Cross-Strait Economic Ties: RAMON H
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The Nature and Trend of Taiwanese Investment in China (1991–2014) Business Orientation, Profit Seeking, and Depoliticization
8 The Nature and Trend of Taiwanese Investment in China (1991–2014) Business Orientation, Profit Seeking, and Depoliticization Chung-min Tsai In January 1990, the Taiwanese government announced the “Measures on Indirect Investment and Technical Cooperation with the Mainland” (Dui dalu diqu jianjie touzi huo jishu hezuo guanli banfa) and officially lifted the ban on investing in China. Simultaneously in this era of change, Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour pro- moting economic reforms, and the adoption of a socialist market economic system in the Fourteenth National Party Congress, both in 1992, ensured a more busi- ness-friendly investment climate in China. Regardless, cross-Strait relations would continue to stumble over the next few years along with industrial restructuring in Taiwan and changing economic development in China respectively. In 1994, former president Lee Teng-hui (hereafter Lee) promoted a “southward policy” to redirect Taiwanese investment from China to Southeast Asia, and in 1996 he issued his motto, “Don’t rush, be patient” (jieji yongren), advocating a more gradual and careful approach to Taiwanese investment in China (TIC), accompanied by new regulations on such investment. In 2000, Lee’s successor Chen Shui-bian (hereafter Chen) won the election and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) became the ruling party. Chen’s hostile attitude toward China and the DPP’s proindependence stance made cross-Strait relations very difficult, and political exchanges were sus- pended. But after incumbent president Ma Ying-jeou (hereafter -
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation. -
Taishang: a Different Kind of Ethnic Chinese Business in Southeast Asia Hsin- Huang Michael Hsiao, I- Chun Kung, and Hong- Zen Wang
7 Taishang: A Different Kind of Ethnic Chinese Business in Southeast Asia Hsin- Huang Michael Hsiao, I- Chun Kung, and Hong- zen Wang Introduction Taiwanese transnational capital emerged in the mid-1980s, and its importance is now widely recognized by Taiwanese scholars in various disciplines. There has been an increasing interest in investigating the nature of this newly emerging transnational capital, which is consid- ered to be different from the Western or Japanese forms. Studies of Taiwanese businesses (taishang) in Southeast Asia have concentrated on the domains of overseas investment patterns (T. J. Chen 1994, 1998; Y. C. Chen 1997; Lin 2002), industrial relations (Chan and Wang 2005; Kung 2002; Wang 2002), and ethnic relations and overseas Chinese networks (Hsiao and Kung 1998; Tseng 1999). Some scholars have noted that, to taishang, Southeast Asia is not only a geographical area, but also a cultural entity, and thus their investment behavior as a whole is embedded in the social contexts of the region. As latecomers to transna- tional capital in Southeast Asia, taishang demonstrate some distinguish- ing features (see also Shu 2000, 2001). Using taishang as the keyword to search title, abstract, and keywords in the database Zhonghua minguo qikan lunwen suoyin (Index of Republic of China’s journal articles), up to the end of 2006, there are over 500 entries. However, having checked one by one, only 37 articles have really dealt with taishang and Southeast Asia in a specified way. This shows that current research on the taishang of Southeast Asia has not gone beyond the general description of overseas investment, paid attention to the social context of the host country, or examined the social impact of overseas investment. -
ACROSS the TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017
VOLUME 6 2015–2017 ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG VOLUME SIX September 9, 2015–September 11, 2017 JUNE 2018 Stimson cannot be held responsible for the content of any webpages belonging to other firms, organizations, or individuals that are referenced by hyperlinks. Such links are included in good faith to provide the user with additional information of potential interest. Stimson has no influence over their content, their correctness, their programming, or how frequently they are updated by their owners. Some hyperlinks might eventually become defunct. Copyright © 2018 Stimson All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from Stimson. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1211 Connecticut Avenue Northwest, 8th floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 www.stimson.org Preface Brian Finlay and Ellen Laipson It is our privilege to present this collection of Alan Romberg’s analytical work on the cross-Strait relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan. Alan joined Stimson in 2000 to lead the East Asia Program after a long and prestigious career in the Department of State, during which he was an instrumental player in the development of the United States’ policy in Asia, particularly relating to the PRC and Taiwan. He brought his expertise to bear on his work at Stimson, where he wrote the seminal book on U.S. -
Economic Interdependence and the Development of Cross-‐Strait
Lu 1 Economic Interdependence and the Development of Cross-Strait Relations To what degree can economic interdependence encourage peace in the inherently conflictual relationship between China and Taiwan? Undergraduate Honors Thesis, Sanford School of Public Policy Duke University, Durham, NC Michelle Lu December 2011 Professor Jentleson Professor Kelley 2 Lu Abstract By measuring the extent to which improved economic relations between China and Taiwan has led to improved political relations, this proJect uses the case of cross-Strait relations to test the idea that economic interdependence encourages peace. Trade ties and indicators of political relations measure the extent to which economic interdependence can encourage peace and work toward conflict resolution in an inherently conflictual relationship. Economic interdependence expands contacts between states, encourages the building of cooperative institutions, and introduces new incentives for peace over conflict. This paper argues that economic interdependence is not sufficient to resolve political conflict, but it builds an environment conducive to improved political relations and easing of tensions. These improvements are not high-level, political, diplomatic ties but rather the building of lower level political and societal exchange. Trade relations have grown between China and Taiwan from 2003 and 2011, and this economic interdependence is correlated with expanded interaction in tourism, transportation, political dialogue and cultural exchange. These effects allow for greater mutual understanding and contact, which create a reciprocal effect by contributing to increased economic interaction. While progress in cross-Strait relations is constrained by the internal politics of both China and Taiwan at any moment, the United States plays an important role in reinforcing the positive effects of economic interdependence. -
Since Ms. Tsai Ing-Wen's Election As President of the Republic of China
Beijing’s Policy Towards President Tsai Ying-wen and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations by Jean-Pierre Cabestan ince Ms. Tsai Ing-wen’s election as President of the Republic of China (ROC), STaiwan on January 16, 2016 and even more since her inauguration on May 20, 2016, Beijing’s policy towards the island-state has been both rigid and assertive. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) authorities have kept asking the new Taiwanese administration to endorse the so-called “92 consensus”—according to which there is “one China” but neither side tries to define it—that, contrary to the defeated Kuomintang (KMT), Ms. Tsai and her Party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which now controls a majority of seats in the Legislative Yuan, or Taiwan’s Parliament, are not going to do. As a result, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has decided to stop all high-level contacts with the Taiwanese government and instead has intensified its united front policy aimed at reaching out the segments of the Taiwanese polity and the society that disagree with the new president and her team—the KMT and their elected national and local representatives as well as the Taiwanese business community. This divide-and-rule-strategy is served by a stronger—though more slowly growing—economy, a more assertive foreign policy, especially towards the United States, and a more robust and threatening military. Beijing’s objectives are pretty clear and simple: contribute to Ms. Tsai’s failure in weakening her position and delegitimizing her policy choices, both in the eyes of Taiwan’s political, business elites and voters as well as, hopefully, the new American Administration; and, consequently, help the KMT and the “blue camp” as a whole to come back to power in 2020 in developing close relations with them and their business allies who have vested interests in or with China. -
Asia's China Strategy
9th Symposium on “Sino-EU Relations and the Taiwan Question” Chongming, Shanghai, China June 30—July 3, 2012 A workshop jointly organised by German Institute for International and Security Affairs / Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin and Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS), Shanghai, with the friendly support of the Robert Bosch Foundation, Stuttgart. Discussion Paper Do not cite or quote without author’s permission Taiwan's Changing Security Environment Jean-Pierre Cabestan Professor & Head Department of Government and International Studies Hong Kong Baptist University Associate Research Fellow, Asia Centre, Paris Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org In 2011-12, the relationship across the Taiwan Strait has continued to deepen and stabilize.1 President Ma Ying-jeou’s reelection and the KMT parliamentary victory in January 2012 have directly contributed to this consolidation of military detente and political rapprochement between Beijing and Taipei. But has Taiwan’s security environment improved? In this paper, I will argue that in the past few years, and especially since Ma’s election in 2008, Taiwan’s both military and non- military security challenges have intensified and the latter challenges are, in the longer run, probably more dangerous than the former ones for the island’s security and survival as a de facto nation-state. On the one hand, Taiwan (or the Republic of China, ROC)’s capability to defend itself and keep the island secure from outside aggression has deteriorated. In addition, since no military confidence-building measures (CBMs) have been initiated with mainland China (or the People’s Republic of China, PRC) military incidents cannot be excluded nor managed properly. -
Chinese Television As a Medium of National Interpellation: Diasporic Responses to the CCTV Production of the Spring Festival Gala
Chinese Television as a Medium of National Interpellation: Diasporic Responses to the CCTV Production of the Spring Festival Gala by Yawei Cui A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto © Copyright by Yawei Cui 2009 Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l’édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-60941-5 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-60941-5 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L’auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l’Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L’auteur conserve la propriété du droit d’auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. -
188 Françoise Mengin a Territory Divided by a Suspended Civil War
188 Book Reviews Françoise Mengin (2015) Fragments of an Unfinished War: Taiwanese Entrepreneurs and the Partition of China. London: Hurst Publishers. xix + 393 pages, £30 (hb), isbn: 978-0190264055. (Originally published as Fragments d’une guerre inachevée. Les entrepreneurs taiwa- nais et la partition de la Chine, Paris: Karthala, 2013.) A territory divided by a suspended civil war—that is how political scientist Françoise Mengin represents the two sides of the Taiwan Strait in her recently translated book. The focus of the volume is on the Taiwanese entrepreneurs, Taishang. The author traces the contingent process through which they be- came central to the island’s economic growth and how they crossed the strait to become major investors in the People’s Republic of China (prc). Mengin’s goal is to show how the China–Taiwan dispute appears from the perspective of economic history. It is an approach to political economy that puts the state at the centre of analysis. Consequently, economy is described as a set of regulated activities. The author argues that economic behaviour across the Taiwan Strait has been shaped by two sets of legislations, one recognised and the other not. The author’s historical emphasis explains the chronological arrangement of the book. Mengin sets out by affirming that the communist revolution in 1949 was mirrored by a Nationalist counterrevolution on Taiwan. The island was turned into a stronghold from which the mainland would be retaken by force. Such were the origins of an island regime hostile to free enterprise: it protected those businesses that served the needs of the militarised and state- dominated economy and favoured capitalists from mainland China over local entrepreneurs. -
4 the China Impact on Taiwan's Elections
1 2 4 The China impact on Taiwan’s 3 4 elections 5 6 Cross- Strait economic integration 7 through the lens of election advertising 8 9 10 Dafydd J. Fell 11 12 13 Since the lifting of martial law in 1987, there has been a transformation in Tai- 14 wan’s trade and investment patterns. In that year, Taiwan’s dominant trade part- 15 ners were still the United States and Japan, while trade and investment with 16 China remained outlawed and only limited indirect flows were possible. It was 17 not until 1987 that the Taiwanese were permitted to visit China, and it would be 18 another two decades before there was genuine liberalization in the form of 19 Chinese visitors coming to Taiwan for tourism and study.1 20 The shift towards increasing trade relations with China began in the early 21 1990s, although it was largely registered as trade with Hong Kong. Similarly, 22 much of the initial China- bound Taiwanese investment was routed via Caribbean 23 tax havens, such as the British Virgin Islands and the Cayman Islands. However, 24 between the mid- 1990s and the fall of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) 25 government in 2008, a political stalemate featured prominently in cross- Strait 26 relations, while rapid integration or convergence was the dominant trend in the 27 economic sphere. The return to power of the Kuomintang (KMT) in 2008 28 resulted in much closer economic integration and warmer political relations. By 29 the time Taiwan signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement 30 (ECFA) with China in 2010, China (including Hong Kong) had become by far 31 Taiwan’s leading trading partner and destination for outward investment. -
The Role of Mainland China's Taiwanese Students in Cross-Strait
ASIANetwork Exchange | Spring 2015 | volume 22 | 2 Linked Without Linking: The Role of Mainland China’s Taiwanese Students in Cross-Strait Unification Lincoln Edward Davidson Abstract: The renewal of economic and social relations between Taiwan and Mainland China, and the economic and social integration of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait resulting from it, has led to an advanced state of interdependence. Scholars have argued that economic integration has the potential to catalyze politi- cal unification. However, as this consolidation has failed to appear, scholars have sought alternative frameworks for understanding the conditions necessary to facilitate unification. Drawing on the “linkage community” integration framework, which outlines a group of people with ties to both sides of the Taiwan Strait and the ability to influence policymakers as a primary variable for understanding the poten- tial for unification, this paper examines the political activity of organizations for Taisheng, Taiwanese students at Mainland Chinese universities. Based on data col- lected through informal interviews with Taiwanese students and officials conducted between October 2012 and August 2013, this paper presents information on the situation of Taiwanese students in Mainland China and argues that they have little potential to drive unification. It concludes that better understanding of the intersec- tion of identity and interests in the cross-Strait context is essential to comprehend- ing the relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China and the unification -
The Taiwanese Economy After the Miracle an Industry in Restructuration, Structural Weaknesses and the Challenge of China
China Perspectives 2010/3 | 2010 Taiwan: The Consolidation of a Democratic and Distinct Society The Taiwanese Economy After the Miracle An Industry in Restructuration, Structural Weaknesses and the Challenge of China Philippe Chevalérias Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5301 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5301 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2010 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Philippe Chevalérias, « The Taiwanese Economy After the Miracle », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2010/3 | 2010, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2013, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5301 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5301 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e The Taiwanese Economy v i a t c n i After the Miracle e h p s c An Industry in Restructuration, Structural Weaknesses and the r Challenge of China e p PHILIPPE CHEVALÉRIAS The Taiwanese economic miracle is over. At the end of the 1980s, changes in macroeconomic conditions forced Taiwanese industry to restructure. While it moved towards information technology, the island became increasingly tied to the mainland. By speeding up the integration of Taiwan with China by means of a China-Taiwan economic zone, President Ma Ying-jeou hopes to restart growth, but the economic and political consequences of the project are causing controversy. ince the end of the 1980s, relations with China have or Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has indeed led to a played a major part in the economic development of liberalisation of trade across the Strait, but this has happened STaiwan.