Cross-Strait Economic Ties: RAMON H

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Cross-Strait Economic Ties: RAMON H ASIA PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT NO. 118 FEBRUARY 2004 INSIDE Cross-Strait Economic Ties: RAMON H. MYERS Taiwan-China Agent of Change, or a Trojan Horse? Economic Relations: Promoting Mutual Benefits or ABSTRACT: This Special Report discusses both opportunities and challenges of cross–Taiwan Undermining Taiwan’s Strait economic ties for domestic economic developments in China and Taiwan as well as their Security? bilateral relationship. Ramon H. Myers of the Hoover Institution argues that Taiwan will gain page 4 economically,build friendship and trust, and pave the way for a long-term solution of the divid- ed-China issue by engaging China. Terry Cooke of the Foreign Policy Research Institute main- TERRY COOKE tains that economic globalization will bring about regional stability and reduce military and Cross-Strait Economic political tension across the Taiwan Strait.Tun-jen Cheng of the College of William and Mary Ties & the Dynamics of suggests that the principal hazard for Taiwan because of the concentration of Taiwan’s trade with Globalization and investment in China is recession or currency fluctuation on the mainland.While the three essays agree that Beijing is unlikely to use Taiwan’s economic dependence on the mainland to page 8 coerce Taiwan politically,they differ on whether the growing cross-Strait economic ties will nec- TUN-JEN CHENG essarily bring about economic benefits to Taiwan. Doing Business with China: Taiwan’s Three Main Concerns Introduction mainland has accumulated to about $30 bil- Gang Lin lion. Investment on the mainland has expand- page 12 ed from labor-intensive industries to capital- espite pervasive political distrust and intensive and technology-intensive ventures. hostility across the Taiwan Strait, Taiwan’s information technology industry, D economic exchange between Taiwan including high-tech semi-conductor produc- and mainland China has developed swiftly in tion, has spread over China’s Yangtze River and recent years. According to Taiwanese statistics, Pearl River areas. Hundred of thousands of trade between the two sides of the Strait Taiwanese business people now permanently reached $37 billion in 2002—accounting for reside on the mainland, particularly in more than 15 percent of Taiwan’s total foreign Shanghai and the province of Jiangsu. Because trade—and China was Taiwan’s number-three 150,000 Taiwanese people reside in close trading partner, next only to the United States proximity in the Jiangsu city of Kunshan, the (18 percent) and Japan (16 percent). Relying city has earned the nickname of “Little Taipei.” on Chinese statistics instead, the figure for What has been the impact of economic cross-Strait trade is even higher, with $45 bil- exchange between Taiwan and the mainland lion trade value for 2002. While Taiwan’s on the island’s domestic economy, and on the imports from China are not very significant bilateral relationship? Does the mainland pose ASIA PROGRAM for the island’s total imports, China has sur- an opportunity or a threat to Taiwan’s devel- passed the United States as the biggest market opment? To what extent has the mainland for Taiwanese exports.Taiwan’s trade surplus market helped sustain Taiwan’s growth? Or, has with China far exceeds the island’s total trade overseas investment resulted in the island’s surplus. In other words, without trade surplus economic hollowing out and increasing with China,Taiwan would be in trade deficit. unemployment? Does the Taiwanese economy In addition, Taiwanese investment on the rely on China’s market so heavily that Taipei Gang Lin is program associate at the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Asia Program. ASIA PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT has lost its leverage in dealing with Beijing political- expected to replace Taiwan as the world’s largest ly? What is the rationale, if any, behind Taipei’s cau- manufacturing agent of high-technology products. tious attitude toward the opening of the Three Links By engaging China to influence its economic mod- (postal, business, and transportation) across the ernization,Taiwan will gain greater economic wel- Taiwan Strait? Are the Three Links a purely eco- fare, build friendship and trust, and pave the way for nomic issue, as Beijing claims? Is the deepening eco- a long-term solution of the divided-China issue. nomic relationship between the two sides a trap for In the second essay, Terry Cooke of the Foreign Taiwan, or a way to soften Beijing’s position on the Policy Research Institute observes that the global political issues dividing the two? Is there any linkage supply chain for Information Technology (IT) prod- between economic integration and political accom- ucts has been extending steadily across the Taiwan modation? To what degree will Taiwanese people Strait.This process has gradually led to regional and living on the mainland serve as agents of change, global integration that brings substantial benefit to influencing each side’s perception of the other, as both Taiwan and China.With a dominant share in 2 well as policies of Beijing and Taipei toward each China’s export industry,a growing share in the local other? What are the political inclinations of those Chinese market, and strong R&D roots in Taiwan, Taiwanese people doing business with China on the the cross-Strait IT interaction is a win-win game for issues of Taiwan’s future, party identification, and both sides. Leverage in the IT sector is not as much cross-Strait relations? Will sufficient domestic sup- in the hands of politicians in either Beijing or Taipei port allow the leadership of Beijing and Taipei to as in the hands of Taiwan’s globally-experienced IT deal with each other more flexibly? Does the firms. Economic globalization will bring about United States have a role to play in promoting eco- regional stability and reduce military and political nomic links across the Taiwan Strait? The following tension across the Taiwan Strait. three essays discuss these and related issues. In the third essay, Tun-jen Cheng of the In the first essay, Ramon H. Myers of Hoover College of William and Mary discusses Taiwan’s Institute argues that no evidence suggests that main- three main concerns over doing business with land China has adopted trade policies that will force China. First, China seemingly is in a position to use Taipei to accept Beijing’s political demands. Taiwan’s economic dependence on the mainland as Expanding cross-Strait economic relations mutually leverage to coerce Taiwan politically and militarily. benefit both sides. According to Myers, if the Second, Taiwanese businessmen in China may Taiwanese government can formulate a win-win unwittingly become a political force championing strategy toward mainland China, it can retain its the cause of unification on behalf of Beijing.Third, position in the emerging Chinese market, which is cross-Strait economic linkage may have an industri- al “hollowing out” effect on Taiwan’s economy. According to Cheng, in the foreseeable future, THE ASIA PROGRAM Beijing is unlikely to coerce Taiwan politically and militarily by flexing its economic muscle, as many The Wilson Center’s Asia Program is dedicated to the proposition that only those with a sound scholarly grounding can begin to Taiwanese fear.Taiwanese businessmen on the main- understand contemporary events. One of the Center’s oldest land are not agents of Beijing advocating pro-unifi- regional programs, the Asia Program seeks to bring historical and cation policies. However, because of the concentra- cultural sensitivity to the discussion of Asia in the nation’s capital. tion of Taiwan’s trade with and investment in In seminars, workshops, briefings, and conferences, prominent China, a great hazard is recession or currency fluctu- scholars of Asia interact with one another and with policy practi- tioners to further understanding of the peoples, traditions, and ation on the mainland. behaviors of the world’s most populous continent. Rupert Hammond-Chambers of the U.S.- Taiwan Business Council offered commentary on Asia Program Staff: these three essays when they were first presented at a Robert M. Hathaway, Director Gang Lin, Program Associate November 3, 2003 seminar sponsored by the Amy McCreedy, Program Associate Woodrow Wilson Center’s Asia Program. He argued Wilson Lee, Program Assistant that while China’s open market has provided new Timothy R. Hildebrandt, Program Assistant opportunities for Taiwanese businessmen, the CROSS-STRAIT ECONOMIC TIES: AGENT OF CHANGE, OR A TROJAN HORSE? increasing competitiveness of Chinese industries has nomic ties for the two sides’ domestic economic also posed a threat to Taiwan’s economy and development as well as their bilateral relationship. increased Beijing’s voice in regional affairs. While the three essays agree that Beijing is unlikely Moreover, by encouraging regional economic inte- to use Taiwan’s economic dependence on the main- gration without Taiwan’s participation, Beijing has land to coerce Taiwan politically, they differ on tried to marginalize Taiwan’s economic role in the whether the growing cross-Strait economic ties will Asia Pacific, Hammond-Chambers added. necessarily bring about economic benefits to In brief, this Special Report explores both Taiwan. opportunities and challenges of cross-Strait eco- 3 ASIA PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT Taiwan-China Economic Relations: Promoting Mutual Benefits or Undermining Taiwan’s Security? RAMON H. MYERS as China since 1990 adopted trade poli- cies with Taiwan that have or will force H the Taiwan authorities to accept Beijing’s political demands they now oppose? Or have economic relations between Taiwan and 4 China, because of the two sides’ relatively compar- ative advantage, generated trade benefits for both sides, thus leading to dialogue and a resolution of the divided-China issue? Answering these questions can explain how Taiwan-China economic relations have evolved and what kind of economic and political future the two regimes face. TAIWAN-CHINA ECONOMIC RELATIONS What are the special characteristics of Taiwan- China economic relations? First, we are referring to a short period of economic relations, namely from in China send remittances and earnings to Taiwan, 1990 to the present.
Recommended publications
  • The Nature and Trend of Taiwanese Investment in China (1991–2014) Business Orientation, Profit Seeking, and Depoliticization
    8 The Nature and Trend of Taiwanese Investment in China (1991–2014) Business Orientation, Profit Seeking, and Depoliticization Chung-min Tsai In January 1990, the Taiwanese government announced the “Measures on Indirect Investment and Technical Cooperation with the Mainland” (Dui dalu diqu jianjie touzi huo jishu hezuo guanli banfa) and officially lifted the ban on investing in China. Simultaneously in this era of change, Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour pro- moting economic reforms, and the adoption of a socialist market economic system in the Fourteenth National Party Congress, both in 1992, ensured a more busi- ness-friendly investment climate in China. Regardless, cross-Strait relations would continue to stumble over the next few years along with industrial restructuring in Taiwan and changing economic development in China respectively. In 1994, former president Lee Teng-hui (hereafter Lee) promoted a “southward policy” to redirect Taiwanese investment from China to Southeast Asia, and in 1996 he issued his motto, “Don’t rush, be patient” (jieji yongren), advocating a more gradual and careful approach to Taiwanese investment in China (TIC), accompanied by new regulations on such investment. In 2000, Lee’s successor Chen Shui-bian (hereafter Chen) won the election and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) became the ruling party. Chen’s hostile attitude toward China and the DPP’s proindependence stance made cross-Strait relations very difficult, and political exchanges were sus- pended. But after incumbent president Ma Ying-jeou (hereafter
    [Show full text]
  • The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
    The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • Taishang: a Different Kind of Ethnic Chinese Business in Southeast Asia Hsin- Huang Michael Hsiao, I- Chun Kung, and Hong- Zen Wang
    7 Taishang: A Different Kind of Ethnic Chinese Business in Southeast Asia Hsin- Huang Michael Hsiao, I- Chun Kung, and Hong- zen Wang Introduction Taiwanese transnational capital emerged in the mid-1980s, and its importance is now widely recognized by Taiwanese scholars in various disciplines. There has been an increasing interest in investigating the nature of this newly emerging transnational capital, which is consid- ered to be different from the Western or Japanese forms. Studies of Taiwanese businesses (taishang) in Southeast Asia have concentrated on the domains of overseas investment patterns (T. J. Chen 1994, 1998; Y. C. Chen 1997; Lin 2002), industrial relations (Chan and Wang 2005; Kung 2002; Wang 2002), and ethnic relations and overseas Chinese networks (Hsiao and Kung 1998; Tseng 1999). Some scholars have noted that, to taishang, Southeast Asia is not only a geographical area, but also a cultural entity, and thus their investment behavior as a whole is embedded in the social contexts of the region. As latecomers to transna- tional capital in Southeast Asia, taishang demonstrate some distinguish- ing features (see also Shu 2000, 2001). Using taishang as the keyword to search title, abstract, and keywords in the database Zhonghua minguo qikan lunwen suoyin (Index of Republic of China’s journal articles), up to the end of 2006, there are over 500 entries. However, having checked one by one, only 37 articles have really dealt with taishang and Southeast Asia in a specified way. This shows that current research on the taishang of Southeast Asia has not gone beyond the general description of overseas investment, paid attention to the social context of the host country, or examined the social impact of overseas investment.
    [Show full text]
  • ACROSS the TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017
    VOLUME 6 2015–2017 ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG VOLUME SIX September 9, 2015–September 11, 2017 JUNE 2018 Stimson cannot be held responsible for the content of any webpages belonging to other firms, organizations, or individuals that are referenced by hyperlinks. Such links are included in good faith to provide the user with additional information of potential interest. Stimson has no influence over their content, their correctness, their programming, or how frequently they are updated by their owners. Some hyperlinks might eventually become defunct. Copyright © 2018 Stimson All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from Stimson. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1211 Connecticut Avenue Northwest, 8th floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 www.stimson.org Preface Brian Finlay and Ellen Laipson It is our privilege to present this collection of Alan Romberg’s analytical work on the cross-Strait relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan. Alan joined Stimson in 2000 to lead the East Asia Program after a long and prestigious career in the Department of State, during which he was an instrumental player in the development of the United States’ policy in Asia, particularly relating to the PRC and Taiwan. He brought his expertise to bear on his work at Stimson, where he wrote the seminal book on U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Interdependence and the Development of Cross-‐Strait
    Lu 1 Economic Interdependence and the Development of Cross-Strait Relations To what degree can economic interdependence encourage peace in the inherently conflictual relationship between China and Taiwan? Undergraduate Honors Thesis, Sanford School of Public Policy Duke University, Durham, NC Michelle Lu December 2011 Professor Jentleson Professor Kelley 2 Lu Abstract By measuring the extent to which improved economic relations between China and Taiwan has led to improved political relations, this proJect uses the case of cross-Strait relations to test the idea that economic interdependence encourages peace. Trade ties and indicators of political relations measure the extent to which economic interdependence can encourage peace and work toward conflict resolution in an inherently conflictual relationship. Economic interdependence expands contacts between states, encourages the building of cooperative institutions, and introduces new incentives for peace over conflict. This paper argues that economic interdependence is not sufficient to resolve political conflict, but it builds an environment conducive to improved political relations and easing of tensions. These improvements are not high-level, political, diplomatic ties but rather the building of lower level political and societal exchange. Trade relations have grown between China and Taiwan from 2003 and 2011, and this economic interdependence is correlated with expanded interaction in tourism, transportation, political dialogue and cultural exchange. These effects allow for greater mutual understanding and contact, which create a reciprocal effect by contributing to increased economic interaction. While progress in cross-Strait relations is constrained by the internal politics of both China and Taiwan at any moment, the United States plays an important role in reinforcing the positive effects of economic interdependence.
    [Show full text]
  • Since Ms. Tsai Ing-Wen's Election As President of the Republic of China
    Beijing’s Policy Towards President Tsai Ying-wen and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations by Jean-Pierre Cabestan ince Ms. Tsai Ing-wen’s election as President of the Republic of China (ROC), STaiwan on January 16, 2016 and even more since her inauguration on May 20, 2016, Beijing’s policy towards the island-state has been both rigid and assertive. The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) authorities have kept asking the new Taiwanese administration to endorse the so-called “92 consensus”—according to which there is “one China” but neither side tries to define it—that, contrary to the defeated Kuomintang (KMT), Ms. Tsai and her Party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which now controls a majority of seats in the Legislative Yuan, or Taiwan’s Parliament, are not going to do. As a result, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has decided to stop all high-level contacts with the Taiwanese government and instead has intensified its united front policy aimed at reaching out the segments of the Taiwanese polity and the society that disagree with the new president and her team—the KMT and their elected national and local representatives as well as the Taiwanese business community. This divide-and-rule-strategy is served by a stronger—though more slowly growing—economy, a more assertive foreign policy, especially towards the United States, and a more robust and threatening military. Beijing’s objectives are pretty clear and simple: contribute to Ms. Tsai’s failure in weakening her position and delegitimizing her policy choices, both in the eyes of Taiwan’s political, business elites and voters as well as, hopefully, the new American Administration; and, consequently, help the KMT and the “blue camp” as a whole to come back to power in 2020 in developing close relations with them and their business allies who have vested interests in or with China.
    [Show full text]
  • Asia's China Strategy
    9th Symposium on “Sino-EU Relations and the Taiwan Question” Chongming, Shanghai, China June 30—July 3, 2012 A workshop jointly organised by German Institute for International and Security Affairs / Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), Berlin and Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (SIIS), Shanghai, with the friendly support of the Robert Bosch Foundation, Stuttgart. Discussion Paper Do not cite or quote without author’s permission Taiwan's Changing Security Environment Jean-Pierre Cabestan Professor & Head Department of Government and International Studies Hong Kong Baptist University Associate Research Fellow, Asia Centre, Paris Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org In 2011-12, the relationship across the Taiwan Strait has continued to deepen and stabilize.1 President Ma Ying-jeou’s reelection and the KMT parliamentary victory in January 2012 have directly contributed to this consolidation of military detente and political rapprochement between Beijing and Taipei. But has Taiwan’s security environment improved? In this paper, I will argue that in the past few years, and especially since Ma’s election in 2008, Taiwan’s both military and non- military security challenges have intensified and the latter challenges are, in the longer run, probably more dangerous than the former ones for the island’s security and survival as a de facto nation-state. On the one hand, Taiwan (or the Republic of China, ROC)’s capability to defend itself and keep the island secure from outside aggression has deteriorated. In addition, since no military confidence-building measures (CBMs) have been initiated with mainland China (or the People’s Republic of China, PRC) military incidents cannot be excluded nor managed properly.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Television As a Medium of National Interpellation: Diasporic Responses to the CCTV Production of the Spring Festival Gala
    Chinese Television as a Medium of National Interpellation: Diasporic Responses to the CCTV Production of the Spring Festival Gala by Yawei Cui A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto © Copyright by Yawei Cui 2009 Library and Archives Bibliothèque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l’édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-60941-5 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 978-0-494-60941-5 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non- L’auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l’Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non- support microforme, papier, électronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L’auteur conserve la propriété du droit d’auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • 188 Françoise Mengin a Territory Divided by a Suspended Civil War
    188 Book Reviews Françoise Mengin (2015) Fragments of an Unfinished War: Taiwanese Entrepreneurs and the Partition of China. London: Hurst Publishers. xix + 393 pages, £30 (hb), isbn: 978-0190264055. (Originally published as Fragments d’une guerre inachevée. Les entrepreneurs taiwa- nais et la partition de la Chine, Paris: Karthala, 2013.) A territory divided by a suspended civil war—that is how political scientist Françoise Mengin represents the two sides of the Taiwan Strait in her recently translated book. The focus of the volume is on the Taiwanese entrepreneurs, Taishang. The author traces the contingent process through which they be- came central to the island’s economic growth and how they crossed the strait to become major investors in the People’s Republic of China (prc). Mengin’s goal is to show how the China–Taiwan dispute appears from the perspective of economic history. It is an approach to political economy that puts the state at the centre of analysis. Consequently, economy is described as a set of regulated activities. The author argues that economic behaviour across the Taiwan Strait has been shaped by two sets of legislations, one recognised and the other not. The author’s historical emphasis explains the chronological arrangement of the book. Mengin sets out by affirming that the communist revolution in 1949 was mirrored by a Nationalist counterrevolution on Taiwan. The island was turned into a stronghold from which the mainland would be retaken by force. Such were the origins of an island regime hostile to free enterprise: it protected those businesses that served the needs of the militarised and state- dominated economy and favoured capitalists from mainland China over local entrepreneurs.
    [Show full text]
  • 4 the China Impact on Taiwan's Elections
    1 2 4 The China impact on Taiwan’s 3 4 elections 5 6 Cross- Strait economic integration 7 through the lens of election advertising 8 9 10 Dafydd J. Fell 11 12 13 Since the lifting of martial law in 1987, there has been a transformation in Tai- 14 wan’s trade and investment patterns. In that year, Taiwan’s dominant trade part- 15 ners were still the United States and Japan, while trade and investment with 16 China remained outlawed and only limited indirect flows were possible. It was 17 not until 1987 that the Taiwanese were permitted to visit China, and it would be 18 another two decades before there was genuine liberalization in the form of 19 Chinese visitors coming to Taiwan for tourism and study.1 20 The shift towards increasing trade relations with China began in the early 21 1990s, although it was largely registered as trade with Hong Kong. Similarly, 22 much of the initial China- bound Taiwanese investment was routed via Caribbean 23 tax havens, such as the British Virgin Islands and the Cayman Islands. However, 24 between the mid- 1990s and the fall of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) 25 government in 2008, a political stalemate featured prominently in cross- Strait 26 relations, while rapid integration or convergence was the dominant trend in the 27 economic sphere. The return to power of the Kuomintang (KMT) in 2008 28 resulted in much closer economic integration and warmer political relations. By 29 the time Taiwan signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement 30 (ECFA) with China in 2010, China (including Hong Kong) had become by far 31 Taiwan’s leading trading partner and destination for outward investment.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Mainland China's Taiwanese Students in Cross-Strait
    ASIANetwork Exchange | Spring 2015 | volume 22 | 2 Linked Without Linking: The Role of Mainland China’s Taiwanese Students in Cross-Strait Unification Lincoln Edward Davidson Abstract: The renewal of economic and social relations between Taiwan and Mainland China, and the economic and social integration of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait resulting from it, has led to an advanced state of interdependence. Scholars have argued that economic integration has the potential to catalyze politi- cal unification. However, as this consolidation has failed to appear, scholars have sought alternative frameworks for understanding the conditions necessary to facilitate unification. Drawing on the “linkage community” integration framework, which outlines a group of people with ties to both sides of the Taiwan Strait and the ability to influence policymakers as a primary variable for understanding the poten- tial for unification, this paper examines the political activity of organizations for Taisheng, Taiwanese students at Mainland Chinese universities. Based on data col- lected through informal interviews with Taiwanese students and officials conducted between October 2012 and August 2013, this paper presents information on the situation of Taiwanese students in Mainland China and argues that they have little potential to drive unification. It concludes that better understanding of the intersec- tion of identity and interests in the cross-Strait context is essential to comprehend- ing the relationship between Taiwan and Mainland China and the unification
    [Show full text]
  • The Taiwanese Economy After the Miracle an Industry in Restructuration, Structural Weaknesses and the Challenge of China
    China Perspectives 2010/3 | 2010 Taiwan: The Consolidation of a Democratic and Distinct Society The Taiwanese Economy After the Miracle An Industry in Restructuration, Structural Weaknesses and the Challenge of China Philippe Chevalérias Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5301 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5301 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2010 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Philippe Chevalérias, « The Taiwanese Economy After the Miracle », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2010/3 | 2010, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2013, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5301 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5301 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e The Taiwanese Economy v i a t c n i After the Miracle e h p s c An Industry in Restructuration, Structural Weaknesses and the r Challenge of China e p PHILIPPE CHEVALÉRIAS The Taiwanese economic miracle is over. At the end of the 1980s, changes in macroeconomic conditions forced Taiwanese industry to restructure. While it moved towards information technology, the island became increasingly tied to the mainland. By speeding up the integration of Taiwan with China by means of a China-Taiwan economic zone, President Ma Ying-jeou hopes to restart growth, but the economic and political consequences of the project are causing controversy. ince the end of the 1980s, relations with China have or Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), has indeed led to a played a major part in the economic development of liberalisation of trade across the Strait, but this has happened STaiwan.
    [Show full text]