DOCSLIB.ORG

Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Party Organisation and Party Adaptation: Western European Communist and Successor Parties Daniel James Keith UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, April, 2010 ii I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature :……………………………………… iii Acknowledgements My colleagues at the Sussex European Institute (SEI) and the Department of Politics and Contemporary European Studies have contributed a wealth of ideas that contributed to this study of Communist parties in Western Europe. Their support, generosity, assistance and wealth of knowledge about political parties made the SEI a fantastic place to conduct my doctoral research. I would like to thank all those at SEI who have given me so many opportunities and who helped to make this research possible including: Paul Webb, Paul Taggart, Aleks Szczerbiak, Francis McGowan, James Hampshire, Lucia Quaglia, Pontus Odmalm and Sally Marthaler. Amanda Simms, Christine Kidman and Julie Carr also helped me many times along the way. I owe a special thanks to my supervisors Tim Bale and Dan Hough for providing so much support, inspiration, expertise and advice. The opportunity to work with them has been a privilege and they brought a wealth of wisdom to this project. Without their excellent comments and clarity of thought this research would not have been possible. I also owe a great deal to the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) who funded this research (award PTA–030–2006–00179). The ESRC’s financial support was vital for this research to take place. I am also very grateful to my fellow research students at SEI, whose enthusiasm, kindness, suggestions and friendship made conducting this research so much easier. I have thoroughly enjoyed working with all the research students and visiting researchers in our offices in C311 and Friston 245. Special thanks go out to Simona Guerra, John FitzGibbon, Stijn van Kessel, Martine Huberty, Amy Busby, Ariadna Rippoll Servent, Emelie Lilliefeldt, Ed Phelps, Anna Sydorak-Tomczyk, Ed Maxfield, Emma Sanderson-Nash, Erin Baumann, Ezel Tabur, Gemma Loomes, Monika Bil, Zerrin Torun, Katherine Neilson, Tom Akehurst, Ruth Johnson, Shilpa Modi, Mark Bennister, Micheal Ko β, Emanuele Massetti, Sobrina Edwards, Elefterios Zenerian, Theodora Heath Klountzou, Lyubka Savkova and Tania Verge. I would like to say thank you to all those who have worked so hard to establish such a lively research student community here at SEI and in particular Paul Taggart and Aleks Szczerbiak. In addition I am indebted to all of the interviewees who took the time to speak with me and the party officials who helped during periods of fieldwork, arranging iv interviews as well as locating and translating party documents. Stijn van Kessel and Leonie Timmers also helped me a great deal with translating documents and Jaco van Kessel gave me so much help during fieldwork in the Netherlands. Discussions with experts including Carlos Cunha, Martin Bull, Brian Hanley, Brian Palmer, Richard Dunphy, Gerrit Voerman and Paul Lucardie, were also very helpful. I am grateful for them for sharing their insight with me. This research would not have taken place without a great deal of encouragement from Mrs Brain, Peter Liddell, Jasbinda Badesha, Sarah Cullen, Roy Cullen, Simon Thomson and Mark Wickham-Jones. A special note of thanks goes to my friends whose support and inspiration helped me at so many times as I conducted this research and especially: Bill, Isobel, Arcadia, Raphaella, Perri and Charlie Woods; Linda Smith, Kevin, Lorna, Joe and Hannah Banfield; David Percival, David Skeats, Rachel Dutton, Gordon Skeats, Andrew and Lauren Rose, Joe Mottershead, Adam and Eleanor Rezazadeh, Russell Ward and Bleuen Boivin; Annie and Clive Rees; Audrey Waite; Colin, Julia and Alex Liebmann, Sam Batchelor, Melissa Edwards, David Saunders, Stephen Morgan, Richard Rose, Tom Martin, David Rosenfeld, Brendan Whitmarsh, Billy Joe Clarke, Trevor Twigg and Sue and Marchant Barron. Above all I would like to thank my family who helped me so much – especially my grandparents Trevor and Doris Keith and Terry and Stella Diegan who will always be my heroes; Alec, Trisha, Charley, Lauren and George Keith; Keith, Linda, Caroline and Phil Davis; Teresa Pearce; Patrick, Micheline and Sean Diegan, Harold and Louie Wood; Auntie Madge and Auntie Bertha. Most of all I am indebted to Ian, Catherine, Helen and Alexander Keith for their help, support and love. v UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX DANIEL JAMES KEITH THESIS SUBMITTED FOR DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY PARTY ORGANISATION AND PARTY ADAPTATION: WESTERN EUROPEAN COMMUNIST AND SUCCESSOR PARTIES SUMMARY This study examines the development of Western European Communist parties (WECPs) and their post-Communist successor parties. These parties had always adapted in surprising ways as they struggled in political systems that they sought to overthrow. Following the collapse of Communism in 1989 in central and Eastern Europe (CEE) they continued to amaze. Some reformed themselves dramatically, sacrificing or transforming their policies in search of office and votes. A number of them moved into mainstream politics and became more influential as other parties brought them into governing coalitions or they expanded at elections. Several WECPs disappeared but others resisted compromising their orthodox Marxism- Leninism. These hard-line Stalinist parties managed to remain significant players in their party systems. This in-depth study analyses the reasons behind the divergent trajectories of five WECPs and their post-Communist successor parties in the Netherlands, Sweden, Ireland and Portugal. It does this by importing and refining an analytical framework developed to explain the diverse adaptation of Communist parties in CEE. Extensive primary research based on elite interviews and the analysis of party programmes is used to evaluate the framework’s usefulness and its implications for studying the trajectories of Communist parties in Western Europe (and beyond). There are two main empirical findings from this research. First, it was elites with experience in working with groups and institutions outside their parties that led efforts to reform WECPs, just as in CEE successor parties. Second, mid-level elites in vi WECPs were not necessarily hardliners bent on resisting reform. Their leaders could be extremely effective in advocating reforms and convincing members into supporting them, meaning that organisational democratisation could be compatible with reform. This meant that organisational centralisation was not as necessary as it was in the successor parties in CEE. Moreover, reformist party leaders had not, like their counterparts in CEE, learnt to be centralisers through past struggles over reform. When party leaders did pursue elitist strategies to promote programmatic transformation this usually took place through shifting power to the party in public office rather than central office. vii Contents Acknowledgements iii Summary v List of tables x Abbreviations xiii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Setting the scene 1 1.2 The literature on Western European Communist Parties 3 1.3 Searching for a framework to analyse WECPs 11 1.4 Explaining the adaptation of CEE successor parties 12 1.5 Redeeming the Communist past 17 1.6 Importing and adapting Grzymała-Busse’s framework for use in the 25 West 1.7 Research questions and hypotheses 28 1.8 Methodology and operationalisation 34 1.9 Indicators and measures 38 1.10 Case selection 40 1.11 Contributions of the research 45 1.12 Main findings of the research 46 Chapter Two: The Portuguese Communist Party – Lessons in 48 Resisting Change 2.1 Introduction 48 2.2 The PCP’s rigid democratic centralism 50 2.3 Elite advancement in the Portuguese Communist Party 53 2.4.1 Crushing the reformers 55 2.4.2.1 The Group of Six 55 2.4.2.2 The Group of Six and democratic centralism 56 2.4.3.1 The case of Zita Seabra 58 2.4.3.2 Zita Seabra and democratic centralism 59 2.4.4.1 The Third Way 59 viii 2.4.4.2 The Third Way and democratic centralism 61 2.4.5.1 The Renovadores 64 2.4.5.2 The Renovadores and democratic centralism 67 2.5 Conclusion 74 Chapter Three: The Dutch Socialist Party – the Centralisers 78 3.1 Introduction 78 3.2 Breaking with Mao 80 3.3 The great leap forward 83 3.4 A new centralised organisation 1991– 87 3.5 Social democratisation 95 3.6 New challenges 102 3.7 Conclusion 104 Chapter Four: The Swedish Left Party – the Democratisers 108 4.1 Introduction 108 4.2 Battling the old guard 110 4.3 Democratic stagnation 115 4.4 Parliamentarisation 121 4.5 Lars Ohly’s leadership: Democratisation and parliamentarisation 134 4.6 Conclusion 140 Chapter Five: the Irish Workers’ Party and Democratic Left – the 143 Democratisers 5.1 Introduction 143 5.2 Building a vanguard party
Recommended publications
  • Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections

    Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections

    Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament.
  • Radical Closure

    Radical Closure

    Closure adical Closur R e adical R R adical 1 Radical Closure Closure Radical Closure Radical Closure Jalal Toufic Jalal Toufic,Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 1, 2020 Jalal Toufic 2 3 Radical Closure The book includes four of my conceptual artworks. They are based This book is composed of the following previously published texts on Van Gogh’s two paintings Wheatfield with Crows (1889) and Self- on radical closure: “Radical Closure,” in Over-Sensitivity, 2nd edition Portrait with Bandaged Ear (1889). The one on the front cover is (Forthcoming Books, 2009); “First Aid, Second Growth, Third Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (After Van Gogh’s Degree, Fourth World, Fifth Amendment, Sixth Sense,” “Radical- “Wheatfield with Crows” and “Self-Portrait with Bandaged Ear”), 2020; Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ,” “Copyright Free Farm the one that serves as the frontispiece is Radical-Closure Artist with Road,” and pp. 104–105 and 211–214 in Forthcoming, 2nd edition Bandaged Sense Organ (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 1, 2020; the one (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2014); pp. 82–92 in Distracted, on the last page is Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ 2nd edition (Berkeley, CA: Tuumba Press, 2003); “Verbatim,” in What (a Tribute to Van Gogh), no. 2, 2020; and the one on the back cover Was I Thinking? (Berlin: e-flux journal-Sternberg Press, 2017); and is Radical-Closure Artist with Bandaged Sense Organ (After Van Gogh’s pp. 88–96 in Postscripts (Stockholm: Moderna Museet; Amsterdam: “Wheatfield with Crows” and “Self-Portrait with Bandaged Ear”), 2018.
  • A Magazine of Libertarian Communism AUS

    A Magazine of Libertarian Communism AUS

    Red & Black Revolution 1 No. 11 - 2006 ! A magazine of libertarian communism AUS. $6 UK £2 USA $4.50 insurrection plus Gender under the spotlight * Privatisation * Precarity Contents About the Workers Solidarity Movement The Workers Solidarity Movement was founded in Dublin, Ireland in 1984 following discussions by a number of local anarchist 3 Insurrection: anarchism and groups on the need for a national anarchist organisation. At Insurrectionalism that time with unemployment and inequality on the rise, there seemed every reason to argue for anarchism and for a revolu- tionary change in Irish society. This has not changed. Ireland’s Easter Rising of Like most socialists we share a fundamental belief that capital- 11 ism is the problem. We believe that as a system it must be ended, 1916 that the wealth of society should be commonly owned and that its resources should be used to serve the needs of humanity as a whole and not those of a small greedy minority. But, just as Privatisation - the rip off of importantly, we see this struggle against capitalism as also being 14 resources, but is nationalisa- a struggle for freedom. We believe that socialism and freedom must go together, that we cannot have one without the other. As tion the answer? Mikhail Bakunin, the Russian anarchist said, “Socialism without freedom is tyranny and brutality”. 18 Independent Workers Union Anarchism has always stood for individual freedom. But it also stands for democracy. We believe in democratising the work- place and in workers taking control of all industry. We believe 19 Focus on Precarity that this is the only real alternative to capitalism with its ongoing reliance on hierarchy and oppression and its depletion of the Women are from earth (and world’s resources.
  • University of Groningen Jaarboek Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse

    University of Groningen Jaarboek Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse

    University of Groningen Jaarboek Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen 1993 Voerman, Gerrit IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 1994 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Voerman, G. (editor) (1994). Jaarboek Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen 1993. (Jaarboek Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen). Groningen: Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 11-02-2018 . I . I ' . ~ I. :1 RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT GRONINGEN JAARBOEK 1993 DOCUMENTATIECENTRUM NEDERLANDSE POLITIEKE PARTIJEN OUDE BOTERINGESTRAAT 52 9712 GL GRONINGEN TEL.: 050-63 68 30 FAX: 050-63 72 56 Colofon titel: Jaarboek Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Po­ litieke Partijen 1993 copyright: Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen - RU Groningen ISSN: 0921 -0873 redaktie: G. Voerman omslag: J.D. de Visser druk- en bindwerk: Universiteitsdrukkerij Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Dit Jaarboek kan men bestellen door f 22,50 over te maken op giro 2813720 t.n.v.
  • Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999

    Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999

    TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999 Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999 Volume 1 DUBLIN PUBLISHED BY THE STATIONERY OFFICE To be purchased through any bookseller, or directly from the GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS SALE OFFICE, SUN ALLIANCE HOUSE, MOLESWORTH STREET, DUBLIN 2 £12.00 €15.24 © Copyright Government of Ireland 2000 ISBN 0-7076-6434-9 P. 33331/E Gr. 30-01 7/00 3,000 Brunswick Press Ltd. ii CLÁR CONTENTS Page Foreword........................................................................................................................................................................ v Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................... vii LOCAL AUTHORITIES County Councils Carlow...................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Cavan....................................................................................................................................................................... 8 Clare ........................................................................................................................................................................ 12 Cork (Northern Division) .......................................................................................................................................... 19 Cork (Southern Division).........................................................................................................................................
  • Professionalization of Green Parties?

    Professionalization of Green Parties?

    Professionalization of Green parties? Analyzing and explaining changes in the external political approach of the Dutch political party GroenLinks Lotte Melenhorst (0712019) Supervisor: Dr. A. S. Zaslove 5 September 2012 Abstract There is a relatively small body of research regarding the ideological and organizational changes of Green parties. What has been lacking so far is an analysis of the way Green parties present them- selves to the outside world, which is especially interesting because it can be expected to strongly influence the image of these parties. The project shows that the Dutch Green party ‘GroenLinks’ has become more professional regarding their ‘external political approach’ – regarding ideological, or- ganizational as well as strategic presentation – during their 20 years of existence. This research pro- ject challenges the core idea of the so-called ‘threshold-approach’, that major organizational changes appear when a party is getting into government. What turns out to be at least as interesting is the ‘anticipatory’ adaptations parties go through once they have formulated government participation as an important party goal. Until now, scholars have felt that Green parties are transforming, but they have not been able to point at the core of the changes that have taken place. Organizational and ideological changes have been investigated separately, whereas in the case of Green parties organi- zation and ideology are closely interrelated. In this thesis it is argued that the external political ap- proach of GroenLinks, which used to be a typical New Left Green party but that lacks governmental experience, has become more professional, due to initiatives of various within-party actors who of- ten responded to developments outside the party.
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990S Marg

    The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990S Marg

    1 The London School of Economics and Political Science German Print Media Coverage in the Bosnia and Kosovo Wars of the 1990s Margit Viola Wunsch A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2012 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract This is a novel study of the German press’ visual and textual coverage of the wars in Bosnia (1992-95) and Kosovo (1998-99). Key moments have been selected and analysed from both wars using a broad range of publications ranging from extreme-right to extreme-left and including broadsheets, a tabloid and a news-magazine, key moments have been selected from both wars. Two sections with parallel chapters form the core of the thesis. The first deals with the war in Bosnia and the second the conflict in Kosovo. Each section contains one chapter on the initial phase of the conflict, one chapter on an important atrocity – namely the Srebrenica Massacre in Bosnia and the Račak incident in Kosovo – and lastly a chapter each on the international involvement which ended the immediate violence.
  • Monthly Journal from the Luleå Biennial 0

    Monthly Journal from the Luleå Biennial 0

    � Monthly journal from the Luleå Biennial 0:- Nr.1 “We Were Traitors of the Nation, They Said” Aug 2018 attack can be seen as the culmination of the preceding years of nationalism, warmongering and hatred against the communists in the re- gion. Its features and planning are remarkable: one of the key agents in the act, Ebbe Hallberg, was state attorney and chief of police in Luleå. Together with a journalist at the conservative newspaper Norrbottens-Kuriren and some army officers, they organised and carried out the bru- tal deed with the aim of silencing dissidents. We will also direct our attention to the history of the Swedish government’s establishment of internment camps for anti-fascists and anti-na- zis during the 1930s and 40s. The largest of the camps was located in the Norrbotten town Stors- ien in the Kalix municipality. Interned here were, among others, members of Flamman’s editorial staff. The camp and the attack overlap in time, 1 sentiment and the destinies they affected. 1 By addressing this dark history, we reflect on Swe- den’s idea of itself and its neutrality. How do these Monument by Toivo Lundmark, in memory of the attack events resonate today? What happens when we on Norrskensflamman. Photo: Thomas Hämén, 2018. look back and remember together? And why do these stories feel especially pertinent at this par- Between two private residences on Kungsgatan ticular time? These are questions we have raised 32 in the centre of Luleå is a memorial to the five in a research process that will lead us further to- people who fell victim to the attack on the com- wards the opening of the Luleå Biennial in Novem- munist newspaper Norrskensflamman on the 3rd ber 2018.
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider Politics: Radicalism

    UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider Politics: Radicalism

    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Outsider politics : Radicalism as a Political Strategy in Western Europe and Latin America A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Verónica Hoyo Committee in charge: Professor William Chandler, Chair Professor Matthew Shugart, Co-Chair Professor Akos Rona-Tas Professor Sebastian Saiegh Professor Kaare Strom 2010 Copyright Verónica Hoyo, 2010 All rights reserved. The Dissertation of Verónica Hoyo is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION A mis padres, Irma y Gonzalo, y a mi hermana Irma. Gracias por ser fuente constante de amor, inspiración y apoyo incondicional. Esto nunca hubiera sido posible sin ustedes. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page.............................................................................................................. iii Dedication..................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents.......................................................................................................... v List of Abbreviations...................................................................................................... vi List of Tables................................................................................................................... xii List of Graphs................................................................................................................
  • Dans För Mogen Ungdom Än Ohly

    Dans För Mogen Ungdom Än Ohly

    Nr 24 i webbform 061013 Dans för mogen ungdom Förr i tiden kunde man läsa annonser i DN om dansstället Lorry i Sundbyberg där det varje helg var dans för "mogen ungdom och frånskilda". Det är nog något sådant som har föresvävat arrangörerna i Flygelkören när de lördagen den 21 oktober ordnar dans i Vita Huset på Djingis Khan, från 21.30. Carabanda står för medryckande Balkanmusik medan Sten Gustens lovar åstadkomma mogen blandad Svängmusik. Det verkar lovande. Än Ohly då? Förra veckan nämnde jag de kritiska inläggen i Flamman mot tre ledande vänsterpartisters inlägg i Upsala Nya Tidning strax efter valet, där de krävde att Sverige skulle öppna ett konsulat den kurdiska delen av Irak, framför allt med hänsyn till de många därifrån som nu bor eller vistas i Sverige men besöker sitt gamla hemland och kan behöva assistans. Det kravet kritiserades starkt av ett antal vänsterpartister i Malmö och Lund som menade att det innebar ett erkännande av ockupationen. I veckans nummer svarar äntligen Ulla Hoffmann och Jacob Johnson, avgången respektive ny riksdagsledamot. De säger att representationen skulle öppnas i en del av Irak där (den kurdiska) regeringen har kontroll över territoriet och ett relativt lugn råder, vilket tillhör de gängse reglerna för diplomatisk representation, och att kravet verkligen inte innebär något erkännande av ockupationen. Men vänta! Var det inte tre undertecknare i UNT? Jovisst, Lars Ohly var med. Den här gången saknas han, utan att någon förklaring ges. Vi väntar med spänning på en. Ett slag för miljön Inte bara oppositionspartierna utan även miljöorganisationer har kritiserat regeringsförklaringen och vissa redan fattade beslut som dåliga för miljö.
  • Miscellaneous Notes on Republicanism and Socialism in Cork City, 1954–69

    Miscellaneous Notes on Republicanism and Socialism in Cork City, 1954–69

    MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON REPUBLICANISM AND SOCIALISM IN CORK CITY, 1954–69 By Jim Lane Note: What follows deals almost entirely with internal divisions within Cork republicanism and is not meant as a comprehensive outline of republican and left-wing activities in the city during the period covered. Moreover, these notes were put together following specific queries from historical researchers and, hence, the focus at times is on matters that they raised. 1954 In 1954, at the age of 16 years, I joined the following branches of the Republican Movement: Sinn Féin, the Irish Republican Army and the Cork Volunteers’Pipe Band. The most immediate influence on my joining was the discovery that fellow Corkmen were being given the opportunity of engag- ing with British Forces in an effort to drive them out of occupied Ireland. This awareness developed when three Cork IRA volunteers were arrested in the North following a failed raid on a British mil- itary barracks; their arrest and imprisonment for 10 years was not a deterrent in any way. My think- ing on armed struggle at that time was informed by much reading on the events of the Tan and Civil Wars. I had been influenced also, a few years earlier, by the campaigning of the Anti-Partition League. Once in the IRA, our initial training was a three-month republican educational course, which was given by Tomas Óg MacCurtain, son of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Tomas MacCurtain, who was murdered by British forces at his home in 1920. This course was followed by arms and explosives training.
  • The Interview Dublin Bookfair

    The Interview Dublin Bookfair

    www.freedompress.org.uk 24 MARCH 2007 IDE ►► Special summer preview issue: We interview organisers for Earth First!, the Schnews Alternative Media Gathering, i07 and more. PREPARE YOURSELF cavity around the country is centres will help at least some of these ft;shaping up to be some of the to survive long-term. n rLmost organised seen in the UK for many years. Alongside longstanding Media protests such as the DSEI arms fair With a slew of new regional news- and the GS (to be held this year in sheets, websites and even video Germany) which will have seen months inidatives, anarchist media has of preparation by the time they come progressed markedly recently, around, there is social centre network­ recovering strongly from the dead ing, media training, new organising in zone it had found itself in the run-up education and in community politics ro 2000 with high-traffic websites such and a number o f events such as the as Libcom and Indymedia, and Projectile Film Festival and Anarchist improving standards and distribution Bookfair. volumes for the printed media as a In this special issue we are looking whole. Schnews are proposing the first into some of these evenrs and initiatives major media gathering for years to be to find our more about what we can held in May at the Cowley Club in expect, wnar the motivations of the Brighton. Full details are on page 3. organisers are and what ir is expected Both the London Anarchist Bookfair to achieve. and the Projectile film festival continue ro be centre points for anarchists to Social Centres gather; and Projectile (see below) have die Social centre network has led to a outstanding work coming up.