Liberalitas in Late Republican and Early Augustan Roman Poetry

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Liberalitas in Late Republican and Early Augustan Roman Poetry LIBERALITAS IN LATE REPUBLICAN AND EARLY AUGUSTAN ROMAN POETRY by Aven McMaster A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Department of Classics, University of Toronto © Copyright by Aven McMaster 2010 Abstract Liberalitas in Late Republican and Early Augustan Roman Poetry by Aven McMaster PhD Thesis, 2010 Department of Classics, University of Toronto Liberalitas forms one of the central frameworks for defining social bonds within Roman society, and was part of how Roman poets constructed the world. This is most explicitly evident in the poets’ references to “patrons” and benefactors, but it extends much further. The poets worked within a broad framework of social conventions and expectations which must be understood in order to see how their poetry uses and responds to the concepts associated with liberalitas. Cicero’s de officiis and Seneca’s de beneficiis are therefore useful, as they offer idealised, prescriptive views of liberalitas in Roman society. Many scholars have investigated the relationships between poets and their patrons, including Peter White, Barbara Gold, James Zetzel, and Phebe Lowell Bowditch. I argue that any true understanding of the role of liberalitas in Roman poetry must also comprehend its importance in other areas. This dissertation focuses on the poetry of Catullus, Horace, Propertius, Tibullus, and Virgil in the Eclogues. The introduction addresses traditional liberalitas as defined by Cicero and Seneca in their works on benefits and duties. Chapter one illustrates how Catullus, Horace, and Tibullus display ideals similar to those of Cicero and Seneca and use the conventions of liberalitas for praising and blaming members of their social groups. Chapter two addresses the problems of status raised by liberalitas and investigates the strategies used by Catullus, Horace, Propertius, and Tibullus to ii mitigate these problems and further their social, literary, and aesthetic aims. Chapter three demonstrates how the love poets used and redefined the terminology and ideology of liberalitas to construct an obligation on the part of their beloveds to reciprocate the gifts given by the poets but reject the gifts given by rival lovers. Finally, Chapter four examines the role of liberalitas in formulating and expressing a poetic program in Virgil’s Eclogues, which points to its function in mediating the connection between ‘real-life’ political and social concerns and the literary preoccupations of Roman poets. The various applications of this concept demonstrated in these four chapters present the study of liberalitas as a useful and productive tool in the investigation of the poetry of this period. iii Acknowledgements With grateful thanks to my infinitely patient supervisor and to all my immensely supportive family, especially my beloved husband Mark. iv Table of Contents Abstract .................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ........................................................... iv Table of Contents ..............................................................v Introduction ..................................................................1 Chapter 1: Conventions and Expectations ..........................................20 Chapter 2: Redefinition and Rejection .............................................71 Chapter 3: Elegiac Love and the Failure of Liberalitas ...............................140 Chapter 4: Liberalitas and Literary Program .......................................184 Conclusion .................................................................221 Bibliography ................................................................229 v Introduction In Catullus’ poem 29, a condemnation of the unbearable greed, arrogance, and general degeneracy of Mamurra, and his masters Caesar and Pompey, Catullus uses the phrase sinistra liberalitas: eone nomine, imperator unice, fuisti in ultima occidentis insula, ut ista vestra diffututa mentula ducenties comesset aut trecenties? quid est alid sinistra liberalitas? (29.11-15) This is the only use of the term liberalitas in the poetry of Catullus, Horace, Propertius, Tibullus, or Virgil;1 the concept, however, pervades their poetry. Kenneth Quinn sees an ambiguity here, in that the sinistra liberalitas could refer to Mamurra or Caesar: “But is the generosity meant Caesar’s (in letting Mamurra amass such a fortune) or Mamurra’s (in squandering it)?” (Quinn 2007 179). Either reading demonstrates that the application of liberalitas is open to abuse; however, the strong association of Caesar with liberalitas elsewhere2 suggests that the phrase should be linked to him. The phrase is a paradox, of course; liberalitas is a virtue, and so should not admit the characterization of sinistra. As we will see below, Cicero explicitly applies the term liberalitas to morally and socially approved instances of generosity, and uses other words to refer to incorrect or harmful giving. The appearance of this paradox in one of Catullus’ invective poems about Caesar demonstrates that the proper conduct of liberalitas was an 1 The word, of course, does not fit into the dactylic hexameter or the elegiac pentameter. 2 Manning points out Cicero’s repeated linking of the term with Caesar in his speeches and letters: “inter alia we may cite Ad Fam. 1l.9.12 and 18; 4.9.4; 7.5.3; 7.7.2; 7.8.1; 7.10.3; 7.17.2 and 3; 9.13.4; Ad Att. 9.11A.3; Pro Rab. Post. 41; Pro Lig. 6; 23;31; Pro Marcello 16” (76 n.4). Sallust also highlights the quality of generosity in his summing up of Caesar’s character (Cat. 54) and uses liberalitas itself in connection with Caesar elsewhere (Cat. 49.3; 52.11-12). 1 2 important element of the Roman statesman’s behaviour; and it shows us a poet making a judgement about the degree to which an individual has succeeded or failed in the demonstration of this virtue. In particular, Caesar was famous for the related virtues of generosity and clemency, and Catullus’ attack on his generosity is therefore especially pointed, bringing into question one of the fundamental ways that Caesar had built up a network of friends, allies, and dependants. This dissertation will examine the ways in which liberalitas and its related concepts function in the poetry of the late Republic and early Augustan period. This examination casts new light on individual poems from this period, and continues the ongoing expansion of our understanding of the interaction of poets with the larger Roman community of which they formed a part.3 All poets rely upon, and exploit, both the cultural and the literary expectations of their audience.4 In this study, I am interested in the ways in which poets could, and did, exploit the cultural expectations surrounding liberalitas. Poetic negotiations of the concept of liberalitas are situated within the wider context of Roman society. In order to understand fully how each poet employs and manipulates the concept, it is therefore necessary to understand contemporary Roman views on the subject: what is liberalitas? How, why, and by whom should it be exercised, and what concerns surround it? What, in other words, was the ideal expression of liberalitas in late Republican Rome? An additional question, of course, is how actual historical instances of liberalitas compared to this 3 Ian M. Le M. Du Quesnay (1981) clearly states the necessity of such understanding: “A reader can properly make sense of a poem only if he is as familiar with [the] paralinguistic codes as with the rules and conventions of the language in which it is written” (30). 4 Here again I am indebted to Du Quesnay’s formulation of this concept (though he is particularly concerned with generic conventions in the Eclogues): “Vergil, like any other speaker or writer, is able to exploit the expectations of his audience about what sort of things may be appropriately said in such circumstances in order to communicate economically with them and, to some extent, he relies upon their sharing with him a common framework of expectations in order to communicate at all” (1981 53). 3 ideal. This is harder to recover, since it is obscured by the generally prescriptive nature of the texts discussing such interactions, but it is instructive to compare the idealised prescriptive accounts of liberalitas with some of the individualised descriptions of particular instances. In this introduction I will first give a basic working definition of liberalitas and a brief anthropological background for the concepts of gift-exchange and generosity; I will then attempt to establish one set of contemporary standards against which the poetry of the late Republic and early Augustan period can be viewed, using Cicero and Seneca to represent the philosophical ideals of the elite Roman society of the period.5 The word liberalitas is derived from liberalis, which in origin meant simply “of or relating to free men,” and then by extension “worthy or typical of a free man” (OLD s.v. liberalitas 1, 2). This meaning is never completely lost, and can be exploited or developed by authors when desired, both in this form and in words derived from it.6 However, it developed the further, related meaning of “Free in giving, munificent, generous” (s.v. 5).7 It is this sense that leads to the primary meanings of liberalitas: “Generosity, nobility, kindliness, magnanimity” and “Munificence, open-handedness, liberality” (s.v. 1, 2). The word can also describe the actions involved in such generosity: “An instance of generosity, a gift, donation,
Recommended publications
  • IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
    CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Heads Or Tails
    Heads or Tails Representation and Acceptance in Hadrian’s Imperial Coinage Name: Thomas van Erp Student number: S4501268 Course: Master’s Thesis Course code: (LET-GESM4300-2018-SCRSEM2-V) Supervisor: Mw. dr. E.E.J. Manders (Erika) 2 Table of Contents List of Figures ............................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 1: Proportions of Coin Types Hadrian ........................................................................ 5 Figure 2: Dynastic Representation in Comparison ................................................................ 5 Figure 3: Euergesia in Comparison ....................................................................................... 5 Figure 4: Virtues ..................................................................................................................... 5 Figure 5: Liberalitas in Comparison ...................................................................................... 5 Figure 6: Iustitias in Comparison ........................................................................................... 5 Figure 7: Military Representation in Comparison .................................................................. 5 Figure 8: Divine Association in Comparison ......................................................................... 5 Figure 9: Proportions of Coin Types Domitian ...................................................................... 5 Figure 10: Proportions of Coin Types Trajan .......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(S): Carlos F
    The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues Author(s): Carlos F. Noreña Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 91 (2001), pp. 146-168 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3184774 . Accessed: 01/09/2012 16:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNICATION OF THE EMPEROR'S VIRTUES* By CARLOS F. NORENA The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice.
    [Show full text]
  • Unlversiv Micrijfilms Intemationéü 300 N
    INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)”. If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the fîlm along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the Him is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been fîlmed, you will And a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo­ graphed the photographer has followed a defînite method in “sectioning” the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For any illustrations that cannot be reproduced satisfactorily by xerography, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and tipped into your xerographic copy.
    [Show full text]
  • Anthony Tropolle Life of Cicero
    ANTHONY TROPOLLE LIFE OF CICERO VOLUME I 2008 – All rights reserved Non commercial use permitted HE LIFE OF CICERO BY ANTHONY TROLLOPE _IN TWO VOLUMES_ VOL. I. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER II. HIS EDUCATION. CHAPTER III. THE CONDITION OF ROME. CHAPTER IV. HIS EARLY PLEADINGS.--SEXTUS ROSCIUS AMERINUS.--HIS INCOME. CHAPTER V. CICERO AS QUAESTOR. CHAPTER VI. VERSES. CHAPTER VII. CICERO AS AEDILE AND PRAETOR. CHAPTER VIII. CICERO AS CONSUL. CHAPTER IX. CATILINE. CHAPTER X. CICERO AFTER HIS CONSULSHIP. CHAPTER XI. THE TRIUMVIRATE. CHAPTER XII. HIS EXILE. * * * * * APPENDICES. APPENDIX A. APPENDIX B. APPENDIX C. APPENDIX D. APPENDIX E. THE LIFE OF CICERO. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. I am conscious of a certain audacity in thus attempting to give a further life of Cicero which I feel I may probably fail in justifying by any new information; and on this account the enterprise, though it has been long considered, has been postponed, so that it may be left for those who come after me to burn or publish, as they may think proper; or, should it appear during my life, I may have become callous, through age, to criticism. The project of my work was anterior to the life by Mr. Forsyth, and was first suggested to me as I was reviewing the earlier volumes of Dean Merivale's History of the Romans under the Empire. In an article on the Dean's work, prepared for one of the magazines of the day, I inserted an apology for the character of Cicero, which was found to be too long as an episode, and was discarded by me, not without regret.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek and Roman Mythology and Heroic Legend
    G RE E K AN D ROMAN M YTH O LOGY AN D H E R O I C LE GEN D By E D I N P ROFES SOR H . ST U G Translated from th e German and edited b y A M D i . A D TT . L tt LI ONEL B RN E , , TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE S Y a l TUD of Greek religion needs no po ogy , and should This mus v n need no bush . all t feel who ha e looked upo the ns ns and n creatio of the art it i pired . But to purify stre gthen admiration by the higher light of knowledge is no work o f ea se . No truth is more vital than the seemi ng paradox whi c h - declares that Greek myths are not nature myths . The ape - is not further removed from the man than is the nature myth from the religious fancy of the Greeks as we meet them in s Greek is and hi tory . The myth the child of the devout lovely imagi nation o f the noble rac e that dwelt around the e e s n s s u s A ga an. Coar e fa ta ie of br ti h forefathers in their Northern homes softened beneath the southern sun into a pure and u and s godly bea ty, thus gave birth to the divine form of n Hellenic religio . M c an c u s m c an s Comparative ythology tea h uch . It hew how god s are born in the mind o f the savage and moulded c nn into his image .
    [Show full text]
  • Due April 15
    UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Representation of Poverty in the Roman Empire Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3sp0w5c4 Author Larsen, Mik Robert Publication Date 2015 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Representation of Poverty in the Roman Empire A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Mik R Larsen 2015 © Copyright by Mik R Larsen 2015 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Representation of Poverty in the Roman Empire by Mik R Larsen Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2015 Professor Ronald J. Mellor, Chair This dissertation investigates the cultural imagination of Roman elites regarding poverty in their society – how it was defined, how traditional and accepted images of poverty were deployed for rhetorical effect, and in what way elite attitudes toward poverty evolved over the course of the first century and a half under the Empire. It contends that the Roman conception of poverty was as a disordered discourse involving multiple competing definitions which frequently overlapped in practice. It argues that the inherent contradictions in Roman thought about poverty were rarely addressed or acknowledged by authors during this period. The Introduction summarizes scholarly approaches toward Roman perceptions of poverty and offers a set of definitions which describe the variant images of poverty in elite texts. The first chapter addresses poverty’s role in the histories of Livy, and the ways in which his presentation of poverty diverge from his assertion that the loss of paupertas was key to the decline of the Roman state.
    [Show full text]
  • Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
    Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag.
    [Show full text]
  • Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
    Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee.
    [Show full text]
  • Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus
    THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the Department of Greek and Latin School of Arts and Sciences Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy © Copyright All Rights Reserved By Matthew Alexander Theris Poulos Washington, D.C. 2019 Callimachus and Callimacheanism in the Poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus Matthew Alexander Theris Poulos, PhD Director: William McCarthy, PhD In this study, I analyze the poetics of Gregory of Nazianzus (ca. 330–390 AD), who was one of the first Christian poets writing in Greek to leave an extensive corpus of poetry (about 17,000 lines). Gregory work is striking not only for its breadth but also for its wide variety of themes and metrical schemes. As my focal point, I have chosen Gregory’s reception and adaptation of the poetry and poetics of Callimachus of Cyrene (ca. 290–230 BC). Callimachus was the first poet in the western tradition to enunciate an aesthetic and came to typify for subsequent authors an approach to poetry that privileged finely-wrought, compressed, and erudite compositions. I argue that for Gregory, Callimachus’ works are more than simply one more source to exploit for nice turns of phrase; rather, Callimachus pervasively shapes Gregory’s entire approach to poetic composition. This is seen not only in Gregory’s allusions to Callimachean works, which are numerous and occur quite frequently in programmatic contexts, but also in features of Gregory’s work like poikilia (variety) and a strong authorial persona that have their best precedent in Callimachus’ variegated oeuvre.
    [Show full text]
  • The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus
    The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus ‘A thesis submitted to the University of Wales Trinity Saint David in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy’ 2016 Jillian Mitchell For Michael – and in memory of my father Kenneth who started it all Abstract for PhD Thesis in Classics The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus This thesis explores the last decades of legal paganism in the Roman Empire of the second half of the fourth century CE through the eyes of Symmachus, orator, senator and one of the most prominent of the pagans of this period living in Rome. It is a religious biography of Symmachus himself, but it also considers him as a representative of the group of aristocratic pagans who still adhered to the traditional cults of Rome at a time when the influence of Christianity was becoming ever stronger, the court was firmly Christian and the aristocracy was converting in increasingly greater numbers. Symmachus, though long known as a representative of this group, has only very recently been investigated thoroughly. Traditionally he was regarded as a follower of the ancient cults only for show rather than because of genuine religious beliefs. I challenge this view and attempt in the thesis to establish what were his religious feelings. Symmachus has left us a tremendous primary resource of over nine hundred of his personal and official letters, most of which have never been translated into English. These letters are the core material for my work. I have translated into English some of his letters for the first time.
    [Show full text]
  • Roman Domestic Religion : a Study of the Roman Lararia
    ROMAN DOMESTIC RELIGION : A STUDY OF THE ROMAN LARARIA by David Gerald Orr Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland in partial fulfillment of the requirements fo r the degree of Master of Arts 1969 .':J • APPROVAL SHEET Title of Thesis: Roman Domestic Religion: A Study of the Roman Lararia Name of Candidate: David Gerald Orr Master of Arts, 1969 Thesis and Abstract Approved: UJ~ ~ J~· Wilhelmina F. {Ashemski Professor History Department Date Approved: '-»( 7 ~ 'ii, Ii (, J ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: Roman Domestic Religion: A Study of the Roman Lararia David Gerald Orr, Master of Arts, 1969 Thesis directed by: Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, Professor This study summarizes the existing information on the Roman domestic cult and illustrates it by a study of the arch­ eological evidence. The household shrines (lararia) of Pompeii are discussed in detail. Lararia from other parts of the Roman world are also studied. The domestic worship of the Lares, Vesta, and the Penates, is discussed and their evolution is described. The Lares, protective spirits of the household, were originally rural deities. However, the word Lares was used in many dif­ ferent connotations apart from domestic religion. Vesta was closely associated with the family hearth and was an ancient agrarian deity. The Penates, whose origins are largely un­ known, were probably the guardian spirits of the household storeroom. All of the above elements of Roman domestic worship are present in the lararia of Pompeii. The Genius was the living force of a man and was an important element in domestic religion.
    [Show full text]