p.1228). To explain the existence of a universal belief in an entity transcending the material, corporeal being of individuals in human societies, and its relationship to our other affairs, we would have to study species which lack such a concept (as we do for instance, in the case of language). The cross-cultural survey then does not lend itself to such generalizations! the variables in the study cannot account for the existence of a constant in human cultures. As anthropolo gists interested in common causes for common denominators in the human cultures however, this fact has not prevented us from speculating about such matters. The diverse and inte resting theories.put forth by diverse individuals (anthropo logists and otherwise) to explain, the universal incest taboo is a case in point. The search for an explanation of the universality of soul, perhaps can begin with the universal human capacity for symbo lism, the quantum leap that "elevated" the human Bpecies from the level of protoculture. Benefiting primarily from the in sights of Hallowell (1955) and the anthropologically-minded philosopher Cassirer (19^)» we can say that between the re ceptor and effector systems which are found in all nonhuman 116 animals, in the human animal there is a third link which we may describe as the symbolic system. This new acquisition transforms the whole of human lifet "..man lives" says Cassirer, "not only in a broader reality* he lives so to speak in a new dimension of reality... No longer in a merely physical universe, man lives in a symbolic uni verse" (1944i24-25). According to Hallowell (1955)» another distinguishing feature of human adjustment compared to that of other animals, is self-awareness, the fact that the human being has learned "to discrim inate him self as an object in a world of objects other than himself" (p. 75)• Furthermore, points out Hallo- w ell, through symbolic means humans can express the notions that create this polarity between the self and the world per ceived as other than the self. The soul(s) in its (their) manifest forms can perhaps be seen as a symbol for the self, as a symbol for the awareness or consciousness of "beingness" and is simply an extension of a primary expression of the ca pacity for symbolization. In* other words, the soul is man's symbol for man. There may yet be another facet of the omnipresent soul concept. Humans are quite aware of their limitations as bio logical organisms which have a definite beginning and an end. Yet there is the notion that at least one part or some aspect of a being so complex, so intelligent, will not totally cease after death even though reason and knowledge say that it must. "All men" says Peter Berger, "struggle against powerful odds 117 to define for themselves a constantly threatened and therefore all the more precious identity within that brief span of time that is their own. (19631I6O). Greek and Roman history abound with members of the royal fa mily who wanted to become gods and goddesses in life or after death (50). Achieving sainthood in Christianity might be a more recent counterpart of the Greek and Roman traditions. Composerst musicians, painters 1 actors, all artists who achieve some renown leave their works for posterity. Even among the scientific establishment of our day there is a counterpart to this. The idiom "publish or perish" might have implications beyond a professional death; "it can be ta ken to imply that scientists are doomed to oblivion here and forever if they fo not publish. To go back to my original point, the soul construct, conceptions of its afterlife might be seen as compensations and "assurances" in immortality for the finitude of beingness. Not everyone can create works of 1 art, do research to publish its results, achieve sainthood or godhood; but everyone can possess a "vital essence" that can not be explained away by material qualities, nor ended when they end. The higher level of consciousness which we attri bute to the human rather than to other animal species seems to demand this and thrives on it. The Bhagavat-Gita assures us thus 1 118 Just as the dweller in this body passes through childhood, youth and oldage, so at death he merely passes into another kind of body. The wise are not deceived by that... Bodies are said to dief but that which possesses the body is eternal. It cannot be limited or destroyed. (Cited in Johnson, 1971156). A good part of late 19th and early 20th century anthro pology was devoted to describing, analyzing soul concepts, af terlife concerns among "primitive'* peoples (Tylor, 18711 Lub bock, 1902i Marett, 1909l Frazer, 1933_1936j L^vy-Bruhl, 1928). In fact, as is well known to the anthropological community, for Tylor (I87I), animism, "the belief in Spiritual Beings" as he put it, was the "minimum definition of religion". His con ception centered on the idea that spiritual beings are the projections of the human ones. "The doctrine of lower races," he said, "fully justifies us in classing their spiritual beings in general as similar in nature to the souls of men" (19201 1 10 , orig. I87I). Today anthropologists in general have a more pragmatic, problem-oriented approach. Such concepts are no longer in 11 vogue, nor for the large part are they considered respectable matters for scientific study (51)- Since L^vy-Bruhl's The * Soul* of the Primitive (1928), few anthropologists have dealt with conceptions of soul. L^vy-Bruhl's work in fact, was an attempt to describe and analyze Miat he dubbed "the prelogical mentality" of the "primitives" through the applica tion of his theory of participation to "primitive" conceptions of human personality. The underlying theme of the book is that to the primitive the "physical principle of life is at the 119 same time a mystic principle" (p. 1^9) and that these two aspects are inseparable. This is a reference to his * law or theory of participation, or mystical participation, which is a special kind of identification found in "primitive" cultures between the perceiver and the object perceivedi per sons and things in primitive thought form part of one another to the point even of identity. A man participates in his so cial group, in his name, in his totem animal, in his shadow, to give a few examples, in such a way that his mentality may be said to be formed by these many mystical links. In the collective representations (5 2) of the "primitive" all ob jects are ranged and his own personality "is but one such beings or objects" (1928*15)• Nor according to L^vy-Bruhl is there any evidence that he "is conscious that he apprehends himself as anything different from "objects" not himself (1928il6), In effect, L^vy-Bruhl does away with a concept of individual soul analogous to the one in Western cultures among the "primitives"1 "According to the collective representations of communities like ours, that which departs is the 'soul', a purely spiri tual essence which has nothing in common with matter. The primitive, on the contrary, has no idea of anything corres ponding with our conceptions of pure spirit or of an exclu sively material body. To him therefore, when a man dies, it is not the separation of a 'soul' from a body." (1928*232-33). If we are to believe the independent observations of many different ethnographers of different cultural backgrounds, L^vy-Bruhl's conception of the soul among the "primitives" » is proven to be quite wrong as I have already shown. However, 120 towards the end of his life he, too, revised his position. The Notebooks on Prim itive M entality make this amply clear (L^vy-Bruhl, 1975)* The following statement from The Notebooks is revealing in this regard* "...I used to say that primitive men do not perceive anything as we do, I should rather have said* do not perceive anything entirely as we do...(1975*188), Among a number of cultures, each individual is thought to have not a single, but a plurality of spiritual natures or souls. Soul plurality is not found among hunter-gatherers and pastoralists. Rather it is prevalent among medium sized com munities, sedentary communities who have a medium degree of dependence (b6tf-65$) on agriculture and who practice shifting cultivation or horticulture rather than intensive cultivation. Yet among some of the societies in this very group, notions of soul singularity can also be found. Thus the above so ciocultural conditions seem to be necessary, but not suffi cient conditions for determining soul plurality. I will deal with the reasons for their presence later on. For now, I will confine myself to understanding why nonsedentary peoples such as hunter-gatherers and pastoralists do not have such beliefb. Soul plurality notions are usually accompanied with the belief that one or more of the souls separate during one's lifetime (as they also do after death) during dreams, in sickness, and other specified times. The general corollary is that in order for the individual to stay intact, integrated, and be in full health, the separated souls must somehow unite or death will be Imminent. For a sedentary people whose movements over the terrain are determined by factors external to the individual and to some extent randomly (e.g. "whims and caprices" of nature)* soul plurality notions and the complex accompanying it* would put an unnecessary burden* an uncalled for factor when a decision to move the camp has to be made. That hunter-gatherers and paBtoralists want as little interference from "souls", and "spirits" is consistent with two other findings of this study which show thatt 1- these groups are not as likely to have beliefs in reincarnation as the cultivators do (table 39)» 2- nor are they likely to have altered states of consciousness explained as being due to possession by spirits (table 18) (53)* There is also a positive correlation between the existence of be liefs in soul plurality and the existence of trance states emically interpreted as being due to possession by spiritst where one is found, the other is also likely to occur. Fur ther verification of this explanation awaits the determina tion of whether in fact among,nonsedentary peoples the con cept of the singular soul leaving the body is also absent. In an article on Ute Indian therapy Opler. (1959) provides us with some facts and insights that are consistent with the above explanations. Health and well-being are sig nificant concerns in all culturesj but the Ute add to these "the absolute necessity for maintaining mobility in essen tial seasonal movements consistent with their hunting- ♦ gathering way of life and seasonal circuits of small family 122 groupings" (Opler, 1959*98). In the words of a Southern Ute shaman, the Indian doctor or -porat cures people who are "the very ones who would slow down camp movements with their sickness, or in time, cause family quarrels" (Opler, 1959il01). Opler further relates how the mourning customs of the Utes are consonant with all this. At death, family camps are moved and the relatives take care al ways to avoid that specific locality in the future. They cut their hair and wear old, worn out clothing and make themselves dull and unrecognizable. The fear is fear of the dead. The hope is that the deceased relative will not recognize his kin, or if he does, "he sees them in circumstances so dull and un eventful , he will prefer to leave them alone forever more" (Opler, 1959i109). Illness which may or may not be attributed to interference from spirits, and other threats to mobility disturb the delicate economic balance in hunting-gathering and pastoralist Bystems. The mediating mechanisms in soul singu larity among these nomadic peoples, it seems to me, is also the < health and vigor of the group. . The more the souls, the more the room for trouble, the more the factors affecting individual well-being and ultimately group life. In cultural systems, as in scientific ones, the principles of parsimony and optimiza tion maybe significant factors in the organization of culture, particularly in those vital realms of life where the continuity of the group is at stake. Soul singularity then, is a part of the nomadic way of life, because it is the optimal symbolic solution for the spiritual nature of humans, a nature which 123 apparently is a part of our heritage as Homo sapiens. The other relationships concerning soul plurality will be discussed later under the subheading "Two Configurations of Death Symbolism", Beliefs in Ancestral Spirits and Reincarnation In some societies the "soul" takes on a more specialized identity after death in the form of ancestral spirits. Among all animal species, humans might be the only ones who have an awareness of the fact that each living specimen is related in terms of a common origin. In some societies, the soul, upon death, is reincorporated into the society of the living, re ceiving service, respect and commemoration from them. An cestral spirits, are thus associated with the universal fact of death, though beliefs in them are far from universali of the sixty societies in this study, 62$ were found to have such beliefs. Several concomitants of ancestral beliefs have been established in this study and will be discussed below. There has been a definitional problem endemic to the li terature on ancestral spirits. Many anthropologists have in sisted on clearcut separation of the "cult of the dead", "an cestral spirit beliefs", and "ancestor worship", arguing a particular society has one but not the other (5^)• The ten dency has been to look for a great deal of institutionalization and individualization such aB periodic rituals, sacrifices, feasts, invoking by name and/or the presence of memorial tab lets in the identification of ancestor worship, as one would 12k find, for instance, in China or Japan. I have not found the proposed distinctions useful for heuristic purposesi one cannot make such "neat" categorical discrimina tions from the available ethnographies without accepting the theoretical biases of one ethnographer as opposed to that of another. Instead I operationally defined a whole range of ancestral beliefs going from no such beliefs, culture heroes/ saints, to generalized, to individualized and institutiona lized forms of ancestral beliefs (See Appendix F) . Later I collapsed these into two categories! beliefs in ancestor spirits present versus absent. One valuable finding to emerge from this more comprehensive approach was the discovery, per haps not surprisingly, that individualized ancestors are more likely to be found among societies with unilineal descent groups, while generalized ancestors are found among societies with bilateral descent. Had I excluded unindividualized forms of ancestral beliefs from my operational definitions, I would not have come across this relationship. Another important as pect of this finding is that tfyis far in the literature, the presence of ancestor worship customs have been identified with the presence of unilineal descent groups, with the corollary that cognatic societies are not likely to have such beliefs (55)* The present study showed however, that there could be formalized, institutionalized ancestral beliefs in cognatic societies, but that the ancestors would be invoked and com memorated as a group rather than individually. To take a * functionalist stance for the moment, this custom of 125 commemorating, tending the ancestors as a group in a bilateral society makes a good deal of sense in preserving the harmony, unity, and cohesion of the groupj otherwise there might be a great deal of room for tension and conflict with regard to who is to be invoked and/or serviced on any particular occasion since the kingroup is quite large, including ego's relatives on both his mother's and his fa ther's side. i Aside from the semantic problem of what should exactly be called ancestor worship, a nagging question in the literature of ancestral spirits deals with the sociocultural determinants of ancestral beliefs. As the brief review of this literature in the first chapter shows, there is no paucity of views on this point. However, most of these represent a generaliza tion of findings from the study of single cases to all cul tures. Others who attempted comparative analysis (56), did not do it in thefsystematic manner of a holocultural project so the disarray withstood time and numerous studies (57)• My \ findings do not bring about a Categorical resolution to the prevailing diversity of opinion, but they do point to some in teresting relationships between elements of sociocultural structure and ancestral spirit beliefs. One of the most important of these findings is that mat- rilineal societies almost always have ancestral beliefs, while patrilineal and bilateral societies may or may not have them. This finding is supported by some related findingsi 1- beliefs in ancestral spirits are almost always likely to be found where there are matrilineal or patrilineal heirs to the local headman's office, but they may or may not be present where there is no headman's office or where suc cession to it iB nonhereditarys 2- in societies where adoles cent boys live apart from their natal families (with relatives, with nonrelatives or in a community with other adolescent boys) beliefs in ancestral spirits is very common. Where there is no such segregation, beliefs in ancestral spirits may or may not be found. Matrilineal succession to the headman's office and segregation of adolescent boys are significantly correlated with matrilineality. Furthermore beliefs in ancestral spirits are signifi cantly more likely to be present where there are no high gods or where the high gods are uninvolved in human morality, than where there are high gods actively involved in and concerned with human morality (58). Lack of disciplinarian high gods is also a characteristic of all matrilineal societies (see table 28). In addition, where there are beliefs in ancestral t f spirits there are also likely tp be trance states emically ex plained as being due to possession. Last, but not the least, there is a one to one correspondence between beliefs in ances tral spirits and beliefs in reincarnation! where one is found the other is also almost always present. If we now look at the sociocultural concomitants of be liefs in reincarnation, the bare outlines of a framework be gins to emerge. We find reincarnation to be significantly as sociated with the presence of horticulture, with hereditary 127 succession to the local headman's officet with mat rilineal descent, and with the practice of avunculocal or matrilocal residence. It is rarely present where there is male genital mutilation; while it may or may not be present in the absence of such practices. Matrilineal societies never have such practices, while patrilineal societies may or may not have them (table 46). Disciplinarian high gods are also lacking where beliefs in reincarnation are present (59). It appears then that some of the identical sociocultural conditions associated with reincarnation beliefs are also associated with ancestral spirits, namelyi matrilineal descent, hereditary succession to the local headman's office, and lack of disciplinarian high gods. In addition, there are some cultural circumstances which influence one, but not the other. For instance, the practice of segregating the adolescent boys and presence of trance states attributed to spirit possession are correlated with beliefs in ancestral spirits, but not with reincarnation; while matrilocal and avunculocal residence, * ' practice of horticulture, lack 'of male circumcision rites is correlated with presence of beliefs in reincarnation, but not with beliefs in ancestral spirits. We might add here another related factor in death sym bolism i the "disposition" of the ancestors to their living kin. Ancestors are thought to be punitive or rewarding depen ding on the behavior of their descendants when there is mat rilineal or patrilineal succession to the*headman's office. In societies where there is no headman's office or when 128 succession to it is nonhereditary, "ancestral behavior" may or may not be conditional on the behavior of the descendants. Ancestral spirits are also thought to behave in a manner dependent on the actions of their descen dants where there are no high gods, where high gods are un interested in human morality and when there are reincarnation beliefs. Predicted Quality of Afterlife One more domain of death symbolism remains to be dis- cuBsedi predicted quality of afterlife. Quality of afterlife is thought to be unrelated to the individuals behavior on earth in societies that are dependent on horticulture or hunting-gathering rather than on intensive cultivation. Also in matrilineal societies, in societies that have hereditary succession to the headman’s office, segregation of adolescent boys and no disciplinarian high gods, nature of afterlife is not contingent upon individual behavior on earth. Rather it is believed to be contingent on one's status on earth (usu ally that of being married, or upon having received "proper" death rites). All of the sociocultural conditions listed above are positively correlated with matrilineality. In pat rilineal and bilateral societies, on the other hand, afterlife can be conditional, uniformly positive, contingent upon sta tus, or upon "proper" death riles. A related finding shows that the degree of stratification also influences belief in * an afterlife such that societies with complex stratification 129 (which are either patrilineal or bilateral) almost always believe it to be conditional! while those with no stratification or with dual-elite stratification (both of which are constituted primarily of matrilineal societies), almost never believe it to be conditional. In a parallel fashion, low accumulation societies (hunter-gatherers) never believe in a conditional afterlife* while high accumulation societies (pastoralists and intensive cultivators) may or may not believe it to be conditional. Matrix of Relationships Among the Death Symbols and Sociocultural Conditions In summary, an examination of the interelationships between the sociocultural variables and elements of death symbolism reveal the following* 1- of the sociocultural de terminants, lack of morally concerned high gods is positively and significantly correlated with all death symbols* 2- he reditary succession to.the headman's office is correlated with * all, but notions of soul plurality* 3- matrilineal kingroups is correlated with belief in ancestral spirits, reincarnation, and an unconditional afterlife, but not with soul plurality* k- practice of horticulture is correlated with notions of plural souls, belief in reincarnation, and an unconditional afterlife, but not with ancestral spirits and their nature* 5- marital residence is correlated with belief in reincarna tion and nature of afterlife* 6- segregation of adolescent boys is correlated with belief in ancestral spirits and an 130 unconditioned afterlife* ?- possession trance is correlated with plural souls and belief in ancestral spirits* 8- the rest of the sociocultural variables are correlated each with only one death symbol. Some elements of death symbolism are intercorrelated among themselvesi 1- notions of soul plurality are found significantly more often in societies where there are beliefs in reincarnation* 2- beliefs in ancestral spirits are found significantly more often in societis where there are beliefs in reincarnation* and 3" nature of ancestral spirits are more likely to be conditionalon behavior of descendants where there are beliefs in reincarnation. A General Framework As part of a larger system of beliefs, death symbols provide individuals with a conceptual framework for thought and ac tion. Psychologists, primarily the experimental group, con sider immediate, proximate stimuli as the prime determiners of behavior and tend to overlook'or ignore general sociocul- tural structures, beliefs, norms sanctions, rituals, symbols as having any significant influence on the behavior of indi viduals. Of course, it is much simpler and efficient to con tend with immediate stimuli within the confines of purged ex perimental situationsm. Yet Sherif (1958)» has shown that even within the isolated setting of a psychological laborato ry, individuals develop standards (norms) from which their perception and behavior varies but little in repeated trials 131 of the same experiment. In a series of experiments that are now designated as classics in social psychology, he has shown that when an individual perceives autokinetic movement (60) which lacks an objective standard of compari son, he/she subjectively establishes a range of extent and a point (a standard or norm) within that range which is pecu liar to himself/herself, differing from the range and the point (standard or norm) established by the other individuals. When individuals face the same unstable, unstructured situ ation as members of a group for the first time. a range and a norm (standard) within that range are established which are peculiar to the group. When a member of the group faces the same situation subsequently alone, after once the range and norm of the group has been established, one perceives the situation in terms of the range and norm that one brings from the group situation. The ranges and norms established are not prescribed arbitrarily by the experimenter or by any other agent. They are formed in, the course of the experimen tal period and may vary from individual to individual or from group to group within certain limits. Hence it would appear that the human experience is or ganized around or modified by frames of reference participa ting as factors in any given stimulus situation. The psycho logical basis of the established Bocial norms such as tradi tions, conventions, values, beliefs, "is the formation of common frames of reference as a product -of the contact of individuals. Once such frames of reference are established 132 and incorporated in the individual, they enter as important factors to determine or modify his/her re actions to the situtions that he/she will face later... especially if the stimulus field is not well structured." (Sherif, 1958i227-228). Of course this is a very general statement. It gives us only the broad basic principle with which we can approach any tradition, value, or belief system. In each case, particular relevant factors have to be taken into consideration. Sherif's subjects were not confronted with a pressing social situation as can be found in daily life such as intense hunger, or with a common danger or threat such as an earthquake, monsoon, tornado, or a volcanic erup tion. Sherif argues that in these vital situations there is a certain "gap" (his term) that has to be filled. Until this "gap" is properly filled, the instability of the situation continues. If the norms and slogans that arise under the stress of a tense and uncertain situation demanding a solu tion do not meet the situation adequately, the instability is not removed and new normB, slogans, beliefs are likely to a- rise until the strain vanishes. With the ubiquitious, omnipresent Problems of Meaning though, there is never a complete resolution! pain, sickness, suffering, loss, timely or untimely death can-be met practi cally everyday, just around the corner. Humans are said to be the only creatures who know they are going to die. In the face of this 100# uncertainity, and the human tendency to seek for consistency within experiences and belief systems (6l), the presence of a hierarchy or a configuration of values and beliefs, organizes the life**worlds of individuals so as to impart meaning to void and instill forbearance in the basic dictum one hears over and over again in many different forms* “People die, but Life must go on". The hierarchy or configuration of values, though, will have to be rather abstract, symbolic, and/or phrased in such terms as to leave a lot of room (a wide range) for individual in terpretation. Hence, instead of being subject to constant va cillation, modification, and change, value systems, beliefs pertaining to Problems of Meaning Ncan be expected to have a relatively enduring quality, leaving instead a broad range for interpretation within any particular culture and showing an even greater divergence across cultures and peoples who have not been in contact with each other. In addition, the idiosyncracies of the sociocultural paradigm of a particular society can be expected to be consistent with the prevailing approaches to Problems of Meaning, Two Configurations of Death Symbolism Death symbols can be said to form a general framework for action -as part of a larger system of beliefs- for the short and long runs. It is true that past experiences, pre sent stimuli also influence behaviors and beliefs. Humans however, are not only slaves of their past and the immediate present, they are goal-directed, future-oriented creatures* Hence, symbols, beliefs which have a reference to the long 134 run are also significant determiners of behavior for here and now. From the vantage point of the particular symbols that I have studied, two patterns seem to emerge as they relate to certain societal characteristics. These are two distinct configurations, two rather different paradigms of organizing human life and obtaining conformity to sociocultural needs, sanctions, and institutions. On the one hand, there is a pattern analogous to the one found in the major monotheistic religions originating in the Middle East, Judaism, Christia nity, and Islam where the belief is in an afterlife condi tional on behavior on earth, a morally concerned and involved high god, and a single soul attributed to individuals. This pattern is correlated with intensive agriculture and appears to be associated primarily with the Circum-Mediterranean re gion. The second configuration, on the other hand, is made up of two conglomerations of elements interrelated in very par ticular ways. Notions of soul plurality, belief in reincar nation, morally disinterested high gods and an unconditional afterlife are intercorrelated and all are associated with horticulture. Morally disinterested high gods, belief in re incarnation, an unconditional afterlife, in ancestral spirits, and ancestors conditionally disposed toward their living kin form the second conglomerate. All the elements of this con glomerate are also intercorrelated and are associate with the matrilineal mode of tracing descent. Of the twelve matrilineal societies in this study, ten or 83#, are horticulturalists. The two elements of this configuration which are not shared by all societies in this group, namely attribution of more than one soul to indivi- duals, and belief in ancestral spirits, are linked together through this last association between horticulture and matri- lineality. This association incidentally, is not and arti fact of the present study, or an idiosyncracy of the HRAF Probability Sample (62). Compared to the geographic con finement of the first configuration, the second one is widely distributed throughout the world. However, beliefs in rein carnation are less likely to be absent in the Western He misphere (Insular Pacific and the Americas) than in the Eastern Hemisphere (Circum-Mediterranean, East Eurasia, and Africa), and the predicted quality of afterlife is less likely to be contingent on behavior on earth in the Western than in the Eastern Hemisphere. Thus all the elements of this latter configuration may or may not be found intact in any one so- ^ * ciety- as is true to some extent of the first configuration. The first paradigm concentrates power and authority with the Deityj responsibility and obligation with the single in dividual, the self. Individuals are given only one shot chance to prove themselves virtuous, worthy of the "good life" to come. The immortal spirits is doomed to eternal damnation or paradise, there is no going back for maturation, change, or to learn from one's past deeds. The spirit has to face it all, and its immortality is of prime significance. There 136 is a belief in "First Causes", the universe is seen as a unified, regulated whole and the high gods are its powerhouse. The second paradigm diffuses power and authority as well as responsibility and obligation to the ancestors, the li neage, and the community. There is no concentrated source of power or authority as a disciplinarian high god or its worldly equivalent, and the weaknesses, faults of individuals are not solely attributed to the self (ego). The community and the lineage carry part of the responsibility not only for the in dividual's weaknesses and faults, but also for his general well-being and attainment of his station in life. In many of these societies the nature of afterlife is contingent on ha ving married, having progeny (or adopting them), and having received proper death and mourning rites. All of these are, by and large, duties, obligations imposed on the society in general, rather than on the particular individual. These statements are reinforced by two .other factsi 1- there is not one ancestor in a society,'but many, A significantly high proportion of generalized ancestors are found in so cieties with bilateral descent. Virtually all matrilineal societies, on the other hand, have individualized ancestors. So whatever power and authority there is, is distributed a- mong all the lineage ancestors, instead of being concentrated in the hands of a single onej 2 - in addition, there is a general tendency to attribute more than one soul to indivi duals in these societies. Plurality of souls precludes the 137 attribution of responsibility to a single soul, a single self or ego. Ancestors are there to insure some general conformity to the life cycle and regeneration, but they are not omnipotent. Consistent with the diffusion of power, authority, responsibility, and obligation, indivi duals are not given one life to live, but a succession of such lives, and death is but the beginning of a new cycle which ends in rebirth. Under this paradigm, it would seem that there would be room for continuous growth and change (63). However, not all the societies believe that the soul will mature in future incarnations, or at least conceptions of such maturation were not discernable from all the ethnog raphies. Rather reincarnation of the soul as a member of the same community appears to be the primary consideration. If we can somehow imagine a rotating trajectory that goes from obligation and responsibility to power and authority, indi viduals can be seen taking their turns in this succession vis-a-vis the death-rebirth cycle. For a while, they have to share in the responsibility and obligations of the community, then as proper ancestors they earn limited sources of power and authority. This sense of limitation is important, for there is no hierarchy of ancestors, no struggle for power a- mong the ancestors under this paradign. Ancestors, afterall, are lineage ancestors, and their prime concern is with their lineage rather than with the totality of the community. In this second paradigm, immortality is taken as a ca sual given, rather than receiving heavy emphasis since the 138 individual will become an ancestral spirit after death given that the community provjides the necessary mate, children (biological or adopted), and ’’proper" death rites. Life is constantly recycled and all individual souls are reborn as members of the same community, but with a different station in life. This Recurrence and cyclicality impresses on us the notion that in the societies which fall under this second paradigm, creationn and destruction can not be seen as utterly distinct things, but as extensions of one another or as different aspects of "being". The first configuration can be conceived of as a concom- itant of concentrated sources of polwer as would be the case in a patrilineal, patrilocal societies with some degree of stratification where the primary mole of subsistence is inten sive cultivation. Indeed, of the 21 patrilineal societies in t- this sample, 19 (91#) are patrilocal*67# have some degree of stratification* and about **3# practji.ce intensive cultivation. In these societies descent affiliation is transmitted through males and it is also the males who 3xercise authority in kin- groups (Ember and Ember, 1977*311). Consequently in patrili- neal systems, the lines of descent and authority converge. This convergence is instrumental in concentrating power and authority and since it is the males upon whom the convergence occurs, power is also concentrated in their hands. Unlike Swanson (i960) who attributed presence of monotheistic beliefs to the number of sovereign groups prevailing in a society, I use concentration of power in the hands of particular 139 patrilineages as the variable mediating between the elements of my first configuration. Under this paradigm then, the concentration of societal authority is projected into the conception of monotheistic gods as the powerhouse for the cosmos. This is corroborated by a different kind of e- videncei in the great traditions of religion originating in the Middle East, the Deity is implicitly or explicitly con ceived of as male, the gender forms "His" and "Him" frequently used to refer to God. This is most evident in the Christian and particularly the Catholic tradition where the image of God is as "the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost". From the perspective of the present study, we find that a signi ficantly high number of patrilineal societies have discipli narian high gods compared to matrilineal and bilateral so cieties (table 28), Furthermore, the nature of afterlife in patrilineal societies is significantly more likely to be con ditional on individual behavior compared to matrilineal and patrilineal societies (table $3).* Hence high gods have the power and authority they need to be disciplinarian, and the individual has the "proper" sanctions internalized by being made the only agent responsible for his or her actions. Although societies with matrilineal descent seem in many respects like mirror images of their patrilineal counterparts, there sure significant ways in which they differ. One of the differences has to do with the fact that while lines of descent pass through the females, females rarely exercise authority in their kingroups - usually males do. 140 Schlegel (1972i59), in a holocultural study on 66 matrilineal societies, found that in 45# of them the husband was the dominant authority! in 33# the brother was the dominant authority; while in 22# neither the husband nor the brother was dominant (i.e. authority was shared equally between them); and in no case were the wives or sisters ever the dominant authorities. Thus unlike the patrilineal sys tems, the lines of authority and descent do not converge in matrilineal systems. This divergence of authority and descent has some effect upon community organization and marriage with in the community. Generally the daughters stay at home after marriage and bring their husbands to live with them; sons leave home to join their wives. Hence, there is a tendency for men to be alienated from their local lineage centers, the men of a community owing allegiance not primarily to each other, but to their absent kin (Wolfe, 1969). These factors lead to the diffusion of power and authority in the society accompanied by the diffusion of responsibility and obligation. t These in turn, are projected into the diffusion of power among the lineage ancestors. This might explain a recurrent comment on ancestors in the literaturej ancestors aire said to be concerned only with the morality in their kingroups, rather than with some generail morality in society (Fortes, 1976tl3). In matrilineal systems a woman with her brothers makes up a social unit and descent is traced through the femaile. Kinship, then, is perpetuated from one generation to another by being biologically or sociologically related with a female. The sister's children accordingly, will be in the matriliny, while the brother's children will not. Beliefs in reincarnation, the return of a soul in consecutive bodies, and beliefs in ancestral spirits are found in a sig nificantly high proportion of matrilineal societies. Prom one perspective, reincarnation implies the rebirth of ances tral spirits of a society. Procreation therefore is a sine qua non for reincarnation to take placej without procreation there can be no reincarnation. Hence in matrilineal so cieties, most of which practice horticulture, the reproduc tive functions of females take on a significance beyond day- to-day, temporal concerns since it would be in the self in terest of every individual to sustain and nourish the femi nine function of child bearing so as to enter the regenera tive cycle. Not only is woman the main procreating agent, she is also the link between the ancestors, the present, and the future generations. When traditional Hopi (64) women % are asked '"Who are more important women or men? 'a common reply is 'we are because we are the mothers' " (Schlegel, 1977*245). Systems of belief involving reincarnation stress to religious proportions the continuity and cyclicity of life and women are intimately identified with these themes* they are the locus for the means by which human survival trans cends itself. In fact, among matrilineal societies, the birth of daughters is a most welcome occurence. Richards (1939) for 142 example, reports that among the Bemba, a matrilineal society with ancestral spirits and reincarnation beliefs, "...the birth of daughters is a cause for rejoicing while the. birth of a son presages only the loss of a man from his. father's control. The Bemba say, 'to have a son is to throw away the Beed*..but to have daughters is to set up a local group' " (p.113). From a this worldly perspective too, then, the value of women in matrilineal societies is inestimable. Ancestor spirit and rebirth beliefs sanctify and convention alize the value accorded women. In her restudy of Trobriand Islanders, also a matrili neal society with ancestral spirits and reincarnation beliefs, Weiner (1976) presents a parallel but an even more comprehen sive formulation. She notes that among Trobrianders all manner of human resources and energy is turned to shaping and transforming nature. And the basic premise on which this effort is sustained is the regeneration of human beings. Therefore, she says, "...an understanding of matrilineality f * requires that we see matrilineality not in the context of descent, but in terms of the value that a society places on the regenerative processes of human life." (p.231 ). Perhaps the reason why creation and destruction cannot « % be seen as utterly distinct things under this second configu ration is the emphasis on regenesis and the sanctification of the procreative powers of females. Both of these serve the same purpose by guaranteeing the perpetuation of the so ciety into the future. 143 Given this as one of the religiously sanctioned, primary goals of society, it would be difficult to see how it could be realized through the concentration of power and authority. Such a goal can only be furthered by the mu tual decisions of private individuals, Lineage ancestors are are there to insure some overall conformityj for are they not the ones who would punish their descendants with a bad harvest or sickness or some other misfortune for ritual neglect? And how can they receive the sacrifices, offerings, feasts they demand without the "proper" descendants to perform these rites for them? (65). It is interesting to compare the nature of afterlife with the nature of ancestors in these matrilineal, horticul tural societies. It can be said that here ancestors are the disciplinarians par excellence, whereas expected afterlife (temporary though it may be) is lenient, cushioned, soft. Furthermore matrilineal, horticultural societies either have no high gods, or when present they are not interested in hu man morality. So it is the ancestors that are concerned with individual morality. Neither the high gods, nor the expec ted quality of afterlife has anything to do with human beha vior on earth. ' In the case of afterlife, the responsibility is delegated to the survivors, descendants, and the communi ty at large 1 they are the ones who have to marry the indivi dual off (66) and to perform the "proper" funeral, burial, and mourning rituals for the deceased. -Thus as we have seen earlier, as far as the quality of afterlife is concerned, 144 responsibility is collective rather than individual. It can be argued that one reason why individual behavior is not expected to be rewarded or punished in the afterlife is because in matrilineal, horticultural societies, the most im portant of all behaviors is to have married -to have progeny- and to have made a "successful" journey to the realm of spi rits as insured by the death rites. The one, having progeny, guarantees the continuation of the societyi the other, "pro per" death rites, insures that the spirit will be reborn in a body, as a member of that very same society. Both of these in fact, serve the same endt perpetuation of the society into the future from the limited number of individual souls who belong to it. All other behaviors of individuals are secon dary to this and can be controlled and guided by the sanc tions of the ancestors. The beliefs in ancestral spirits a- long with beliefs in reincarnation, then, make individuals conform not only to to the reproductive cycle, but also to other norms prevailing in the society. Limitations of the Sample and the Great and Little Traditions A word is in order here with regard to the limitations of the present findings and analyses due to the sample uni verse. In the methodology section, I noted that the HRAF Probability Sample was selected in a stratified random fash ion from the total ethnographic universe of preindustrial cu cultures. The results of this study and the prevailing interpretations* therefore can only be generalized to the universe of preindustrial cultures. Hence* the two proposed configurations of death symbolism, one more a product of the Eastern Hemisphere, and the other a more widely distributed pattern, can not be expected to occur in their pristine forms in the industrializing Third World Countries, nor in their postindustrial Western counterparts. There is one caveati the first configuration consisting of morally concerned high gods, an afterlife whose quality de pends on individual behavior on earth, possession of a single soul by each individual, which accompany a pattern of inten sive cultivation and patrilineality can be seen to be a pa- rochialization of the Creat Religious Traditions of the Middle East - both the Judaeo-Christian and the Islamic complexes. This configuration was also a part of the Western tradition, at least up until the Protestant Reformation, and is still a part of the Islamic belief system. The second configuration, on the other hand, with its lack of high gods (or morally disinterested high gods), rein carnation and ancestral beliefs can be seen as the parochia- lization of the Great Religious Traditions of East Asia such as Hinduism and' Buddhism. The similar configuration is also found in partB of the Insular Pacific (Truk and Trobriands), North America (Iroquois, Tlingit, Hopi), South America (Bo- roro, Saramacca) and Africa (Ashanti, Bemba). In both instances the term parochiaiization should be taken with some caution, since, in this study, diffusion 146 could not account for the interrelationships within these configurations. Directions for Future Research One of the shortcomings of the present research is the relatively small sample size on which the interpretations are based. This shortcoming became more pronounced due to missing data. The remaining cell frequencies were so small as to leave no room for determining antecedent variables by controlling for third variables. As soon as the HRAF Proba bility Sample is doubled in size to 120 (67)1 such causal analyes can be attempted. It would be particularly important to determine the exact nature of the relationship among in tensity of agriculture, kingroups, succession to the head man's office, high gods, marital residence, segregation of adolescent boys, and in turn their relation to the specific death symbols investigated here. An understanding of these interrelations will aid in the validation (or invalidation) and clarification of the two configurations of death sym bolism proposed here. The precise association between the intensity of agriculture (especially horticulture) and kin groups (especially matrilineality), for instance, remains to be demonstrated. Anthropologists like Harris (1975)» Divale (1974), and Lancaster (1976) argue that there is only an incidental association between horticulture and matrili neality and that there is no cause-effect relationship in- * volved. Others such as Aberle (1961), Schlegel (1972), 147 Friedl (1975)f argue that the relationship is a real and significant one. No one seems to have performed the critical tests to bring about an end to the confusion. A clarification of this important link would help answer questions such as "Why is soul plurality associated with hor ticulture! lack of disciplinarian high gods, possession trance, and reincarnation, but not with matrilineality, he reditary succession to the headman's office, and belief in ancestral spirits?" "Why are beliefs in ancestral spirits associated with matrilineality, hereditary succession to the headman's office, reincarnation, lack of disciplinarian high gods, possession trance, but not with horticulture?" "What are the mediating sociocultural factors between kingroups, horticulture, demography, and ecology?" Answers to these questions would be of great aid in the formulation of a more precise framework for the study of death symbolism. Questions of a different nature can also be asked of this larger sample. Does, for instance, the proposed configuration of death symbolism in matrilineal societies hold for the larger sample? What place do bilateral societies occupy within these two configurations? Do they present a framework composed of elements found in both configurations or do they have an idiosyncratic paradigm all their own? Is the belief in an afterlife whose quality depends on individual behavior on earth, a uniquely Middle Eastern phenomenon, stemming from the Great Monotheistic Traditions of the. region or can it be found elsewhere in the world? If so, is it always associated 148 with morally involved high gods? Are both of these projections of the social world into the world trans cending everyday social life, i.e. do they reflect con centrated sources of power and authority in the society? In this study I proposed that death symbolism is not a domain removed from the everyday life-worlds of individuals, but has decisive implications for their behavior. Drawing my strength primarily from Weber and Luckmann, and using Sherif to buttress their views, I have unashamedly argued that beliefs can and do influence behavior. A person who believes in reincarnation may react to life events in a fashion that iB quite distinct from another person who believes in good deeds, good works as the only road to an eternal Paradise. And both of these persons may behave in ways that are signi ficantly different from a third individual who believes in Grace and/or in Being Chosen. It has not been my purpose here to show how this actually occurs. In order to establish the congruence between these beliefB (death symbols) and be haviors, one could look into certain selected behaviors per taining to death (or otherwise - as Weber has shown) and show how these differ within the two configurations. Another area of study could 'be the relation between attitudes toward death and the death symbols considered here. Do peoples who believe in reincarnation have different death attitudes than those who believe that death is the end of corporeal existence? Is fear of death - for self and others - greater in the latter case? Are there different preparations for the body of the 149 deceased in each instance? Are there significant differences between funeral, burial ceremonies in each instance? Are there greater restrictions, taboos on indivi duals in mourning when there is belief in a conditional af terlife and a disciplinarian high god than when there are beliefs in ancestral spirits and reincarnation? There are some related topics which I have not pursued here, but which would be important and interesting contribu tions to the growing literature on death and dying. I will simply list theBe herei 1- the relationship among witchcraft accusations, death taboos, and death symbols; 2- attitudes toward death and dying as they relate to the two configura tions proposed here; and 3- the interrelationship between attitudes toward death, the attributions of causality con cerning death and death symbols. SUMMARY It has been my purpose here to bring back to life the concern with death and dying in Western society and to revi talize topics that have been for the most part abandoned in anthropology since the early 20th century. The components of death symbolism investigated here have become, by and large "foreign elements" to a postindustrial Western society whose main pursuit is productivity, efficiency, and profit through technology and rationality. Anthropologists, as a part of this larger world have begun concentrating on problems of im mediate, practical, concrete significance. Phenomena concern ing the symbolic and ending worlds have been relegated to "not top priority" by the academic and granting establish ments. It does not seem very likely, however that a discip- line which distinguishes itself from other sister discip lines by labeling itself "holistic" can maintain its identity indefinitely without incorporating these vital themes into its lifeline. In harmony with a persistent emphasis in anthropo logy, my approach has been a comparative onei I have studied death symbolism from the perspective of a stratified random sample of sixty preindustrial world cultures. 150 151 Five components of death symbolism included in this study, namely, soul concepts, ancestral spirits, their nature, beliefs in reincarnation and the predicted quality of afterlife, were related to other sociocultural conditions as these were coded in the Ethnographic Atlas (1967) for the sixty cultures in the sample. Weber's and Luckraann's basic orientation which put forth religion and views of the sacred cosmos as cultural events of independent causal significance provided the basic framework. Death symbols, I have argued, originate from the realm of these transcendental world views and hence constitute part of ^ a larger system of beliefs. As such, they must have signi ficant implications for human behavior. From an analysis of the interrelations between the death symbols and sociocultural phenomena, two configurations of death symbolism emerged. One consistod of a belief in a con ditional afterlife, disciplinarian high gods, and a single * soul attributed to individuals. This was found to be asso- ciated with patrilineality, intensive cultivation and some degree of stratification. The second paradigm consisted of a belief in an unconditional afterlife, ancestral spirits conditionally disposed toward their living kin, reincarnation, and more than one soul attributed to individuals. I sug gested that the first paradigm was a reflection of concen trated sources of power and authority in society, and placed all responsibility and obligation with t.he individual; while the second one reflected a diffusion of power and authority as well as responsibility and obligation to the society at large. The transcendent emphases in the first instance are the high gods and authority figures as the powerhouse of the universe and society respectively! while the transcendent emphases in the second instance are the rep roductive powers of the females and the delegation of respon sibility to the community at large. Beliefs in reincarnation and ancestral spirits reify and sanctify the position of wo men, providing a sacred legitimation of the secular fact that kinship is traced through the femaleB - although they are not the ones with the supreme authority in the society. Death symbolism refers not only to a transcendent sym bolic world, but also to the world of everyday lifei it re lates everyday experiences to a transcendent "reality". and transcendent "reality" to the flux of everyday experience! it mediates between these two realms to produce ultimate systems of meaning. Individuals are free to pick and choose from the very general framework provided by these sacred world views and to interpret them in a manner consistent with their cognitive, and behavioral makeup (68). Death sym bolism therefore, is not a domain removed from everyday li ving! it is intricately interwoven with it. Human conduct can to some extent be controlled by supranatural sanctions stemming from the domain of religious (death) symbolism. But death itself too, is a part and parcel of life, it cannot be ignored or deniedi its workings are intimately inter connected with the workings of the rest of society# As part of a universal, social, and cosmic order, humans have little choice but to live as it is their nature to livei by willingly encompassing the symbols and reality of death. NOTES Preface 1. V. C. Fuchs, 1974-, and R. Fulton, 1972, for example, point out that between 1/2 to 2/3 of all people who die every year in the U. S. die either in a hospital or a retirement home. 2. From among the many authors who argue this viewpoint, here is a small selection) S. Day, 1972; H. Feifel, 19631 L. Israel, 1978I E. Ktabler-Ross, 1970i G. M. Vernon, 1970. 3. See E. Kvabler-Ross, 1970, for the postulated stages people go through in the process of dying in American society. 4. M. Douglas, 1966, p. 209* The Paradigm and the Hypotheses to be Tested 5 . B. W. Tuchman, 1978, p. 103. 6. I£ii. 7. I3M. 8. 1 W . 9. Ibid., p. 5 06. 10. Ibid., p. 587 11. This can be particularly said to be true of the pre industrial societies, the major focus of 12. Seet K. Marx, 1974, P* xviii-xix. 13. The Whitings original diagram (1976) has been simpli fied here. 14. T. Parsons, 195^1 P* 207. 15. See 1 T. Parsons, 1954, and P. Berger and T. Luckmann, 1963. 16. The following analysis is based largely on Luckmann, 1967. 1 7. ibid.. p. 46. 18. M. Fortes, 1974. Methodology, 19> Human Relations Area Files, otherwise known as HRAF, is a corporation based in New Haven, Connecticut, which processes ethnographic information, compiling data on all societies. It ♦.makes these data bases available to all its member institutions as HRAF Paper Files or HRAF Micro Files (a 4" by 6" version of the HRAF Paper Files). The Ohio State University has the micro fiche version which is located in the Special Materials sec tion of the Main Library. 20. For a detailed description of the sampling process seei HRAF, 19671"The HRAF Quality Control Sample Universe."Behavior Science Notes 2(2)»8l-88. 21. R. 0, Lagace, Ed., 1977* Sixty Culturest A Guide to the HRAF Probability Sample Files. Part A. New Haven, Connecticut 1 HRAF Inc., p . vi. (Hereafter cited as Sixty Cultures). 22. On this point see, for examplet C. R. Ember and M. Ember, 1977• Anthropology. 2nd Ed., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey1 Prentice-Hall In 23. See 1 R. Naroll, G. Michik, and F. Naroll, 1976, World wide Theory Testing. New Haven, Connecticut, HRAF Inc., p . 43. 24. The linked pair test has been discussed in the following two articles 1 R. Naroll, 1964, »a Fifth Solution to the Gal- ton"s Problem," American Anthropologist 661863-8671 and R. Wirsing, 1975i "Second Order Partials aB a Means to Control Diffusion," Behavior Science Research 101143-159. 2 5. G. P. Murdock and D. R. White, 1 969, "Standard Cross- 156 Cultural Sample," Ethnology 81329-3 6 9, 26. C. Loftin and R. H. Hill, 1974, "A Comparison of Align ment Procedures for Tests of Galton's Problem," in J. J. Schaefer, Ed., Studies in Cultural PiffUBlom Galton's Problem. New HaveniHRAFlex Books, W6-002123-610. 2 7. Although these terms have been borrowed from multivariate analysis, the writer wants to make it clear that Bhe is using them for efficiency and clarity of expression, rather than for the goodness of fit between their meaning in simultaneous equations and here. 28. Seet G, E. Swanson, i960, The Birth of the Gods. Ann Arbort University of Michigan Press, pp. 97-121. 2 9. The originally coded data were published in G, P. Murdock, 1967» Ethnographic Atlas. Pittsburgh1 University of Pittsburgh Press. E. Bourguignon and L. Greenbaum, 1973, summarized and consolidated these original codes and transformed them from alphameric to numeric in Diversity and Homogeneity in World Societies. New Havem HRAF Press. 30. See, for example 1 Naroll, et al., Worldwide Theory Testing, p. 10. 31. Many thanks to Jeanne Peebles for the thorough and conscientious job she did in this painstaking coding process. 32. Naroll,et al., Worldwide Theory Testing, p. 4 5 . Results 33* All the sources available in the HRAF files were scru tinized for all the endogenous.variables under study. The specific sources used for thes^ four societies and for all the other societies mentioned throughout the dissertation are listed under the Ethnographic Bibliography. 34. For the variety of social scientific definitions of identity found in the literature see R. H. Robbins, 1973* 35* Cited in Hallowell, 1955. P* 77. 3 6. This quotation and the information preceding it have been taken from I. Goldman, 1979 (orig. 1963), pp. 259-260. 37. The data concerning the Toradja conception of soul iB from Downs, 1956, p. 34. 3 8 . It is possible for a society to be highly dependent on agriculture and not practice intensive cultivation as is the 157 case among Garo, Twi, and Bemba. On the other hand, a soc iety may not be highly dependent on agriculture, but still practice intensive cultivation, for example, the Lozi, the Ifugao, and- the Koreans. 39. The codes for altered stateB of consciousness have been borrowed from E. Bourguignon, 1968. For the purposes of the present analysis her codes were collapsed into the categories shown in Table 18, The operational definitions are given in Appendix E. *4-0. I am using the term "cultural events" interchangeably with "cultural conditions" and "cultural circumstances," both of them as substitutes for "cultural variables." I think the latter term has too narrow a focus to be appropriate or satis factory in a large cultural context. 41. Selection of this additional sampling stratum is still not completed. So far only 15 cultural unitB have been cho sen. These were reported in Behavior Science Research 14(3)* 223-225 (1979). 42. Kendall's partial rank correlation coefficient which is a nonparametric partial correlation technique, for instance, can be used in controlling for the influence of variables which have achieved at leaBt ordinal measurement. Analyses and Conclusions 43* Cited in L. W. Spitz, 1966, p. 1 . 44. "History of Science in the XlXth Century" Course Notes. Course given by Dr, J. Fullmer, Department of History, The Ohio State University, Autumn, 1975* 45. V. C. Fuchs, 1974, and R.-Fulton, 1972, for example, point out that between 1 /2 to 2 /3 of all people who die every year in the U. S. die either in a hospital or in a retirement home. 46. "One trouble with this .view," says L. Thomas, "is that it attributes to biology and medicine a much:greater store of usable information, with coherence, and connectedness, than actually exists.- In real life, the biomedical sciences have not yet reached the stage of any kind of general applicability to disease mechanisms" (1974*135)• 4?. Research has shown, for example, that in hospitals, nurses take approximately twice as long in answering the calls of ter minal patients than the callB of nonterminal ones (Dempsey, 1975)* and that doctors are extremely reluctant to let indivi duals working in the area of death and dy-ing to talk to their terminally ill patients (Kttbler-Ross, 1970). For other simi lar reports see* H. Feifel, 1959» 1963; T. J. Fleming, et al. 158 1976; C. Jackson, 1977; A. G. Killilea, 1977. and J. Kron, 197^. 48. For the medical points of view on definitions of death see for example* J. D. Arnold, et al., 1968; Harvard Medical School Ad Hoc Committee Report, 1968; A. Paton, 1971; and F. J. Veith et al., 1977a and 1977b. For the social scienti fic points of view see, for examplei R. A. Kalish, 1968; L. R. Kass, 1971; R. S. Morison, 1971* For a theological point of view seet J. W. Robb, 1978. For a review of the recent considerations of the President's Commission for the Study of Ethical Problems in Medicine, Biomedical, and Behavioral Re search on definitions of death seei Science 209(4457), 8 Aug ust 1980, pp. 669-6 7 0. 49. On this point see the sources listed under footnote 48. 50. See, for example, the revealing historical novels by R. Graves, I. Claudius and Claudius, the God for some Roman instances. 51. Three exceptions arei Swanson, I960; Bourguignon, 1968j and Cohen, 1968. 52. Collective representations can be substituted for terms such as "tribal concept," "group mind" according to the trans lator of Lfcvy-Bruhl's work. 53. On this last point see also* Bourguignon, 1968, p. 47, Table Xa "Worldwide Distribution of Trance Types by Societal Characteristics* Settlement Pattern." This portion of the table shows that nomadic societies are significantly less likely to have possession trance than sedentary societies. 54. Goody, 1962; Fortes, 1965; Bphannan, 1969; and Mabuchi, 1976 are cases in point. 55* The articles in W. H. Newell's Ancestors. 1976, illustrate this point well. One exception is Mabuchi's article on ances tor worship in cognatic societies. 5 6. Examples of this comparative undertaking can be found in Tylor, 1871; McRnight, 1967; and to some extent in Fortes, 1970, 1976; Newell, 1976; and J. L. Brain, 1973* 57. On this point, see for instance, a book review of Ances tors by MacGaffey, 1979. 5 8. Unfortunately Swanson, i9 6 0, the only person to do a holocultural study on some of the similar topics, did not look into this relationship at all. See*hiB chapters on high gods and ancestral spirits, chapters III and V respec tively. 159 59. The same thing as in footnote $8 can he said here with regard to the association between high gods and beliefs in reincarnation. Swanson, i960 made no investigation of this relationship at all. 60. The autokinetic effect is produced whenever a visual stimulus object lacks a spatial frame of reference. In the absence of this background, subjects tend to see the light source (the visual stimulus) as moving although it is com pletely stationary. 61. Festinger, 1957» was the first person to come up with this theory in its present form. For a more recent review of the literature and research on the subject seei Abelson, et al., 1968. 62. Friedl, 1975» for instance, notes that "...matrilineal descent reckoning over the world is rare, but to the extent that it occurs, it is found in a higher proportion among hor ticultural ists than elsewhere" (p. 150). Schlegel, 1972, in a holocultural study on matrilineal societies notes the followingi "...it is clear that the majority of matrilineal societies are horticultural* 68# of matrilineal societies as compared to 47# of all societies in the ’World Ethnographic Sample.' Pastoralism is underrepresented among matrilineal societies - 6# compared to 14#, as is plow agriculture - 11# compared to 21#"(p. 17). She bases her statements on an ear lier study by Aberle (1961). 6 3. There is, of course, a counterpart of this in the Great Traditions of East Asia, both in Buddhism and in Hinduism. The notion of karma, which is prevalent in India, Japan, and Thailand, refers to the proportion of merit to demerit that one accumulates throughout lifp. .'In future incarnations, the individual carries the merited'.result of his behavior in past existences. 64. The Hopi are a matrilineal group practicing horticulture in Arizona. They have beliefs in reincarnation and ancestral spirits. 6 5. It is tempting to speculate whether this second configura tion evolved at a time when population growth was very slow or, more likely, when the mortality rate was extremely high. This, of course, would be quite contrary to the present situ ation in parts of Southeast Asia where the population growth rate is higher than any other region in the world. Given the original state of high mortality rates, a belief system empha sizing the most vital area of concern for men and women, i.e., regenesis, could easily become established and passed on to the future generations. This is nothing but a speculation and a reductionist one at thatj yet it is tempting to think about it* It becomes especially interesting in comparison to the ecology of the Middle Eastern monotheistic religions where food was relatively more abundant and constant threats such as monsoonsi torrential rains did not exist, and hence the mortality rate was not threateningly high. 6 6. Mate selection in most traditional societies including horticultural, matrilineal societies is not a matter for individual choice. Seei Friedl, 1975*87, 6 7. See footnote 4l under the results section. 6 8. See also E. Bott, 1972, on this point. She sayst "The ambiguity of myths and ceremonies is part of their point. It gives individuals some leeway to play with experience, to make culture their own possession" Ip. 232). APPENDIX A The HRAF Probability Sample 161 162 THE HRAF PROBABILITY SAMPLE FILES BY MAJOR WORLD AREA AND OWC CODES* OWC OWC Code* Name Code* Name AFRICA INSULAR PACIFIC FA16 Dogon AD5 Taiwan Hokkien (Atayal) FE12 Twi (Ashanti) 0A19 Ifugao FF57 Tiv 0C6 I ban FK7 Ganda 0G11 Toradja FL12 Masai CI8 Aranda FO 4 Pygmies (Mbuti) OJ29 Kapauku F07 Azande OL6 Trobriands FQ5 Bemba 0Q6 Lau FQ9 Lozi 0R19 Truk 0T11 Tikopia CIRCUM-MEDITERREANEAN NORTH AMERICA EF6 SerbB EP4 Lapps NA12 Tlingit ES10 Highland Scots ND8 Copper Eskimo MA11 Kurd NE6 Blackfoot MO*f Somali NG6 Ojibwa MP5 Amhara NM9 Iroquois MS 12 Hausa NQ18 Pawnee MS14 Kanuri NR10 Klamath MS30 Wolof NT9 Hopi MT9 Libyan Bedouin NU33 Tarahumara MW11 Shluh NV9 Tzeltal SOU Bahia Brazilians t 4 'SOUTH AMERICA EAST-EURASIA SB5 Cuna AA1 Korea SC 7 Cagaba A07 Central Thai (Siamese) SF5 Aymara AR5 Garo SH4 Ona AR7 Khasi SI 7 Mataco AW4-2 Santal SM4 Guarani (Cayua) AX4 Sinhalese SP8 Bororo AZ2 Andamans SQ18 Yanoama (Sanema) RV2 Yakut SQ19 Tucano (Cubeo) RY2 Chukchee SR8 Saramacca (Bush Negroes) ♦This.is the alphameric code given in the Outline of World Cultures (OWC) APPENDIX B Loftin-Hill Alignment for the HRAF Probability Sample This appendix provides an interdependence aligment for the linked pair solution to Galton's problem (Naroll 1970t 984-88). It was prepared on the basis of Murdock and White's (1969) culture cluster alignment, using the technique sug gested by Loftin and Hill (1974). The Bahia Brazilians were considered as overseas Portuguese and were therefore placed between the Serbs and the Highland Scots in the alignment. "OWC" is the Outline of World Cultures (Murdock 1975) code for the society. "EA" is the Ethnographic Atlas (Murdock 1967) code for the society. (Source* Naroll, Michik & Naroll, 1976). Sequence Number Name of Society OWC EA 1 Lozi FQ9 Ab3 2 Bemba FQ5 Ac3 3 Ganda FK7 Ad7 4 Mbuti (Pygmies) F04 Aa 5 5 Tiv FF57 Ah3 6 Ashanti (Twi) FE12 Af3 7 Wolof MS30 Cb2 8 Dogon FA16 Ag3 9 Hausa (Zazzagawa) MS12 Cb26 10 Kanuri MS14 Cbl9 11 Azande ^ F07 Ai3 164 Sequence Number Name of Society OWC EA 12 Masai FL12 Aj2 13 Somali M04 Ca2 14 Amhara MP5 Ca7 15 Shluh MW11 Cd5 16 Senussi(Libyan Bedouin) MT9 Cd20 17 Serbs ef6 Chi 18 Bahia Brazilians S O U Cf4 19 Highland Scots ES10 - 20 Lapps EP4 Cg4 21 Kurd MA11 Cill 22 Santal AW42 Efl 23 Garo AR5 Eil 24 Khasi AR7 Ei8 • 25 Thai (Central) (Siamese) A07 Ei9 26 Andamans AZ2 Ehl 27 Sinhalese AX4 Eh6 28 I ban 0C6 Ibl 29 Toradja QG11 Ic5 30 Aranda 018 Idl 31 Kapauku 0J29 Iel 32 Trobriands 0L6 Ig2 33 Tikopia 0T11 Ii2 34 Lau 0Q6 Ih4 35 Truk 0R19 If 2 36 Ifugao 0A19 Ia3 37 Taiwan Hokkien (Atayal) AD5 Ial 38 Korea AA1 Edl 39 Yakut RV2 Ec2 40 Chukchee RY2 Ec3 41 Copper Eskimo ND8 Na3 42 Ojibwa NG6 Nfl 43 Tlingit NA12 Nb22 44 Klamath NR10 Nc8 165 Sequence Number Name of Society OWC EA 45 Blackfoot NF6 Nel2 kS Pawnee NQ18 Nf6 47 Iroquois NM9 NglO 48 Hopi N5?9 Nhl8 49 Tarahumara NU33 Nil 50 Tzeltal NV9 Sa2 51 Cuna SB5 Sal 52 Cagaba SC 7 Sb2 53 Yanoama (Sanema) SQ18 Sd8 54 Bush Negroes (Saramacca) SR8 Se6 55 Tucano (Cubeo) SQ19 Se5 56 Aymara SF5 Sf2 57 Bororo SP8 Sil 5S Guarani (Cayua) SM4 SjlO 59 Mataco S17 Shi 60 Ona SH4 Sg3 TABLE 78 RESULTS OF DIFFUSION TESTS WITH ENDOGENOUS VARIABLES Endogenous Loftin-Hill Alignment Variables Diffusion Test Belief in Ancestral Spirits n.s. Nature of Ancestral Spirits n.s. Nature of Afterlife n.s. Nature of Individual Soul n.s. Belief in Reincarnation Tau B = 2.8 P < *05 None of the endogenous variables have diffused except belief in reincarnation. Table 79 there fore, shows only the results of diffusion tests of variables correlated with belief in reincar nation. 167 TABLE 79 RESULTS OF DIFFUSION TESTS OF VARIABLES CORRELATED WITH BELIEF IN REINCARNATION Loftin-Hill Alignment Variables Test Belief in ancestral spirits n.s. Nature of ancestral spirits n.s. Nature of individual soul n.s. High Gods Tau B e .61, p < .05 Intensity of agriculture n.s. Primary mode of subsistence n.s. Succession to headman's office n.s. Kin groups n.s. Male Mutilation Tau B = .46, p « .001 * Marital Residence n.s. Family Organization n.s. Ethnographic Region Tau B = .87* p - .0000 APPENDIX C Data Quality Control and Unit Focus Data Operational Definitions and Tests 168 169 DATA QUALITY CONTROL AND UNIT FOCUS DATA (Sourcei Naroll, Michik & Naroll, 1976) Data Quality Control Factors (DQC) General Discussion The principal investigators(s) mentioned in the direc tions for coding DQC-2 and DQC-3, below, are the person or persons cited on the title page as author or coauthors or those persons cited in the text as sharing primary responsi bility for the investigation. If a source contains secondary data but is also based on primary data, the source will only be coded for the primary fieldwork, with the possible exception of "Period of Coverage". Information on which sources contain considerable secondary data in addition to primary data can be obtained by consulting the manual, Sixty Culturesi & Guide to the HRAF Probability Sample Files (Lagace, 1977). ¥ DCQ-li Technique * Definition! The use of systematic observation techniques in the collection of data. Codes 0 no data or not applicable (secondary data) 1 primary data gathered by means other than systematic observation techniques, with no evi dence that systematic observation techniques were used. 2 primary data gathered by systematic observa tion techniques, with evidence that such techniques were employed. 170 Discussion Systematic observation techniques include anthropometry, census, mapping, genealogical method, psychological teBts, questionnaires, and cross-checking of data with multiple informants. DQC-2i Language Definitioni Familiarity of the principal investigator with the native language spoken by the members of the culture being described. Codes 0 no data or not applicable (secondary data) 1 evidence offered of a lack of knowledge of the native language on the part of the principal investigator (e.g. use of an interpreter), with no other evidence to the contrary. 2 the principal investigator claims some knowledge of the native language or had published primary linguistic material dealing with it. Discussion Primary linguistic materials include dictionaries, glos- * saries, grammars, and discussions of grammar, phonology, ^ * and the meanings of terms (other than kin terms) and phrases within the text, based on the investigator's own work. Any claim of language comprehension beyond the simplest phrases is sufficient to .code a source "2", even if an interpreter was used. A file slip heading code of "I” (Indigene) or other evidence that at least one of the principal investigators was an indigene of the culture being described is also sufficient to code "2" here. 171 • DQC-3* Stay Definitioni The length of time the principal investigator(s) spent in the field collecting data. Codes 0 no data cr not applicable (secondary data) 1 time spent in the field between one to six months. 2 time Bpent in the field between seven to sixty months. Discussion If there was more them one principal investigator, these codes were based on the sum of their individual stays. For indigenous investigators only the amount of time spent gathering data in applying this code was considered. Examples Code 1949 0 1949-1950 0 1939, 1940, 1949 0 "summer of 1937" 0 but 1949-1951- 2 (since time span of at least a year is indicated;j and January 1949- January 1950 ' 2 (since time span was at least eleven monthB, but not necessarily greater than twelve months, e.g. January 30, 1949-January 2, 1950)t also "a year" 2 (since the way the code is worded, the time spent must be definitively greater than a year to be coded "2"). 172 DQC-4i Team Stay Definition* The total length of time spent in the field by the field team. Codes 0 no data or not applicable (secondary data) 1 time spent in the field between one to six months. 2 time spent in the field between seven to sixty months. Discussion These codes Eire based on the sum of the number of months spent in the field by each member of the field team. A field team consists of all active field workers, i.e. all persons who participated in the collection of data, including field assistants or interpreters. . A team might includei anthropologist 5 months interpreter 5 months ,assistant 3 months total team stay 13 months * * In this case, the Team Stay would be coded "2". The points made under the headings "Discussion" and "Examples" in DQC-3 also apply to these codes. DQC-5i Lag Definition! The difference between the investigator's earliest field date and the beginning date of coverage, when the latter precedes the former. Codes 0 no data or not applicable (secondary data) 1 lag not greater than one year 2 lag greater than one year, but less than fifteen years 3 lag of fifteen years or more Discussion Short introductory chapters dealing with the history of a society should not be considered when applying these codes, nor should historical information based on secondary data. The points relevant to the application of the codes are whether or not memory ethnography is involved and whether or not the investigator did historical reconstruction based on primary data. If only infrequent references are made to facts based on informants' memories, while the bulk (at least 90 percent) of the material is due to current observations, do not code other than "1 ”. Folk tales and mythology Bhould not be considered as instances of memory ethnography as long as they were current in the culture at the time it was studied and are not presented as having historical content. For societies in which more than one source is used in coding the traits, break the five DQC factors into two groups and treat each group differently. The first group should con tain DQC factors 1 and 2. If the codes for factor 1 are the * same for all the sources in the society, than that will be the code for that society on DQC factor 1. If the codes are not the same for all the sources, code the society 0 (no data) on m factor 1. DQC factor 2 should be dealt with in exactly the same manner as DQC factor 1. The second group will contain DQC factors 3, 4 and 5* If the codes for DQC factor 3 are all the same use that code for the society. If the codes are not all the same, compute the average of the codes for the society on DQC factor 3 and use the average as the code for the soci ety on DQC factor 3. Zero (no data) codes should be disre garded entirely when computing these averages. For example, if three different sources are used for a society and their codes on DQC are 4, 2, and 0, then the correct average to use would be 3. DQC factors 4 and 5 should be handled in exactly the same manner as DQC factor 3 . Unit Focus Definition1 The ethnographic data covered by all the sources are based on a single community within the same time span of ten years or less. Codes 0 no data < r 1 data for the society are not focused 2 data for the society are focused The following tables show the results of tests with the control variables-DQC 1, DQC 2, DQC 3» DQC 4, DQC 5 and Unit Focus as defined earlier in this appendix. The coded data for these factors is in Appendix I along with all the other variables. Table 80 presents an overall summary in the form of an intercorrelation matrix, showing the. relationship or lack thereof between the control variables and the . 175 endogenous variables. TABLE 801 x2 Tests Between the Endogenous Variables of Death Symbolism and the Control Variables BAS NAS NAL NIS BREINC DQC 1 n.B. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. DQC 2 n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. DQC 3 n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. DQC 4 n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. n.s. DQC 5 n.s. p = . 11 n.s. p=. 12 n.s. Unit Focus n.s. n.s. n.s. p=.13 n.s. 1 Abbreviations» BAS - Belief in Ancestral Spirits NAS - Nature of Ancestral Spirits NAL - Nature of Afterlife NIS - Nature of Individual Soul BREINC - Belief in Reincarnation As can be seen from the table the control variables did not t 4 prove to be correlated with any of the endogenous variables under consideration, so such possible explanations do not provide an alternative explanation for the theoretical frame work proposed here. Of the control variables DQC5 was found to be marginally related to nature of ancestral spirits and nature of individual soul, while unit focus was only margin ally related to nature of individual soul. Since these find ings were only marginally significant, further exploration of these relationships was not deemed to be necessary, especially since the small cell frequencies ruled out con trolling for effects of third variables. Tables 81 to 110 show all the relationships between these control variables and the endogenous variables in greater detail. TABLE 81 DQC1 By Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=2? . Belief in Ancestral Spirits DQC1 Absent Present No systematic observation 1 1 Systematic observation 10 15 2 corrected x = 0 .0 , d.f. =l,p= 1.000 TABLE 821 DQC1 by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n=l^ Nature of Ancestral Spirits DQC1 Unconditional Conditional No systematic observation 0 1 Systematic observation 3 10 Fisher's exact test, p = .79 1 All the probability levels in the appendices are one tailed. TABLE 83 DQC1 by Nature of Afterlife n=27 Nature of Afterlife DQC1 Unconditional Conditional No systematic observation 1 0 Systematic observation 18 8 2 Corrected x = .01 d.f. “ 1| p 1•000 TABLE DQC1 by Nature of Individual Soul n=2? Nature of Individual Soul DQC1 Singular Plural No systematic observation 2 1 Systematic observation 15 9 2 Corrected x = 0.0, d.f. = 1, p = 1.0 TABLE 85 DQC1 by Belief in Reincarnation n=2? Belief in Reincarnation DQC1 Absent Present No systematic observation 1 1 Systematic observation 12 13 2 Corrected x =0.0, d.f. = 1, p = 1.0 1?8 TABLE 86 DQC2 by Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=30 Belief in Ancestral Spirits DQC2 Absent Present Native Language not known 2 1 Native Language known 7 20 p Corrected x ® .6 3, d.f. ® 1, p - .43 TABLE 8? DQC2 by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n=l*8 Nature of Ancestral Spirits DQC2 Unconditional Conditional Native Language not known 0 1 Native Language known 3 14 Fisher's exact teBt, p =.83 TABLE 88 DQC2 by Nature'of Afterlife n-2‘9 Nature of Afterlife DQC2 Unconditioned Conditional Native Language not known ■ 2 1 Native Language known 17 9 2 Corrected x ® 0.0, d.f. ® 1, p ® 1.000 TABLE 89 DQC2 by Nature of Individual Soul n=33 Nature of Individual Soul DQC2 Singular Plural Native Language not known 2 2 Native Language known 20 9 2 Corrected x = .0^, d.f. = 1, p = .85 TABLE 90 DQC2 by Belief in Reincarnation n=28 Belief in Reincarnation DQC2 Absent Present Native Language not known 1 2 Native Language known 13 12 2 Corrected x =0.0, d.f. =l,p= 1.000 TABLE 91 t * DQC3 by Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=^6 Belief in Ancestral Spirits DQC3 Absent Present 1-6 monthB stay by fieldworker 3 2 7-60 months stay 10 31 Corrected x2 = 1.31, d.f. = 1, p =.25 TABLE 92 DQC3 by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n=29 Nature of Ancestral Spirits DQC3 Unconditional Conditional 1-6 months stay by fieldworker 0 2 7-60 months stay 6 21 Corrected x^ = 0.0, d.f. = 1, p = 1.000 TABLE 93 DQC3 by Nature of Afterlife n = k 2 Nature of Afterlife DQC3 Unconditional Conditional 1-6 months stay by fieldworker b 0 7-60 months stay 23 15 Corrected x^ = l.O^f, d.f. = 1, p = .31 TABLE 9^' DQC3 by Nature of Individual Soul n=i*5 Nature of Individual Soul # DQC3 Singular Plural 1-6 months stay by fieldworker 3 l 7-60 months stay 27 14 2 Corrected x =0,0, d.f. =l,p= 1.000 181 TABLE 95 DQC3 by Belief in Reincarnation n=bU Belief in Reincarnation DQC3 Absent Present 1-6 months stay by fieldworker 2 3 7-60 months stay 16 23 Corrected = 0.0, d.f. - 1, p - 1.000 TABLE 96 DQC*!- by Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=46 Belief in Ancestral Spirits DQC*!- Absent Present 1-6 months team stay 2 2 7-60 months team stay 11 31 Corrected x^ = .18, d.f. = 1, p - .67 TABLE 97 DQC*! by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n=29 ' 1 Nature of Ancestral Spirits DQC*! Unconditional Conditional 1-6 months team stay 0 2 7-60 months team stay 6 21 2 Corrected x -0.0, d.f. - 1, p - 1.000 182 TABLE 98 DQC** by Nature of Afterlife n=**2 Nature of Afterlife DQC** Unconditional Conditional 1-6 months team stay ** 0 7-60 months team stay 25 13 Corrected = 1.0**, d.f. - 1, p s .31 TABLE 99 DQC** by Nature of Individual Soul n-**5 Nature of Individual Soul DQC** Singular Plural 1-6 months team stay 3 1 7-60 months team stay 27 14 2 Corrected x -0.0, d.f. =l,p= 1.000 TABLE 100 DQC** by Belief in .Reincarnation n=44. Belief in Reincarnation DQC** Absent Present 1-6 months team stay 1 3 7-60 months team.stay 17 23 2 Corrected x - .02, d.f. ® 1, p = .88 183 TABLE 101 DQC5 by Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=50 Belief in Ancestral Spirits DQC5 Absent Present Lag less than 1 year 13 32 Lag 1-15 years 1 2 Lag more than 15 years 1 1 x2 = .42, d.f. = 2 , p = .81 TABLE 102 DQC5 by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n=31» Nature of Ancestral Spirits DQC5 Unconditional Conditional Lag less than 1 year 5 24 Lag 1-15 years 0 1 Lag more than 15 years 1 0 x2 = 4.49, d.f. = 1, p = .11 TABLE 103 DQC5 by Nature of Afterlife n=46 Nature of Afterlife DQC5 Unconditional Conditic Lag less than 1 year 27 14 Lag 1-15 years 2 1 Lag more than 15 years 1 1 x2 = .21, d.f. = 2, p = .90 TABLE 104 DQC5 by Nature of Individual Soul n=50 Nature of Individual Soul DQC5 Singular Plural Lag less than 1 year 25 19 Lag 1-15 years 3 0 Lag more than 15 years 3 0 x2 = 4.18, d.f. = 2, p = .12 TABLE 105 DQC5 by Belief in Reincarnation n=48 Belief in Reincarnation DQC5 Absent Present Lag less than 1 year 17 26 Lag 1-15 years 1 2 Lag more than 15 years 2 0 x2 * 2.97, d.f. = 2, p = .23 < TABLE 106 Unit Focus by Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=53 Belief in Ancestral Spirits Unit Focus Absent Present Data unfocused 14 30 Data focused 2 7 Corrected x2 = .03, d.f. = 1, p 53 .86 185 TABLE 107 Unit Focus by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n=33 Nature of Ancestral Spirits Unit Focus Unconditional Conditional Data unfocused 7 19 Data focused 0 7 2 Corrected x - 1.05* - 1* P 51 *31 TABLE 108 Unit Focus by Nature of Afterlife n=49 Nature of Afterlife Unit Focus Unconditional Conditional Data unfocused 27 13 Data focused 5 ^ Corrected x2 s .09. d.f. = 1, p s .77 TABLE 109 Unit Focus by Nature of Individual Soul n=52 Nature of Individual Soul Unit Focus Singular Plural Data unfocused 29 14 Data focused 3 6 Corrected x2 = 2 .3 6, d.f. = 1, p - .12 TABLE 110 Unit Focus by Belief in Reincarnation n-51 Belief in Reincarnation Unit Focus Absent Present Data unfocused 20 22 Data focused 2 7 o Corrected x = 1.05» d.f. - 1, p = .31 APPENDIX D Bibliographic Quality Control Data This appendix contains the codes for the Bibliographic Quality Control (BQC) factor for the HRAF Probability Sample. Higher codes indicate that a greater amount of ethnographic material was available for the society when it was selected for the sample. Society Code Society Code Amhara 3 Bush Negroes 3 Andaman 1 Cagaba 1 Aranda 3 Chukchee 3 Ashanti 3 Copper Eskimo 3 Aymara 3 Cuna 3 Azande 3 Dogon 3 Bahia Brazilians 3 Ganda 3 Bemba 2 Garo 1 Blackfoot 2 Guarani 1 Bororo 3 Hausa 2 18? 188 Society Code Society Code Highland Scots 3 Santal 3 Hopi 4 Senussi 1 Xban 3 Serbs 3 Ifugao 3 Shluh 3 Iroquois 4 Sinhalese 3 Kanuri 1 Somali 3 Kapauku 2 Taiwan Hokkien 1 Khasi 1 Tarahumara 3 Klamath 2 Thai 3 Korea 4 Tikopia 2 Kurd 3 Tiv 3 Lapps 4 Tlingit 4 Lau 1 Toradja 4 Lozi 2 Trobriands 3 Masai 3 Truk 3 Mataco 1 Tucano 1 Ojibwa 4 Tzeltal 3 Ona 4 Wolof 3 Pawnee 3 Yakut 2 Pygmies 1 Yanoama 2 The following shows results of tests with the bibliogra phic quality control factor (BQC). Table 111 presents a summary of the results in the form of an interrelation matrix. Tables 112 through 116 show correlation of the BQC factor with each endogenous variable* 189 TABLE 111 p X Tests on the Interrelation Between Bibliographic Bias and the Endogenous Variables BAS1 NAS NAL NIS BREINC Bibliographic Bias n.s. n«s* n»s» n«s« n»s* Abbreviations t BAS ~ Belief in Ancestral Spirits NAS = Nature of Ancestral Spirits NAL = Nature of Afterlife NIS = Nature of Individual Soul BREINC - Belief in Reincarnation TABLE 112 BQC by Belief in Ancestral Spirits n=53 Belief in Ancestral Spirits BQC Absent Present Little to moderate amount of information 7 12 Sufficient information 9 25 o x * • 62f “ If n.s. 190 TABLE 113 BQC by Nature of Ancestral Spirits n*33 Nature of Ancestral Spirits BQC Unconditional Conditional Little to moderate amount of information 1 9 Sufficient information 6 17 Fisher's exact probability test, p = .33. n.s., one tailed TABLE 114 BQC by Nature of Afterlife n-49 Nature of Afterlife BQC Unconditional Conditional Little to moderate amount of information 14 5 Sufficient information 18 12 x2 = .95. d.f. ® 1, n.s. 191 TABLE 115 BQC by Nature of Individual Soul n=52 Nature of Individual Soul BQC Singular Plural Little to moderate amount of information 12 7 Sufficient information 20 13 ~ .0 3 , d.f. 1, n.s. TABLE 116 BQC by Belief in Reincarnation n=51 Belief in Reincarnation BQC Abpent Present Little to moderate amount of information 8 11 Sufficient information 14 18 2 x - .01, d.f. " 1, n.s. APPENDIX E Operationalization of the Exogenous Variables VARIABLE 1 High Gods (=HIGODS) (Sourcet Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973. column 33) 1 No high gods 2 Presentt otiose 3 Active in human affairs, but not in morality 4 Active and interested in morality 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined categoryi 1, 2, 3 “ 1 = No high gods or high gods not involved in morality. 192 193 VARIABLE 2 Altered States of Consciousness (=ASC) (Sourcei Bourguignon, 1968) 1 No trance state, no possession belief. 2 Possession belief only, no trance state, 3 Trance state only, no possession belief. k Trance state present. Possession belief present; however the latter is not used to explain the former. 5 Trance state is given the emic explanation of posses sion. No other state or belief is present. 6 Trance state is given the emic explanation of possession. There are no other ritualized trance states. There are beliefs in possession which refer to phenomena other than ritualized trance. 7 There are two kinds of trance states. Some of these are explained by possession; and some are explained by other categories. No other phenomena are explained by possession beliefs. 8 There are two kinds of trance states; one of which is given the emic explanation of possession, and one which is given another type of explanation. In addition to explaining trance, possession belief also refers to one or more other phenomena. 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create com- bined categories; 1* 2, 3, 4 = 1 = None or trance state or possession belief only. 5, 6, ?, 8 = 5 “ Trance states are given the emic expla nation of possession. 194- VARIABLES 3. 4, & 5 Subsistence Economy ("DHUNT, DANHU, DAGRC) (Sourcei Murdock, 196?) I. Gathering, Hunting, Fishing (sum of columns 7, 8, 9) II. Animal Husbandry (column 10) III. Agriculture (column 11) The above three variables have been operationalized in the same fashion as shown belowi 1 Little or no dependence on these activities, i.e. 0-25# dependence 2 Moderately low dependence on these activities, i.e. 26-45# dependence. 3 Moderately heavy dependence on these activities, i.e. 46-65# dependence. 4 Heavy dependence on these activities, i.e. 66-100# dependence. 195 VARIABLE 6 Type and Intensity of Agriculture (=INTAGRC) (Sourcei Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973* column 19) 1 Complete absence of agriculture 2 Casual agriculturei the cultivation of a few food or other plants incidental to a primary dependence upon other forms of subsistence economy. 3 Shifting agriculture or extensive agriculture! where new fields are cleared annually, cultivated for a year or two and then allowed to revert to forest or brush for a long fallow period. k Horticulture! Semi-intensive agriculture limited mainly to small vegetable gardens or groves of fruit trees, rather than a cultivation of field crops. 5 Intensive agriculture! on permanent fields, utili zing fertilization by compost or animal manure, crop rotation, or other techniques so that fallow ing is unnecessary or is confined to relatively short periods. Also includes intensive agriculture mainly dependent upon irrigation. 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create a com bined category! 3, 4 = 3 = Horticulture of shifting cultivation. 196 VARIABLE 7 Settlement Pattern (-STTLPAT) (Sourcei Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973i column 28) 1 Fully migratory or nomadic bands 2 Scattered neighborhoods* separated hamlets where several such form a more or less permanent single community. Also neighborhoods of dispersed family homesteads. 3 Seminomadic or semisedentary communities* semi- nomadic communities whose members wander in bands for at least half of the year but occupy a fixed settlement at some season, e.g. recurrently occupied winter quarters. Also includes semisedentary com munities whose members shift from one to another fixed settlement at different seasons or who occupy more or less permanently a single settlement from which however, a substantial proportion of the popu lation departs seasonally to occupy shifting camps, e.g. during trancehumance. Compact, but impermanent settlements* villages whose location is shifted every few years. 5 Compact, complex, permanent settlements* nucleated villages and towns. Also complex settlements con sisting Of a nucleated village or town with out lying homesteads or satellite hamlets. Urban popu lations will not be separately indicated (since column 31 in gA deals with community size). 6 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories* 1» 3 1 ^ B 1 - Nomadic or seminomadic 2, 5 s 5 = Sedentary VARIABLE 8 Stratification (-STRTFC) (Sourcet Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973. column 29) 1 No stratification 3 Wealth distinctions* wealth distinctions based on the possession or distribution of property present and socially important, but not crystallized into dis tinct and hereditary social classes. 5 Dual and elite stratification* dual stratification into a hereditary aristocracy and a lower class of ordinary commoners or freemen. Also an elite class deriving its superior status from and perpetuates it through control over scarce resources, especially land, and is therefore differentiated from the propertiless proletariat. 7 Complex stratification* social classes correlated in large measure with extensive differentiation of occupational statuses. 0 No information. VARIABLE 9 Succession to Office of Local Headman (=SUCHDMN) (Source* Murdock, 1967, column 73) 1 Absence 6f office of headman 2 Nonhereditary succession .. 3 Hereditary succession* ‘matrilineal heir 4 Hereditary succession* patrilineal heir 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined category* 1,’ 2 - 1 - No headman's office or nonhereditary succession. VARIABLE 10 Jurisdictional Hierarchy (=JURI HIER) (Sourcei Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973* column 31) Jurisdictional levels = organizations characterized by sovereignity, i.e. by original and definitive jurisdiction over some sphere of social life in which the organization has the legitimate right to make decisions having significant effect on its members, e.g. distribution of food, allocation of productive resources, punishment of derelicts, assignment or conscription of labor, levy of taxes, initiation of war or peace. The nuclear family and the local community is always included in default of explicit evidence that they lack sovereignity in the defined sense. According to Bourguignon & Greenbaum (196?* 132 )» such organizations fall into a single continuum--single hierarchical order. Here they deviate from Swanson's Birth of Gods. Excluded are organizations that are merely agents of others and those not held to be legitimate (including colonial regimes and others imposed by force). 1 Two local levels and none beyond 2 Two local levels and one or two beyond the local level 3 Two local levels and three or four beyond the local level k Three or four local levels and none beyond the local level 5 Three or four local levels and 1-2 beyond 6 Three or four local levels and 3~^ beyond 0 No information 199 The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categoriesi 1, 2, 3 - 1 “ Two local levels 4, 5» 6 = 4 = Three or four local levels VARIABLE 11 Mean Size of Local Community (=COMSIZE) (Source* Murdock, 1967, column 31) 1 Less than 50 persons 2 51-199 persons 3 200-399 persons 4 400-999 persons 5 One or more indigenous towns of more than 5>000 inhabitants, but none more than 49,999 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined category* 3, 4 = 3 “ 200-999 persons (Note* There were no societies in the HRAF-PSF where the size of the local community ranged from 1000-4,999 persons.) 200 VARIABLE 12 Community Organization (=C0M0RG) (Source* Murdock, 196?t column 19) The prevalence of local endogamy, agamy, and exogamy, together with the absence or presence of localized kin groups. 1 Agamous communities without localized clans or any marked tendency toward either local exogamy or local endogamy. (Agamous=the absence of marriage or a social group which does not enforce marriage rela tions) 2 Demes, i.e. communities revealing a marked tendency toward local endogamy, but not segmented into clan barrios. 3 Clan communities, each consisting essentially of a single localized exogamous kin group or clan. 4 Exogamous communities, i.e. those having a marked tendency toward local exogamy without having the specific structure of clans. 5 Segmented communities, i.e. those divided into barrios, wards, or hamlets, each of which is essentially a localized kin group or.clan or ramage, in the absence of any indication of local exogamy. 6 Segmented communities where a marked tendency toward local exogamy is specifically reported. 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories* 3, 4 - 3 = Exogamous communities 5, 6 = 5 = Segmented communities 201 VARIABLE 13 Family Organization (=FAMORG) (Sourcet Murdock, 196?, column 14) 1 Independent family 2 Minimal extended or "stem" families, i.e. those consisting of only two related families of pro creation (disregarding polygamous unions), parti cularly of adjacent generations. 3 Small extended family, i.e. those normally embracing the families of procreation of only one individual in the senior generation but of at least two indivi duals in the next generation. Such families usually dissolve upon the death of the head. 4 Large extended families, those corporate aggrega tions of smaller family units occupying a single dwelling unit ora number of adjacent dwellings and normally embracing the families of procreation of at least two siblings or cousins in each of at least two adjacent generations. 0 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories1 1,2=1= Independent or stem families 3,4=3= Extended families VARIABLE 14 Marital Composition or Type of Marriage (=TYPMARR) (Source 1 Murdock, 1967, column 14 & 15) 1 Monogamy and nomogamy with occasional or limited polygyny- 2 Polyandry 3 Sororal Polygynyi where polygyny is common and preferentially sororal. Co-wives may or may not occupy separate quarters. 202 Variable lb - continued b Polygynous families where polygyny is general and not reported to be preferentially sororal# Co wives may or may not occupy separate quarters. 0 No information. VARIABLE 15 Marital Residence (=MARIRESI) (Sourcei Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973i column 39) 1 Neolocali residence apart from relatives of both spouses or at a place not determined by the kin ties of either. 2 Optional! includes 1) ambilocal residence established optionally with or near the parents of either the husband or the wife depending on circumstance or choice. 2)Optionally uxorilocal or avunculocal. This may happen in an uxorilocal society where many men marry a MoBrDa, and thus in fact live avunculocally. 3) Optionally patrilocal, virilocal or avunculocal. 3 Matrilocal or Uxorilocali residence with or near the matrilineal kinsmen of the wife. Also includes uxori local which is equivalent to "matrilocal”, but con fined to instances where the wife's matrikin are not aggregated in matrilocal and matrilineal kin groups. 4 Avunculocal* residence with or near the maternal uncle or other male matrilineal kinsmen of the husband. $ 5 Patrilocal or virilocali residence with or near the male patrilineal kinsmen of the husband. Also in cludes virilocal which\is equivalent to "patrilocal” but confined to instances where the husbands patri- kin are not aggregated in patrilocal and patrilineal kin groups. 0 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create a com bined category! 1, 2, = 1 = Neolocal or optional 203 VARIABLE 16 Kin Groups (=KINGRPS) (Source 1 Bourguignon & Greenbaum, 1973» column kO) 1 Matrilineal 2 Double 3 Patrilineal k Bilateral 0 No information VARIABLE 17 Mode of Marriage (=MODMARR) (Sourcet Murdock, 1967* column 12) 1 Token or none* small symbolic payment only or ab sence of any significant consideration, or bridal gifts only. 2 Gift exchange* reciprocal exchange of gifts of sub stantial value between the relatives of the bride and the groom or a continuing exchange of goods and services in approximately equal amounts between the groom or his kinsmen and the bride's relatives. 3 Female relative exchange* transfer of a sister or other female relative of the groom in exchange for the bride. 4 Dowry* the transfer of a substantial sum of money from the bride's relatives to the bride. 5 Bride-service* substantial material consideration in which the principal element consists of labor or other services rendered by the groom to the bride's kinsmen. 6 Bride-price* or bridewealth* i.e. the transfer of a substantial consideration in the form of livestock, goodsj o^ money from the groom or his relatives to the kinsmen of the bride. 0 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories* 2, 3 = 2 = Exchange 5, 6=5= Bride service or bride price 204 VARIABLE 18 Postpartum Sex Taboo (*PPSXTA) (Sourcei Murdock, 19^7i column 36) 1 No taboo, especially where the husband is expected to have intercourse with his wife as soon as possible after childbirth for the alleged benefit of the child. 2 Short taboo, lasting not more than a month. 3 One to six months taboo 4 Six months to one year taboo. 5 One year to two years taboo. 6 More than two years taboo. 0 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined category1 2 » 3 , 4, 5» 6=2- Post partum sex taboo present 205 VARIABLE 19 Male Genital Mutilation (=MALEMUTI) (Source* Murdock, 1967, column 37) 1 Absent or generally not practiced 2 Performed between birth - two years of age 3 Performed between birth - 2-5 years of age — early childhood Performed between birth - 6-10 years of age — late childhood 5 Performed between birth - 11-15 years of age — adolescence 6 Performed between birth - 16-25 years of age — early adulthood 7 Performed between birth - 26-50 years of age — maturity 8 Performed after $1 years of age 9 Circumcision is customary, but normal age is unspeci- fied or unclear 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined categoryi 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8 , 9=2= Male mutilation present 206 VARIABLE 20 Segregation of Adolescent Boys (“SEGRBOYS) (Sourcei Murdock, 1967, column 38) 1 Absence of segregation, adolescent boys residing and sleeping in the same dwelling as their mothers and sisters. 2 Partial segregation, adolescent boys residing or eat ing with their natal families, but sleeping apart from them, e.g. in a special hut or in a cattle shed. 3 Complete segregation in which adolescent boys get to live as individuals with relatives outside the nuclear family, e.g. with grandparents or with a mat ernal aunt or uncle. k Complete segregation in which adolescent boys go to live as individuals with nonrelatives, e.g. as retainers to a chief or as apprentice to specialists. 5 Complete segregation in which adolescent boys reside with a group of their own peers, e.g. in bachelor dormitories, military regiments or age-villages. 0 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create a com- f * bined category! 2, 3, 5 = 2 = Segregation of adolescent boys is present. 207 VARIABLE 21 Norms of Premarital Sex (=PREMASX) (Sourcei Murdock, 1967, column 78) The standards of sex prevailing for unmarried females 1 Premarital sex relations freely permitted and not sanctioned even if pregnancy results, 2 Premarital sex relations allowed and not sanctioned unless pregnancy results. 3 Early marriage of females, i.e. at or before puberty, precluding the possibility of premarital sex relations as defined. 4 Trial marriaget monogamous premarital sex relations permitted with the expectation of marriage if preg nancy results, promiscuous relations being prohibited and sanctioned. 5 Premarital sex relations prohibited but weakly sanc tioned and not infrequent in fact. 6 Insistence on virginityi premarital sex relations prohibited, strongly sanctioned and in fact rare. 0 No information. The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories! 2, 3. ^ “ 3 = Premarital sex permitted or slightly sanc tioned. 5, 6=5= Premarital sex prohibted. 208 VARIABLES 22, 23, 24, 25, 26 Sexual Division of Labor (Sourcei Murdock, 196?# Columns 54, 56, 58» 60, 62) 1 The activity is absent or unimportant in the society 2 Sex participation is irrelevant, or not specified 3 Equal contribution by both sexes 4 Females contribute more, male participation being negligible 5 Males contribute more, female contribution being negligible 0 No information The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined category! 0 , 1, 2 s 0 = Activity absent or sex participation irre levant or no information VARIABLES 27 & 28 Sex Contributing More to Primary (Secondary) Subsistence Activity (=SXCMPRSU, SXCMSCSU) (These codes were collapsed by me from the set of pre vious variables pertaining to sexual division of labor) 1 No important secondary 'subsistence activity. (Murdock, 1967 says that secondary activity contributes less than 155*) 2 Both sexes contribute equally 3 Females contribute more 4 Males contribute more 0 No information 209 VARIABLE 29 Ethnographic Regions (=ETHNREGI) (Sourcet Murdock, 196?, column 1) 1 Africa exclusive of Madagascar and northern and north eastern portions of the continent. 2 Circum-Mediterranean, including Europe, Turkey, and the Caucaus, the Semitic Near East, and northern and north eastern Africa. 3 East Eurasia, excluding Formosa, the Philippines, Indonesia, and the area assigned to the Circum- Mediterranean but including Madagascar and other islandsin the Indian ocean. 4 Insular Pacific, embracing all of Oceania as well as areas like Australia, Indonesia, Formosa and the Philippines that are not always included therewith. 5 North America including the indigenous societies of this continent as far south as the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. 6 South America including th*.- Antilles, Yucatan, Central America as well as the continent itself. The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories) li 2, 3 = 1 = Eastern Hemisphere 4, 5 1 6 = 4 = Western HemispTiere 210 VARIABLE 36 Primary Mode of Subsistence (This variable was created by appraising columns 7> 8 , 9, 10, 11 from Murdock, 1967 to determine the subsistence activity each society was most dependent on for surviving.) Refers to the mode of subsistence a society relies on most for its sustenance. 1 Hunting-gathering 2 Animal husbandry or pastoralism 3 Shifting cultivation or horticulture 4 Intensive cultivation APPENDIX F Instructions to the Codersi Operationalization of the Endogenous Variables 211 212 VARIABLE 31 I. ANCESTORS (=BAS) Ancestors refers to the spirits of dead members of a society that are remembered, revered, or demand to be re vered and remembered by their living survivors. A. Beliefs in Ancestors 1 Rememberance only or no ancestors* If souls of the dead are only remembered individually simply by placing food offerings, flowers on their graves» or during certain times in festivals, or sacrifices made for them, and/or prayers said to them, code 1. Also code 1 if there are no beliefs whatsoever con cerning ancestors and/or spirits of the dead. 2 Fear only* If there is only a fear associated with the spirits of the dead members of a society who may or may not be thought to come and frighten the living, code 2. 3 Cult of Saints* If there is a cult associated with saints, code 3 . k Culture Heroes* If a society worships some of their dead members either as culture heroes, mythical clan ancestors, or founders of their society, code k. 5 Generalized Ancestors* If a society includes their dead members as part of their belief system, with out identifying them individually, code 5* Rituals, sacrifices may or may not be associated with general ized ancestorsi hence give the society a code 5 in either case. Also code 5 i? ancestors in general, altogether, are thought of as guardian spirits, with or without above rituals attached. 6 Ancestral Spirits* If the spirits of the dead mem bers of a society come and visit the living for positive and/or negative purposes, either on a regular basis, or occasionally, which can be identi fied individually and with occas'ional offerings 213 made to them, and can be placated, code 6. 7 Ancestor Worship Culti If a society has named dead forebearers who are remembered individually and worshipped by their descendants (in their own kin groupings) in recurrent ceremonies, thus receiving ritual service and tendance directed specifically to them, by the proper class of their descendants (however this is defined by the society), code 7 * 8 No information* If there is no information concern ing ancestors and/or souls of the dead, code 0 . The following codes were later collapsed to create com bined categories! 1» 2 , 3 , 4, = 1 = Belief in ancestral spirits absent 5» 6, 7 - 5 = Belief in ancestral spirits present VARIABLE 32 B. Nature of Ancestors (=NAS) 1 Positive onlyi If ancestors are seen as only re warding and guiding by the members of a society, code 1 . 2 Removal*of Helpi If ancestors simply remove or with- old their help and guidance because of undesirable behavior on the part of their descendants, and do not otherwise punish them, code 2 . 3 Fear Onlyi If there is simply a fear of the spirits of the ancestors, and/or souls of the dead, such that people are afraid to go out at night, or go near the graves, without any specific evil behavior being expected of the ancestors (such as causing sickness or death), code 3 . if Conditional! If ancestors are Been as both good and bad, i.e. behave in a conditional manner so as to reward the good behaviors of their descendants, and punish bad behaviors, code 4. If ancestors pun ish only when they are not taken care of, tended properly, sacrificed to, remembered and/or their graves not tended, also code 4. 214 5 Negative onlyi If ancestors are seen as only punishing, threatening, and/or bringing sickneBs and death, but can be placated, code 5 > 0 No information! If there iB no information on the nature- of the ancestors or if there are no ances tors, code 0 . The following codes were later collapsed to create combined categoriesi 1, 2, 3 " 1 “ Nature of ancestral spirits iB uncondi tional 4, 5 = ^ = Nature of ancestral spirits is conditional on descendant behavior 215 II. AFTERLIFE PREDICTIONS A. Belief in Afterlife Afterlife refers to the "living conditions" of the soul after death, i.e. in the "land of the dead". 1 Yest If a society believes that there is an "after life'; code 1. It does not matter if the descriptions of this life are very elaborate or notj the mention by the ethnographer of the presence of a belief in afterlife is sufficient for that society to be coded as 1 . 2 Noi If there is no belief in afterlife and/or no separate realm for the dead, code 2 . 3 Transit.i If afterlife, and/or the realm of the dead is thought to be transitory such that a dead person's spirit awaits there to be reborn, or to attain some other end state such as nirvana, or resurrection, code 3 . 0 No info.i If there is no information concerning the habitat of the soul after death, and/or no belief in afterlife, code 0 . VARIABLE 33 B. Nature of Afterlife (NAL) 1 Pleasant, or Replicai If afterlife is thought to be a place of eternal bliss for all individuals without exception, a place of positive reinforce ment only, code 1. Also code 1 if afterlife is thought to be a replica, or a parallel of life , on earth with positive and negative reinforcements falling apparently randomly on all individuals equally. 216 2 Death Rites, Statusi If nature of afterlife depends on proper rites being performed (funeral* burial, and/ or mourning for the deceased), code 2. Also code 2 if nature of afterlife depends on one's status in life such as being married, rich, powerful, or such that the higher the status, the better the quality of afterlife as defined by any other criteria (other than behavior), code 2 , 3 Compensatory! If nature of afterlife is thought to . be compensatory such that inequalities of this life will be rectified in the next, code 3 . ^ Conditional! If rewards and punishments in afterlife fall in a compensatory fashion such that those indi viduals who were virtuous in this life are rewarded, and those who were evil in this life are punished code 5 Punitive! If nature of afterlife is deemed as essentially and only being punitive in nature, code 5* 6 Electi If nature of afterlife depends on being one of the "elect", the "nonelect" being doomed to eternal condemnation, code 6, The terms "elect" and "nonelect" here are used in an analogous fashion as that found in the predestination doc trine in Calvinism. 0 No information! If there is no information concern ing the quality of afterlife, code 0 . The following codes were later collapsed to create « * combined categories! 1, 2, = 1 s Nature of afterlife is unconditional 3» *** 5» 6 = 3 = Nature of afterlife is conditional on individual behavior on earth 217 III. INDIVIDUAL SOUL A. Belief in Individual Soul 1. In Life 1 Yesi If a society believes that each individual possesses a soul, a spiritual nature, in addition to his/her material, physical existence, code 1 . 2 Not If a society believes that each individual does not possess a soul, a spiritual part, in addition to his/her material, physical body, code 2 . 3 No info,i If there is no information concerning the individual soul, code 0 . 2. After Death 1 Yesi If it is believed that after death of the physical body, the soul separates to lead an independent existence, code 1 . 2 Not If it is believed that the soul dies with the physical body, and/or has no existence inde pendent’ of it after death, code 2 . 0 No info,i If there is no information pertinent to what happens to the soul after death, code 0 . VARIABLE 3^ B. Nature of Soul (-NIS) 1 Singlei If an individual is though to have a single soul, or if number of souls is not specified, code 1. IP If individuals are thought to have one soul only, but this single soul is thought to have various facets, code IP. 218 • 2 Duali If individuals are thought to have two soulsi code 2 . 3 Triplei If individuals are thought to have three souls, code 3 * 4 Quadi If individuals are thought to have four souls, code 4. 5 Poly.i If individuals are thought to have five or more souls, code 5 * 0 No info.i If there is no information concerning the number of souls, code 0 . The following codes were later collapsed to create a combined categoryi 2, 3, 4, 5 s 2 = Individuals are thought to have two or more souls VARIABLE 35 IV. Reincarnation Beliefs (SBREINC) Reincarnation refers to the return of a soul, usually a maturing one, in consecutive bodies. 1 No information! (Since there were 30 societies with out any data concerning reincarnation, no information was taken as implying the lack of such a belief system. Otherwise analyses would have to be based on a very small number of societies.) If there is no information concerning reincarnation of indi vidual souls, in human form or otherwise, code 1. 2 Resurrection! If a dead individual is thought to be resurrected on a single day such as the Day of Judgment to account for her/his sins and behavior on earth, code 2 . 3 Metempsychosis! If the soul of a dead individual is thought to return to earth in consecutive "bodies',' in animal form, plant form, or in the form of other natural phenomena such as trees,, rocks, stones, etc., but not in human form, code 3 * 219 .4 Partial Rebirthi If it is thought that only certain elements of the personality or the persons body is thought to be reborn, code 4. 5 Rebirth* If souls of dead individuals are thought to return to life, are reborn-as infants, in con secutive bodies in human form, code 5 * The following codes were later collapsed to create combined categories* 1, 2, = 1 - Belief in reincarnation is absent 3» 5 - Belief in reincarnation is present APPENDIX G Intercoder Agreement The null hypothesis in all of the following tests is basically the same and can be stated as followsi Hot The set of societies designated by particular variable codes by the coworker are not significantly dif ferent from the set of societies designated by the same variable codes by the principal investigator. 220 221 INTERCODER AGREEMENT TABLE 117 Intercoder Agreement on Belief in Ancestral Spirits Variable Number of Total # of Societies Desig- Codes Agreements . nated by this code by P.I. 1 0 ? 7 1 9 10 2 , 5 10 15 6 7 10 7 16 18 x *573* d»f» n.s. Therefore* Do not reject the null hypothesis 1 P.I. = Principal Investigator TABLE 118 Intercoder Agreement on Nature of Ancestral Spirits * Variable Nature of Total # of Societies Desi- Codes Agreements gnated by this code by P.I. 0 21 21 1,2,3,5 7 15 if 21 2if x2 = 2 .025, d.f. = 2 , n.s. Therefore* Do not reject the null hypothesis 222 TABLE 119 Intercoder Agreement on Belief in Afterlife Variable Number of Total # of Societies Desig- Codes Agreements nated by this code by P.I. 0,2,3 7 11 1 46 49 2 x " *30 , d • f • - 1 , n.s. Therefore 1 Do not reject the null hypothesis TABLE 120 Intercoder Agreement on Nature of Afterlife Variable Number of Total # of Societies Desig- Codes Agreements nated by this code by P.I. 05 10 1 14 ' 18 2 12 13 3 »**»5»6 12 19 2 x - I.03, d.f. - 3 , n.B. Therefore* Do not reject the null hypothesis • 223 TABLE 121 Inter coder Agreement on Belief in the Existence of Individual Soul (In Life) Variable Number of Total # of Societies Desig- Codes Agreements nated by this code by P.I. 0,1 57 60 2 x - .06, d.f. s 1 , n.s. Therefore! Do not reject the null hypothesis TABLE 122 Intercoder Agreement on the Immortality of the Individual Soul Variable Number of Total # of Societies Desig- Codes 'Agreements nated by this code by P.I. 0 k t 6 1 5 3 ‘ 5^ x — .3 5i d.f. " 1 , n.s. Therefore! Do not reject the null hypothesis 224 TABLE 123 Intercoder Agreement on the Nature of Individual Soul Variable Number of Total # of Societies Desig Codes Agreements nated by this code by P.I. 0,4,5 9 13 1 30 32 2 7 9 4 6 1521 d.f. 31 n.s. Therefore 1 Do not reject the null hypothesis TABLE 124 Intercoder Agreement on Belief in Reincarnation Variable ,Number of Total # of Societies Desig Codes Agreements nated by this code by P.I. 1 19 30 2,3,4 9 11 5 16 19 x2 s .474, d.f. = 2 , n.s. Therefore 1 Do not reject the null hypothesis APPENDIX H List of Variable Numbers and Abbreviations 1 High Gods (HIGH GODS) 2 Altered States of Consciousness (ALTRSTCON) 3 Dependence on Hunting, Gathering & Pishing (DEP HUNT) 4 Dependence on Animal Husbandry (DEP ANHUS) 5 Dependence on Agriculture (DEP AGRIC) 6 Intensity of Agriculture (INT AGRIC) 7 Settlement Pattern (STTL PAT) 8 Degree of Stratification (STRATIFCN) 9 Succession to the Local Headman's Office (SUCHDMNO) 10 Jurisdictional Hierarchy (JURI HIER) 11 Community Size (COMM SIZE) 12 Community Organization (COMM ORGA) 13 Family Organization (FAMI ORGA) 14 Type of Marriage (TYPE MARR) 15 Marital Residence (MARI RESI) 16 Kingroups (KIN GROUP) 17 Mode of Marriage (MODE MARR) 18 Post Partum Sex Taboo (POPARSXTA) 19 Male Mutilation (MALE MUTI) 20 Segregation of Adolescent Boys (SEGR BOYS) 21 Premarital Sex Norms (PREMAR SX) 22 Sexual Contribution to Gathering (SXCO GATH) 23 Sexual Contribution to Fishing (SXCO FISH) 24 Sexual Contribution to Hunting (SXCO HUNT) 25 Sexual Contribution to Animal Husbandry (SXCO ANHU) 225 226 26 Sexual Contribution to Agriculture (SXCO AGRC) 27 Sex Contributing Most to Primary Subsistence Activity (SXCM PRSU) 28 Sex Contributing Most to Secondary Subsistence Activity (SXCM SCSU) 29 Ethnographic Region (ETHN REGI) 30 Bibliographic Quality Control Factor (BIBLI QCV) 31 Belief in Ancestral Spirits (B ANC SPR) 32 Nature of Ancestral Spirits (N ANC SPR) 33 Nature of Afterlife (N AFTLIFE) 34 Nature of Individual Soul (N IND SOUL) 35 Belief in Reincarnation (B REINCAR) 36 Primary Mode of Subsistence (PRIM MO SU) 37 Data Quality Control Factur #1 (DAQUAL1) 38 Data Quality Control Factor #2 (DAQUAL2) 39 Data Quality Control Factor #3 (DAQUAL3) 40 Data Quality Control Factor #4 (DAQUAL4) 41 Data Quality Control Factor #5 (DAQUAL5) 42 Unit Focus Factor (UNIT FOCS) The numbering of the variables here shows their order in the SPSS run (See Appendix I). The abbreviations show the abbreviations used for the variables in the ORDMAT run. APPENDIX I Coded Data for SPSS and ORDMAT Runs 227 CODED DATA FOR SPSS RUN KOREA L511355714 53115310115 055532414 54 123 2K0REA 4 00001 1 "IA1VVA I M T JJ91 iicqcrti1c A/* 1 2TAIWA 3 22221 2 CTHAI 1511355714 51113410115 035332413 00 323 4l* 1 liA 1 "1 L IUU1 b GARO 1011335334 21113110121 353332011 54 113 2GARO 3 02221 1 TMIAjI 11 ii'JJv? . L4 1L 31 ltv1 1 A 1 Cin. v c/. i n 2KHASI 3 00221 1 SANTA 1511355144 03315350115 455532013 54313 SINHA 0511355704 51115440111 000054013 00 303 2SINHA 4 00221 1 a kif\ * t* i 1 1 1 1 1 11 . % AfiUAn 1UJ1 11 m i il.a.i l l i1 i Al'tli tnt I C4i 1 . J MC4 UvT^rnAn ^ /. t "91£. ft t.lI W" 1 ' 1 2AN0AM 1 20221 I SERBS 4111355714 55315340115 050432313 10311 LAPPS 4113111301 13115412111 453302014 51 110 2LAPPS 2 00000 1 nsiuiu*;ffiT '.nnnnnnrmn tuuuuuuuuunnnnnnnnnnn nnnnnnnii in ^ni 2HSC0T 0 00000 1 00G0N 0511355344 25315350200 350554013 54313 2D0G0N A 00221 1 TWI 1511335514 51344151125 055032013 54123 2TWI 3 00000 I T|V 1 1 1 1 ^ SI 1 A a ?n11 i n n 11 2T IV 3 02221 1 GANOA 151135 55 11 53141352125 055543013 51011 2GANDA A 02223 1 MASAI 0113111114 21145352^21 050302013 10011 2MASAI 2 12221 1 t PYTMV 11311 11-1 1 1 1 11 11 A?? W 1 a cinniA11 in ni i 2PYGMV 1 22001 1 AZAND 1511335544 21145352221 454043413 54 023 BEMBA 1511331534 21131152123 455043012 54113 2BEMBA 3'00221 1 i 071 15 11 151SA1 ?ii a *; Ai m no a c r k a pnip 5A 1 21 2L0Z1 4 00221 1 KURD 4111351544 02115350215 055554413 10001 ------2K4JR0— 4-0012-1 1 SOMAL 4513151314 13345352225 050302013 51111 2S0MAL 4 22221 1 229 AMHAR 4511355714 53315412115 055354213 00 311 2AMHAR 4 22221 1 IIA 111** A I,1; ! 1 T I f ^ ^ J *f 7 C 9 n C C E C * 7i . ti 9 t 9UCft rtU |1 f1 ■ 2HAUSA 4 02221 1 KANUR 4011355504 51145450213 000332211 00101 •iff AMI in A i l l 11 1 WOIOF 4511335744 53345052215 455554413 51 311 2W0L0F 3 00221 1 i nrnn /.fs iiiit^r'*a i i a c i c m i c /. crt en Art i i m i n i ... 2LBE00 2 20221 1 SHLUH 4011355114 05315350215 450554413 00 001 TL1NG 1531111534 33314121125 455004444 50113 2TLING 1 00222 1 tcsfvnr r f hm 1^^111 19^1 Li'trii" fill 1re 9 11rri^i9i'i"W" 1J.C11 1 9 a ecnn/,/. /.i in111 n1 - 2CESK1 1 22221 1 BLKFT 1031111314 33335451115 450504342 10111 iai »f rT 1 ^ 5 5 «»•) | 0J1BW 1131131144 23111350115 455004244 54113 20J1BW 1 00111 1 innnii .151141 i_5i 11 / . e c m ft/. a /. *•/. 1 2IR00U 3 02221 1 PAWNE 1131331544 32333111120 050543443 00 310 ■■2PAWNE—3-0-2223 1 KLAMA 1531111314 11315422115 455004242 10111 2KLAMA 1 21113 1 -WQF-I 144-4-335134 -31-313112121 450554044 S4 113 2H0PI 3 22221 2 TARAH 4111355311 02111451111 450354243 54010 21-ARAH 4 - 14221 1 ------TZELT 0000000000 00000000000 000000043 54121 2TZCLT 0 22221 2 1FUGA 1511355 3 14 2 111145 0 1-2-1-0040430 43 54120 21FUGA 4 02001 2 IBAN 1111335114 01111410115 355532443 51123 2 1 BAAl 3 002 21—1— ------T0RA0 0511335314 01313450110 050032444 54 320 2 TOR AD. 3 00221 1 ARANO 1134411141 -1.31350412 23 450003443 54 103 2ARAND 1 22221 I KAPAU 1511335314 23345351L21 054432342 10121 2KAPAU-3 22221 1------TROBK 1111335531 25114122121 455432443 51123 2TR0BR 3 22221 1 230 LAU 1511335344 23335322221 453554241 54 323 2LAU 3 22221 2 -TfttJK 1331-33M-3A- 25313112121--003452443-54120 2TRUK 3 22221 1 TIKOP 1531335544 111453202 11 003043242 54 110 -er-m-sf*- 3 - 2-2 2:2-1—1- YAKUT 1531111314 23345320111 455544412 10121 2YAKUT 2 00001 1 -C-HtWO- 1-1-33-1-1-1-3 14- 11145451111- 4555044 13 54 313 2CHUKC 2 22221 1 CUNA 4111335314 22313450115 555554443 10311 -2 2AYMAR 3 21221 2 ONA 1531111111 23115410115 455004444 50113 -2GNA— - 1- 23224—I- MATAC 153111 1104 23313452111 455444241 00123 2HATAC 1 12221 I -GUAR 4 - 0031-335001 0 1 1 1 5 4 1 0 1 -0 0 - -4-550542 44- 40 4 2 -3- 2GUARA 3 20111 1 BBRAZ 0011355710 51111410115 055554013 10001 2BBRAZ-4 20221 2 BOROR 1531111134 05313110101 455004343 54113 2B0R0R 1 20111 2 V A A n i l i./. rmnnn/.n/.? c n i i n 2YAN0A 1 22221 1 TUCAN 1131331141 13115322110 45504 3441 54313 ITIlfAN 1 ? ??? ? 1 SARAM 0531335134 05144150100 355043443 54 023 2SARAM 3 00221 1 For the names of variables which are coded here see Appendix H. The ordering of the variables corresponds to the numbers given in Appendix H. 231 CODED DATA FOR ORDMAT RUN VQri'flblci LOFT ALIGNC 0260 OlllOlO LOFT ALIGNC 0*60 *046049 - L-Or-T- A LT-O W aoowo jj0S40» HIGH GODS 1 .... .44491111 19011 ohiilmiiiWilidaino AITRSTCON ! 15:5 505 *05(50 1105151'5155951. *'•* m mm l m i m , J.Jl *4 S>00(5015 fc » DEP ANHUS 1 ton 1111*1113 llll'lllltll DEP AGRIC 3 33033 313333311 33311331133 AGR+fc STTL PATT 15 I'Ll 1 '55055 51555.5511515111551115 STRATIFCN 7TI573.15.L3 13031 3l35315333331iL071111L3531533|333L 9l3 434q 11401:14 0 1001.3443 JURt H1ER 44 ,..44444144*444104 1414444 44401*4104414 CONH SIZE 5 2 1555500 3'l3 21313002 L £222121120322050110 COMM 12014 3393593 12 1233115335 FAMI ORGA 131331313(3331011 3l!3l3313l!313l!31.i;33| TYPE HARR 111 41113 1113 !l 1011 134131444'l ll 111 U14l 531014 355453 5553355.354^3155555S415 KIN GROUP 3) 4 34033144 14140 4440 311313344434*441 HOOE HARR 15 555552*55 L'l 215051 54522122(555115111 j22j02Jpi2020014 LQ 02000 HALE HUT I 1)222 2<2.ljl 11 u n i o n Il:2l21;l till tl|lll|l SEGR BOYS 211 I'll 2,11 121021 221221 lilllOl ljlOlO PREMAR »«SS SlflSlJl SXCO GATH 0 5 30W3 030444444 44400 044004*4.5404*404 SXCO HUNT 5 5 5555555 S5 55500 5555;50055!55555!555 FISH"II IS 45333 5535 ANHU 5K 44540515504 AGRC 303355 533Q459 RRUI 4403 234234 SXCN SCSU 02004 34242 ETHN REGI 1 £4444 444441 I 23 1323 B ANC SPR 5p 05105)11*5 II55951 N ANC SPR iota} Ctl!444|0 Af-TL-lfE N INDSDUL 222212 B RE1NCAR 133po;i ■ antu until^111 HI 3 3 3 3 32 0A0UAL0NE C 2 out I 2?|Zp2 DAQUALTWO C2 0222 2122 DAQUAG4MR OAQUALFOR 02 OAQUALFVE 1 UNIT FOCS IB /• ETHNOGRAPHIC BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. 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