Taishang Studies a Rising Or Declining Research Field?
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Writing Taiwan History: Interpreting the Past in the Global Present
EATS III Paris, 2006 Writing Taiwan History: Interpreting the Past in the Global Present Ann Heylen Research Unit on Taiwanese Culture and Literature, Ruhr University Bochum [email protected] Do not cite, work in progress Introduction Concurrent with nation building is the construction of a national history to assure national cohesion. Hence, the collective memory is elevated to the standard of national myth and most often expressed in the master narrative. I may refer here to Michael Robinson’s observation that “the state constructs and maintains a ‘master narrative’ of nation which acts as an official ‘story of the nation’. This master narrative legitimates the existence of the state and nation internally; it is also projected externally, to legitimate a nations’ existence in the world community”.1 But in as much as memory is selective, so also is the state-sanctioned official narrative, and it has become commonplace that changes in the political order enhance and result in ideologically motivated re-writing of that history in spite of its claims at objectivity and truth. The study of the contemporary formation of Taiwan history and its historiography is no exception. In fact, the current activity in rewriting the history is compounded by an additional element, and one which is crucial to understanding the complexity of the issue. What makes Taiwanese historiography as a separate entity interesting, intriguing and complex is that the master-narrative is treated as a part of and embedded in Chinese history, and at the same time conditioned by the transition from a perceived to a real pressure from a larger nation, China, that lays claim on its territory, ethnicity, and past. -
Cross-Strait Economic Ties: RAMON H
ASIA PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT NO. 118 FEBRUARY 2004 INSIDE Cross-Strait Economic Ties: RAMON H. MYERS Taiwan-China Agent of Change, or a Trojan Horse? Economic Relations: Promoting Mutual Benefits or ABSTRACT: This Special Report discusses both opportunities and challenges of cross–Taiwan Undermining Taiwan’s Strait economic ties for domestic economic developments in China and Taiwan as well as their Security? bilateral relationship. Ramon H. Myers of the Hoover Institution argues that Taiwan will gain page 4 economically,build friendship and trust, and pave the way for a long-term solution of the divid- ed-China issue by engaging China. Terry Cooke of the Foreign Policy Research Institute main- TERRY COOKE tains that economic globalization will bring about regional stability and reduce military and Cross-Strait Economic political tension across the Taiwan Strait.Tun-jen Cheng of the College of William and Mary Ties & the Dynamics of suggests that the principal hazard for Taiwan because of the concentration of Taiwan’s trade with Globalization and investment in China is recession or currency fluctuation on the mainland.While the three essays agree that Beijing is unlikely to use Taiwan’s economic dependence on the mainland to page 8 coerce Taiwan politically,they differ on whether the growing cross-Strait economic ties will nec- TUN-JEN CHENG essarily bring about economic benefits to Taiwan. Doing Business with China: Taiwan’s Three Main Concerns Introduction mainland has accumulated to about $30 bil- Gang Lin lion. Investment on the mainland has expand- page 12 ed from labor-intensive industries to capital- espite pervasive political distrust and intensive and technology-intensive ventures. -
III IV Taipei Taipei Kaohsiung Kaohsiung Kaohsiung Kaohsiung
Earthquake Yellow Shaking Alert M 6.4, TAIWAN Origin Time: Fri 2016-02-05 19:57:26 UTC (03:57:26 local) PAGER o o Location: 22.83 N 120.62 E Depth: 10 km Version 1 Created: 26 minutes, 42 seconds after earthquake Estimated Fatalities Yellow alert level for economic losses. Some Estimated Economic Losses damage is possible and the impact should be relatively localized. Estimated economic losses 67% are less than 1% of GDP of Taiwan. Past events with this alert level have required a local 38% 38% 30% or regional level response. 20% 3% 4% Green alert level for shaking-related fatalities. There is a low likelihood of casualties. 1 100 10,000 1 100 10,000 10 1,000 100,000 10 1,000 100,000 Fatalities USD (Millions) Estimated Population Exposed to Earthquake Shaking ESTIMATED POPULATION - -* 23,279k* 11,230k 2,964k 3,007k 404k 4k 0 0 EXPOSURE (k = x1000) ESTIMATED MODIFIED MERCALLI INTENSITY PERCEIVED SHAKING Not felt Weak Light Moderate Strong Very Strong Severe Violent Extreme Resistant none none none V. Light Light Moderate Moderate/Heavy Heavy V. Heavy POTENTIAL Structures DAMAGE Vulnerable Structures none none none Light Moderate Moderate/Heavy Heavy V. Heavy V. Heavy *Estimated exposure only includes population within the map area. Population Exposure population per ~1 sq. km from Landscan Structures: Overall, the population in this region resides III in structures that are resistant to earthquake 118°E 120°E 122°E shaking, though some vulnerable structures exist. The predominant vulnerable building LuochengLuochengLuocheng TaipeiTaipei types are adobe block and reinforced XianduXiandu LuochengLuochengLuocheng TaipeiTaipei LongmenLongmenLongmen QuanzhouQuanzhou masonry construction. -
Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’S Emerging Civic Society
Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’s Emerging Civic Society Scott Simon, professeur agrégé Département de sociologie et anthropologie Université d’Ottawa, Canada Chercheur invité Institut d’Asie Orientale, ÉNS-LSH Lyon, France Paper prepared for the Fifth European Association of Taiwan Studies (EATS) Conference, Prague, Czech Republic, 18-20 April, 2008. Please do not cite or quote without the written permission of the author. E-mail: [email protected]. Abstract: For more than two decades, indigenous autonomy has been one of the main demands of Taiwan’s indigenous rights movement. Indigenous autonomy was incorporated into Chen Shui-bian’s campaign promises in 1999, and subsequently adopted as a policy goal in the 2000 DPP White Paper on Indigenous Policy. In 2005, the passage of the Basic Law on Indigenous Peoples made it seem as if this goal could soon be fulfilled. The Taroko Nation, recognized by the ROC in 2004, initially seemed poised to create Taiwan’s first indigenous autonomous region. Those goals, however, have been slowed down by the emergence of communities and individuals in their defined territory who refuse Taroko identity and have launched a competing drive for recognition as the Sediq Nation. Some Taroko people also resist the project of autonomy on the grounds that it merely empowers a small elite and does nothing to address their more immediate economic problems. These counter movements suggest that more is at stake in “autonomy” than indigenous rights. This paper thus looks at the creation of indigenous autonomy as part of an emerging civic society for an independent Taiwan. -
Annual Report 2012 Taiwan High Speed Rail and Corporate Responsibility, with the Principle of “Go Extra Mile” Guiding Every Action We Take
2012 ANNUAL REPORT Fact Sheet THSRC Milestones Commencement Date: May 1998 Construction Stage: March 2000–December 2006 Operation Stage: Started in January 2007 Capitalization: NT$105.3 billion Summary Results for 2012: Train Services: 48,682 train services Punctuality Rate(defined as departure within 5 minutes of scheduled time): 99.40% Annual Ridership: 44.53 million passengers Annual Revenue: NT$33.98 billion Loading Factor: 54.59% Passenger Kilometers: 8.64 billion km Total Route Length: 345 km Number of Cities/Counties Passed Through: 11 cities/counties Maximum Operating Speed: 300 km/hr Number of Seats Per Train: 989 seats (923 seats in standard and 66 in business class carriages) Stations in Service: 8 (Taipei, Banqiao, Taoyuan, Hsinchu, Taichung, Chiayi, Tainan and Zuoying) Maintenance Depots in Service: 5 (Lioujia/Hsinchu, Wurih/Taichung, Taibao/Chiayi, Zuoying/ Kaohsiung and Yanchao Main Workshop/Kaohsiung) Note: Loading Factor=Passenger Kilometers/Seat-Kilometers x 100% Passenger Kilometers = sum of the mileage traveled by each passenger Seat Kilometers = ∑ (number of seats per trrainset * sum of the mileage of trains operated in revenue service) Table of Contents 02 Chairman’s Letter to Shareholders 04 Overview Company Profile 06 Company History 09 12 Our Business Five Years in Review 13 Results of Operations 14 Looking Ahead 18 19 Corporate Governance Corporate Governance Overview 20 Internal Control 27 The Disclosure of Relationship among the Top 10 Stockholders who are Related Parties, or a Relative up to the Second Degree of Kinship or a Spouse to One Another 28 30 Corporate Activities Public Relations 31 Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) 33 36 Financial Report Financial Highlights 37 Financial Statements 40 CHAIRMAN’S LETTER to SHAREHOLDERS 02 03 Dear Fellow Shareholders, 2012 marked our sixth year of operation. -
The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and the Advocacy of Local Autonomy
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 92 January, 1999 The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and the Advocacy of Local Autonomy by Christine Louise Lin Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair. The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. The only style-sheet we honor is that of consistency. Where possible, we prefer the usages of the Journal of Asian Studies. Sinographs (hanzi, also called tetragraphs [fangkuaizi]) and other unusual symbols should be kept to an absolute minimum. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. -
Representations of the Name Rectification Movement of Taiwan Indigenous People: Through Whose Historical Lens?
LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 13.3:523-568, 2012 2012-0-013-003-000320-1 Representations of the Name Rectification Movement of Taiwan Indigenous People: Through Whose Historical Lens? Sheng-hsiu Chiu1,2 and Wen-yu Chiang1 National Taiwan University1 Huafan University2 Within the theoretical and methodological framework based on the conceptual metaphor theory, the discourse-historical approach, and corpus linguistics, this article examines the various representations of Taiwan indigenous people’s name rectification movement in three major broadsheet newspapers, the United Daily News, the Liberty Times, and the Apple Daily in Taiwan. Using two-tier analysis, which incorporates the discourse-historical approach into the conceptual metaphor theory, we demonstrate that JOURNEY and CONFLICT metaphors, the two pre- dominant types identified in news coverage, are portrayed in divergent ways in different news media. By analyzing the cognitive characteristics of conceptual meta- phors in combination with other discursive/rhetorical strategies, we demonstrate that political orientations and underlying ideologies are ingrained in the corpora news reports, and the ways in which the newspapers’ publishers delineate the indigenous issue echo the different positions they take toward national identity. We hence posit that ‘Taiwan indigenous people as the positive Self’ construction is a pseudo-positive Self construction, which is merely a camouflage for the media’s real stance on viewing indigenous people as the Other. We argue that all of the representations of the name rectification movement in three different newspapers in Taiwan are based on intention, inextricably intertwined with the newspapers’ ideological stance of national identity, and are viewed through the historical lens of the Han people. -
The Nature and Trend of Taiwanese Investment in China (1991–2014) Business Orientation, Profit Seeking, and Depoliticization
8 The Nature and Trend of Taiwanese Investment in China (1991–2014) Business Orientation, Profit Seeking, and Depoliticization Chung-min Tsai In January 1990, the Taiwanese government announced the “Measures on Indirect Investment and Technical Cooperation with the Mainland” (Dui dalu diqu jianjie touzi huo jishu hezuo guanli banfa) and officially lifted the ban on investing in China. Simultaneously in this era of change, Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour pro- moting economic reforms, and the adoption of a socialist market economic system in the Fourteenth National Party Congress, both in 1992, ensured a more busi- ness-friendly investment climate in China. Regardless, cross-Strait relations would continue to stumble over the next few years along with industrial restructuring in Taiwan and changing economic development in China respectively. In 1994, former president Lee Teng-hui (hereafter Lee) promoted a “southward policy” to redirect Taiwanese investment from China to Southeast Asia, and in 1996 he issued his motto, “Don’t rush, be patient” (jieji yongren), advocating a more gradual and careful approach to Taiwanese investment in China (TIC), accompanied by new regulations on such investment. In 2000, Lee’s successor Chen Shui-bian (hereafter Chen) won the election and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) became the ruling party. Chen’s hostile attitude toward China and the DPP’s proindependence stance made cross-Strait relations very difficult, and political exchanges were sus- pended. But after incumbent president Ma Ying-jeou (hereafter -
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation. -
Understanding the Nuances of Waishengren History and Agency
China Perspectives 2010/3 | 2010 Taiwan: The Consolidation of a Democratic and Distinct Society Understanding the Nuances of Waishengren History and Agency Dominic Meng-Hsuan et Mau-Kuei Chang Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5310 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5310 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2010 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Dominic Meng-Hsuan et Mau-Kuei Chang, « Understanding the Nuances of Waishengren », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2010/3 | 2010, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2013, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5310 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5310 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e v Understanding the Nuances i a t c n i e of Waishengren h p s c r History and Agency e p DOMINIC MENG-HSUAN YANG AND MAU-KUEI CHANG In the late 1940s and early 50s, the world witnessed a massive wave of political migrants out of Mainland China as a result of the Chinese civil war. Those who sought refuge in Taiwan with the KMT came to be known as the “mainlanders” or “ waishengren .” This paper will provide an overview of the research on waishengren in the past few decades, outlining various approaches and highlighting specific political and social context that gave rise to these approaches. Finally, it will propose a new research agenda based on a perspective of migration studies and historical/sociological analysis. The new approach argues for the importance of both history and agency in the study of waishengren in Taiwan. -
From Persuasion to Coercion: Beijing's Approach to Taiwan and Taiwan's Response
FROM PERSUASION TO COERCION: BEIJING’S APPROACH TO TAIWAN AND TAIWAN’S RESPONSE RICHARD BUSH NOVEMBER 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY high. The “just right” option is a mix of intimidation, pressure, and cooptation, which is what China has Beijing’s goal concerning Taiwan is decidedly done in response to President Tsai’s election. The risks revisionist. It wishes to end the island’s separate are lower and over time Taiwan’s will to resist might political existence and incorporate it into the People’s falter. Indeed, division and mistrust in Taiwan’s politics Republic of China under terms similar to those sap its ability to cope with an increasingly clever and employed for Hong Kong — known as one country, aggressive China. two systems (1C2S) — and so place limits on Taiwan’s sovereignty and democracy. INTRODUCTION That formula was unacceptable to Taiwan’s Of all the targets of the People’s Republic of China’s authoritarian leaders when it was first developed in (PRC) external policy, Taiwan is unique. From its the late 1980s. Once Taiwan made the transition to beginning in 1949, the PRC regime has claimed the democracy in the early 1990s, the public rejected island as part of China’s sovereign territory.1 Control of it as well. Democracy also opened the door to the Taiwan was important because it had been part of the minority on Taiwan who wanted de jure independence last imperial dynasty, and it was there that Chiang Kai- and total separation from China, a source of great shek and his Kuomintang (KMT)-led Republic of China concern in Beijing. -
Taishang: a Different Kind of Ethnic Chinese Business in Southeast Asia Hsin- Huang Michael Hsiao, I- Chun Kung, and Hong- Zen Wang
7 Taishang: A Different Kind of Ethnic Chinese Business in Southeast Asia Hsin- Huang Michael Hsiao, I- Chun Kung, and Hong- zen Wang Introduction Taiwanese transnational capital emerged in the mid-1980s, and its importance is now widely recognized by Taiwanese scholars in various disciplines. There has been an increasing interest in investigating the nature of this newly emerging transnational capital, which is consid- ered to be different from the Western or Japanese forms. Studies of Taiwanese businesses (taishang) in Southeast Asia have concentrated on the domains of overseas investment patterns (T. J. Chen 1994, 1998; Y. C. Chen 1997; Lin 2002), industrial relations (Chan and Wang 2005; Kung 2002; Wang 2002), and ethnic relations and overseas Chinese networks (Hsiao and Kung 1998; Tseng 1999). Some scholars have noted that, to taishang, Southeast Asia is not only a geographical area, but also a cultural entity, and thus their investment behavior as a whole is embedded in the social contexts of the region. As latecomers to transna- tional capital in Southeast Asia, taishang demonstrate some distinguish- ing features (see also Shu 2000, 2001). Using taishang as the keyword to search title, abstract, and keywords in the database Zhonghua minguo qikan lunwen suoyin (Index of Republic of China’s journal articles), up to the end of 2006, there are over 500 entries. However, having checked one by one, only 37 articles have really dealt with taishang and Southeast Asia in a specified way. This shows that current research on the taishang of Southeast Asia has not gone beyond the general description of overseas investment, paid attention to the social context of the host country, or examined the social impact of overseas investment.