Progressive Answers to Populism
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The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust. -
Radical Closure
Closure adical Closur R e adical R R adical 1 Radical Closure Closure Radical Closure Radical Closure Jalal Toufic Jalal Toufic,Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 1, 2020 Jalal Toufic 2 3 Radical Closure The book includes four of my conceptual artworks. They are based This book is composed of the following previously published texts on Van Gogh’s two paintings Wheatfield with Crows (1889) and Self- on radical closure: “Radical Closure,” in Over-Sensitivity, 2nd edition Portrait with Bandaged Ear (1889). The one on the front cover is (Forthcoming Books, 2009); “First Aid, Second Growth, Third Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (After Van Gogh’s Degree, Fourth World, Fifth Amendment, Sixth Sense,” “Radical- “Wheatfield with Crows” and “Self-Portrait with Bandaged Ear”), 2020; Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ,” “Copyright Free Farm the one that serves as the frontispiece is Radical-Closure Artist with Road,” and pp. 104–105 and 211–214 in Forthcoming, 2nd edition Bandaged Sense Organ (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 1, 2020; the one (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2014); pp. 82–92 in Distracted, on the last page is Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ 2nd edition (Berkeley, CA: Tuumba Press, 2003); “Verbatim,” in What (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 2, 2020; and the one on the back cover Was I Thinking? (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2017); and is Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (After Van Gogh’s pp. 88–96 in Postscripts (Stockholm: Moderna Museet; Amsterdam: “Wheatfield with Crows” and “Self-Portrait with Bandaged Ear”), 2018. -
Electoral Performance and Policy Choices in the Front National
Electoral Performance and Policy Choices in the Front National James Shields* School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK *Correspondence: [email protected] This article proposes a two-level analysis of the Front National (FN) in the 2017 French presidential and parliamentary elections. The first level focuses on the electoral performances of Marine Le Pen and the FN and analyses both elections in terms of gains and losses at the polls. The second level considers FN policy and argues that the party went into these elections with a programme targeting both left-leaning and right-leaning voters, attempting a policy synthesis that partly fitted and partly subverted Kirchheimer’s paradigm of the ‘catch-all’ party. Both levels of analysis link to a number of strategic considerations prompting debate within the party over the direction to take in order to improve its future electoral prospects. 1. Far-right populism, the Front National and the electoral context of 2017 The literature on radical right-wing populism has tended to treat the French Front National (FN) as a test case in the making (Camus and Lebourg 2017; Mudde 2017; Akkerman, de Lange and Rooduijn 2016; Benveniste 2016; Judis 2016; Beauzamy 2013; Reynié 2011). As Europe’s premier far-right populist party, the FN has plotted a gradual upward course in both elections and opinion polls since its initial breakthrough in the mid-1980s. While other far-right parties have either perished or been drawn into collusion with mainstream parties (de Lange 2012), the FN has sustained its solitary advance, making a virtue of its outsider status (Perrineau 2014). -
The Front National and the European Union
“When in France, do as the French do!”: The Front National and the European Union A Battle for the Preservation of French Culture ELLA ADRIANA CHIRINOS1, Memorial University of Newfoundland Abstract. With the rise of the far-right in Europe, previously unpopular right-wing parties emerge from the shadows to rival the dominant parties of their state. One such political party which has benefited from the wave of far-right movements in Europe is the Front National (FN) in France. One of the most distinguishing features of the FN is its criticism of the European Union (EU), arguing that the EU has contributed to the decline of France, specifically, the decline of French sovereignty. Embracing its Euroscepticism, the FN is the only outspoken anti-EU party in France, allowing it to further promote its role as the sole protector of the French culture. This paper contends that the condemnation of the European Union by the Front National is embedded in a cultural nationalist argument, where the EU is viewed as encroaching on the state’s ability to provide for and look after “the French people,” thereby being detrimental to the interests of France. Introduction Euroscepticism, which was once at the periphery of European politics (Brack and Startin, 2015), is becoming mainstream as the rise of the far-right spreads across Europe (Chakelian, 2017) with right-wing parties gaining traction and support, emerging from the shadows to rival the dominant parties of their state. The Front National (FN) in France, is one such political party which has benefited from the wave of far-right movements in Europe. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Capitolo Primo La Formazione Di Bettino Craxi
CAPITOLO PRIMO LA FORMAZIONE DI BETTINO CRAXI 1. LA FAMIGLIA Bettino, all’anagrafe Benedetto Craxi nasce a Milano, alle 5 di mattina, il 24 febbraio 1934, presso la clinica ostetrica Macedonio Melloni; primo di tre figli del padre Vittorio Craxi, avvocato siciliano trasferitosi nel capoluogo lombardo e di Maria Ferrari, originaria di Sant’Angelo Lodigiano. 1 L’avvocato Vittorio è una persona preparata nell’ambito professionale ed ispirato a forti ideali antifascisti. Vittorio Craxi è emigrato da San Fratello in provincia di Messina a causa delle sue convinzioni socialiste. Trasferitosi nella città settentrionale, lascia nella sua terra una lunga tradizione genealogica, cui anche Bettino Craxi farà riferimento. La madre, Maria Ferrari, figlia di fittavoli del paese lodigiano è una persona sensibile, altruista, ma parimenti ferma, autorevole e determinata nei principi.2 Compiuti sei anni, Bettino Craxi è iscritto al collegio arcivescovile “De Amicis” di Cantù presso Como. Il biografo Giancarlo Galli narra di un episodio in cui Bettino Craxi è designato come capo classe, in qualità di lettore, per augurare il benvenuto all’arcivescovo di Milano, cardinal Ildefonso Schuster, in visita pastorale. 3 La presenza come allievo al De Amicis è certificata da un documento custodito presso la Fondazione Craxi. Gli ex alunni di quella scuola, il 31 ottobre 1975 elaborano uno statuto valido come apertura di cooperativa. Il resoconto sarà a lui indirizzato ed ufficialmente consegnato il 10 ottobre 1986, allor quando ritornerà all’istituto in veste di Presidente del Consiglio; in quell’occasione ricorderà la sua esperienza durante gli anni scolastici e commemorerà l’educatore laico e socialista a cui la scuola è dedicata. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990S Marg
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990s Margit Viola Wunsch A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2012 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract This is a novel study of the German press’ visual and textual coverage of the wars in Bosnia (1992-95) and Kosovo (1998-99). Key moments have been selected and analysed from both wars using a broad range of publications ranging from extreme-right to extreme-left and including broadsheets, a tabloid and a news-magazine, key moments have been selected from both wars. Two sections with parallel chapters form the core of the thesis. The first deals with the war in Bosnia and the second the conflict in Kosovo. Each section contains one chapter on the initial phase of the conflict, one chapter on an important atrocity – namely the Srebrenica Massacre in Bosnia and the Račak incident in Kosovo – and lastly a chapter each on the international involvement which ended the immediate violence. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider Politics: Radicalism
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider politics : Radicalism as a Political Strategy in Western Europe and Latin America A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Verónica Hoyo Committee in charge: Professor William Chandler, Chair Professor Matthew Shugart, Co-Chair Professor Akos Rona-Tas Professor Sebastian Saiegh Professor Kaare Strom 2010 Copyright Verónica Hoyo, 2010 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Verónica Hoyo is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION A mis padres, Irma y Gonzalo, y a mi hermana Irma. Gracias por ser fuente constante de amor, inspiración y apoyo incondicional. Esto nunca hubiera sido posible sin ustedes. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page.............................................................................................................. iii Dedication..................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents.......................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations...................................................................................................... vi List of Tables................................................................................................................... xii List of Graphs................................................................................................................ -
Renzo Zaffanella Su Pietro Nenni
IL PROFILO UMANO E POLITICO DI NENNI NEL RICORDO DI RENZO ZAFFANELLA* Intervistato da Agostino Melega** Questa volta sono io a chiamare al telefono Zaffanella:<<Renzo, mi potresti rilasciare un’intervista su Pietro Nenni, per l’inserto de L’Eco del popolo su Cronaca?>> <<Volentieri! >>, mi risponde subito pronto, ed il giorno dopo lo raggiungo nella sua abitazione. Trovo l’ex sindaco di Cremona molto disponibile e sereno nel recuperare il filo della memoria sulla figura di Pietro Nenni, del quale il 1° di gennaio di quest’anno è ricorso il trentennale della scomparsa. Il mio interlocutore ha preparato per l’occasione una serie di appunti e di date precise, che hanno contrassegnato, con la vita di Nenni, le vicende politiche del nostro Paese e non solo, e subito confida: <<In una sola cosa non sono stato d’accordo con Nenni: nell’insistere nel rapporto d’alleanza fra il Psiup – si chiamava così il Partito socialista nel 1946 -, ossia fra il Partito socialista italiano di unità proletaria e i comunisti. Nenni non fu certo il solo a portare avanti quel dissanguamento. Fra il 1945 e il 1946 erano infatti molti, fra i socialisti, quelli che spingevano per arrivare a fondere addirittura insieme i due partiti socialista e comunista. E così si portò avanti un’alleanza, quella del Fronte Democratico Popolare, che da una parte impoverì a dismisura la nostra rappresentanza parlamentare e politica, dall’altra ebbe l’effetto di vederci cacciar fuori dall’Internazionale socialista. Nenni, romagnolo generoso, era un passionale, e non si accorse del gioco tattico e del freddo cinismo di Togliatti che tagliava erba nel campo del nostro elettorato, e lo faceva con una determinazione scientifica>>. -
European Public Opinion and Migration: Achieving Common Progressive Narratives
EUROPEAN PUBLIC OPINION AND MIGRATION: ACHIEVING COMMON PROGRESSIVE NARRATIVES Tamás BOROS Marco FUNK Hedwig GIUSTO Oliver GRUBER Sarah KYAMBI Hervé LE BRAS Lisa PELLING Timo RINKE Thilo SCHOLLE EUROPEAN PUBLIC OPINION AND MIGRATION: ACHIEVING COMMON PROGRESSIVE NARRATIVES ACHIEVING EUROPEAN PUBLIC OPINION AND MIGRATION: Luigi TROIANI EUROPEAN PUBLIC OPINION AND MIGRATION: ACHIEVING COMMON PROGRESSIVE NARRATIVES Published by: FEPS – Foundation for European Progressive Studies Rue Montoyer 40 - 1000 Brussels, Belgium T: +32 2 234 69 00 Email: [email protected] Website: www.feps-europe.eu Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Budapest Regional Project „Flight, Migration, Integration in Europe” Fővám tér 2-3 - H-1056 Budapest, Hungary Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes.de/en/displacement-migration-integration/ Friedrich Ebert Stiftung EU Office Brussels Rue du Taciturne 38 - 1000 Brussels, Belgium Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes-europe.eu Fondazione Pietro Nenni Via Caroncini 19 - 00197 Rome, Italy T: +39 06 80 77 486 Email: [email protected] Website: www.fondazionenenni.it Fondation Jean Jaurès 12 cité Malesherbes - 75 009 Paris, France T: +33 1 40 23 24 00 Website: https://jean-jaures.org/ Copyright © 2019 by FEPS, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Fondazione Pietro Nenni, Fondation Jean Jaurès Edited by: Marco Funk, Hedwig Giusto, Timo Rinke, Olaf Bruns English language editor: Nicole Robinson This study was produced with the financial support of the European Parliament Cover picture : Shutterstock Book layout: Triptyque.be This study does not represent the collective views of FEPS, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Fondazione Pietro Nenni or Fondation Jean Jaurès, but only the opinion of the respective author. The respon- sibility of FEPS, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Fondazione Pietro Nenni and Fondation Jean Jaurès is limited to approving its publication as worthy of consideration for the global progressive movement. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against