The Legend of the Tepozteco As the Cosmology of Tepoztlán

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Legend of the Tepozteco As the Cosmology of Tepoztlán http://w w w MAY AUG SEP Clos e 30 3 captures Help 5 Jun 10 - 30 Aug 11 2010 2011 2012 The Legend of the Tepozteco as the Cosmology of Tepoztlán by Margarita Vargas Betancourt Prof. Anthony Aveni March 8, 2002 Comparative Cosmologies The Legend of the Tepozteco and its relation to the Cosmology of Tepoztlán The purpose of this paper is to present the cosmology of a town in the state of Morelos (Mexico) called Tepoztlán. This town existed since pre-Hispanic times, and up to this moment its inhabitants have preserved one legend, that of the Tepozteco, which explains the mythological origin of the local god, of many of the topographical traits of the region, and of its political importance. However, this legend has undergone many changes as Tepoztlán passed through different historic moments, such as the conquest and the colonization. This paper deals with the information about the Tepozteco registered in colonial documents that describe pre-Hispanic beliefs. There is not a lot of information, and it is neither cohesive nor orderly, but the aim of this study is to join the different threads of the story. The first part of the paper includes a brief discussion on the role that myths, rites and geography played in the cosmology of Mesoamerican peoples, as well as general information about Tepoztlán, such as geographic location, weather, agriculture, and political information. Then follows an account of the pre-Hispanic Tepoztécatl, myths related to the origin of pulque, a discussion of the significance of pulque in Mesoamerican thought, and finally an explanation of the importance of the four hundred gods or the Pleiades. Myths, rites and geography: cosmovision. Johanna Broda defines cosmovision as the way the Mesoamerican people structured their ideas about the environment that surrounded them and the cosmos where they situated man’s life. In this manner, nature was a cultural perception and construction through which man explained the world and his place in universe (Broda, 2001: 166). Myths and rites are the ultimate expressions of cosmovision. Agricultural rites constituted the core of Mesoamerican religion. They integrated man with nature (landscape, seasons, agriculture), and originated social cohesion and thus a sense of community (: 228). They also structured and legitimized social institutions such as kingship, war and trade (Townsend, 1992: 183). "Great public religious spectacles" brought people together because they transmitted "a powerful emotional and imaginative appeal" through "common experiences and beliefs and a shared grammar of visual symbols" (: 172). During the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, the Aztec’s policy was to incorporate the religion of the towns they conquered. These cults and their deities acquired a new meaning and helped to create and preserve the Aztec "specialized, stratified, and heterogeneous society" (: 172). Therefore, art, architecture, festivals and rites had the aim of achieving social cohesion among a "diversified population" (: 172). The basic cycles of Aztec ritual were related to rain and maize. The purpose of these rites was to demand sufficient rain to keep the agricultural cycle going. The different stages of maize growth were celebrated in specific rituals (Broda, 2001: 215). Sacrifice was the most important part of these rites because it’s role was renewal; it perpetuated the cyclic processes. "Blood was believed to be a primary ritual nourishing agent, assuring the arrival of water at the change of the dry to the rainy season and the regeneration of the earth for the annual planting" (Townsend, 1992: 179). Sacrifice was performed in trouble or critical months of the year, for it symbolized and at the same time brought about "the transformation of death into life" (: 178). The most important rites were those that marked the beginning of the agricultural cycle as well as the passing from the dry to the rainy season and the ones that indicated the end of this cycle, and thus the time of harvest. Mesoamerican people oriented their temples to the special events that took place in the sky during the dates that marked the beginning of those specific periods (Broda, 2001: 225). The authority of Aztec kings and lords came from the fulfillment of their obligation "to assure the coming of the rains and the regeneration of nature" (Townsend, 1992: 185). Consequently, performing rites served to legitimate kingship. Rites, especially those to Tlaloc, followed the structure of myths. When the world was still incomplete and the land was dry and unproductive, a hero emerged. He undertook an odyssey in search of a life-giving gift. As soon as he found it, he made an offering and then took the present home (: 183). During rituals, rulers reenacted the saga of the hero. Conquest and colonization did not alter the geographic, climatic and agricultural conditions and cycles of Mesoamerica. Since these factors determined the Mesoamerican cosmology and the calendar, they persisted (Broda, 2001: 168). However, the conquest did bring about a major change. In pre-Hispanic times, the agricultural cult and calendar were part of the state and its ideology. When the Spanish government replaced the Indian one, agricultural rites became local cults of peasants (: 169). As Christianity expanded, the setting of these rites moved from the cities to the landscape (hills, caves, maize fields) (: 169). The "syncretic" religion that was formed during the colony incorporated parts of pre-Hispanic cult and religion, especially the cult that revolved around agriculture. For instance, the Indians used the festivities of the Santa Cruz (May 3rd), Día de Todos Santos and Día de Muertos (November 1st and 2nd) to mark the beginning and the end of the rainy season and of the agricultural cycle of maize (: 204). The Indians retained their rites as well as the pre-Hispanic sacred landscape formed by sanctuaries on hills and caves. In this manner, communities preserved their cultural identity and succeeded in their resistance to acculturation. Tepoztlán is a great example of this process. General information. Tepoztlán is located northeast of Cuernavaca, the capital of Morelos. A group of mountains separates the Valley of Mexico from the state of Morelos. Tepoztlán is found below the Ridge of Tepoztlán, which rises from the southern slope of these mountains. Rare formations and capricious shapes caused by corrosion of rains and wind characterize the ridge. Each of the peaks that make up the ridge has a different name: The Tlahuiltepetl, the flaming mountain, the Ehecatl, the windy mountain, the Papalotzin, Cihuapapalotzin, or Zuapapalotzin, the butterfly mountain, the Tlamintepetl, the wounding mountain or the trench from which people are hurt; the Chalchiuhtepetl, the emerald or treasure mountain, the Ocelotepetl, the tiger mountain, and a kind of needle or obelisk many metres in height, which is called Topiltzin, that is staff or little son (Salinas, 1936: 8). The people of Tepoztlán erected a temple for their local god, known in pre-Hispanic times as Tepoztécatl and nowadays as Tepozteco, in the Cerro del Viento or Ehecatepetlicpac (Mateos Higuera, 1994: 43). Today this peak is known as the Tepozteco. This cerro lies to the north of Tepoztlán. At its base there is a spot called Axitla. "This means where the water rises, and in truth, a small spring gushes out there" (Salinas, 1936: 30). On the peak, there is a platform divided into two parts; one to the west; the other, to the east. The western part forms the porch of the temple. On the pyramid one can see the ruins of the shrine "erected in honour of Tepoztécatl, the god of pulque" (: 34). Although the access to the temple was and still is very difficult, Tepoztécatl’s cult figure was greatly venerated with offerings of copan, rubber, flowers, food and pulque. It is said that pilgrims came from remote regions, such as Chiapas and Guatemala, to honor him (Mateos Higuera, 1994: 44). In the region of Morelos, the year is made up of two seasons, the dry season, which takes place during January, February, March, April, November, and December; and the rainy season, which takes place during June, July, August, and September. There is little rain during May and October (Grisby, 1992: 111). The passing of these two seasons has shaped the life of the inhabitants of Tepoztlán since pre-Hispanic times, for they, like the rest of the population of Morelos, were an agricultural community. The crops grown in Morelos were the standard ones for Mesoamerica: maize, beans, squash, tomatoes, and chiles (Haskett, 1991: 9). Like the rest of Mesoamerica, Morelos was organized in "units made up of a dominant altepetl (a compound made up of atl, water, and tepetl, hill or mountain) to which other altepetl, each retaining its own rulers owed economic and political services. There were six dominant altepetls: Cuauhnáhuac "probably the most significant power" (: 9), Oaxtepec, Yautepec, Yecapixtla, Totolapan, and Ocuituco. Tepoztlán was a "largely independent altepetl" which constituted "a seventh significant power in the region" (: 9). During the colony this organization continued to be so: …the centers which retained the greatest amount of political power after the arrival of the Spanish were the same altepetl that had been able to make the most of the earlier Mexica conquest of the region: Cuauhnáhuac, Yautepec, Oaxtepec, Yecapixtla, and Tepoztlán… (: 12). The pre-Hispanic Tepoztécatl The inhabitants of Tepoztlán claim to have kept the traditional legend since pre-Hispanic times through oral tradition. Unfortunately, there are no records of the legend either in codices or in colonial accounts about the Nahua culture. However, the god Tepoztécatl is mentioned in two codices: the Codex Magliabechiano and the Florentine Codex. In these codices, he is associated with pulque and with the four hundred gods of pulque. Many other elements derive from these associations.
Recommended publications
  • Ancient Tollan: the Sacred Precinct
    100 RES 38 AUTUMN 2000 Figure 12. Upper section of Pillar 3: Personage with attributes of Tezcatlipoca. Photograph: Humberto Hiera. Ancient Toi Ian The sacred precinct ALBAGUADALUPE MASTACHE and ROBERTH. COBEAN Tula, along with Teotihuacan and Tenochtitlan, was to level the area for the plaza and to construct platforms one most of the important cities inMexico's Central that functioned as bases for buildings. Highlands. During Tula's apogee between a.d. 900-1150, It is evident that at Tula the placement of the area the city covered nearly 16 square kilometers. Its of monumental center is strategic, not only because it over an influence extended much of Central Mexico along occupies easily defended place but also because of its with other regions of Mesoamerica, including areas of central setting at a dominant point that had great visual the Baj?o, the Huasteca, the Gulf Coast, the Yucatan impact, being visible to inhabitants in every part of the city peninsula, and such distant places as the Soconusco, on and within view of many rural sites. Lefebvre observes that the Pacific Coast of Chiapas and Guatemala, and El a city's habitational zone ismade on a human scale, a Salvador. From cultural and ethnic perspective, Tula whereas the monumental zone has a superhuman scale, a constituted synthesis of principally two different which goes beyond human beings?overwhelming them, traditions: the preceding urban culture from Teotihuacan dazzling them. The monumental buildings' scale is the in the Basin of Mexico, and another tradition from the scale of divinity, of a divine ruler, of abstract institutions northern Mesoamerican periphery, especially the Baj?o that dominate human society (Lefebvre 1982:84).
    [Show full text]
  • The Pueblos of Morelos in Post- Revolutionary Mexico, 1920-1940
    The Dissertation Committee for Salvador Salinas III certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Zapatistas and Their World: The Pueblos of Morelos in Post- revolutionary Mexico, 1920-1940 Committee: ________________________________ Matthew Butler, Supervisor ________________________________ Jonathan Brown ________________________________ Seth Garfield ________________________________ Virginia Garrard-Burnett _________________________________ Samuel Brunk The Zapatistas and Their World: The Pueblos of Morelos in Post- revolutionary Mexico, 1920-1940 by Salvador Salinas III, B.A., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2014 To my parents The haciendas lie abandoned; semi-tropical growth burst from a thousand crannies, wreathing these monuments of a dead past in a wilderness of flowers. Green lizards dart through the deserted chapels. The bells which summoned to toil and to worship are silent. The peons are free. But they are not contented. -Ernest Gruening on Morelos, Mexico and its Heritage, New York: Appleton Century Croft, 1928, 162. Acknowledgments First I would like to thank my parents, Linda and Salvador Salinas, for their unwavering support during my graduate studies; to them I dedicate this dissertation. At the University of Texas at Austin, I am greatly indebted to my academic advisor, Dr. Matthew Butler, who for the past six years has provided insightful and constructive feedback on all of my academic work and written many letters of support on my behalf. I am also grateful for my dissertation committee members, Professor Jonathan Brown, Professor Seth Garfield, Professor Virginia Garrard-Burnett, and Professor Samuel Brunk, who all read and provided insightful feedback on this dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • Aztec Mythology
    Aztec Mythology One of the main things that must be appreciated about Aztec mythology is that it has both similarities and differences to European polytheistic religions. The idea of what a god was, and how they acted, was not the same between the two cultures. Along with all other native American religions, the Aztec faith developed from the Shamanism brought by the first migrants over the Bering Strait, and developed independently of influences from across the Atlantic (and Pacific). The concept of dualism is one that students of Chinese religions should be aware of; the idea of balance was primary in this belief system. Gods were not entirely good or entirely bad, being complex characters with many different aspects and their own desires and motivations. This is highlighted by the relation between Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. When the Spanish arrived with their European sensibilities, they were quick to name one good and one evil, identifying Quetzalcoatl with Christ and Tezcatlipoca with Satan during their attempts to integrate the Nahua peoples into Christianity. But to the Aztecs neither god would have been “better” than the other; they are just different and opposing sides of the same duality. Indeed, their identities are rather nebulous, with Quetzalcoatl often being referred to as “White Tezcatlipoca” and Tezcatlipoca as “Black Quetzalcoatl”. The Mexica, as is explained in the history section, came from North of Mexico in a location they named “Aztlan” (from which Europeans developed the term Aztec). During their migration south they were exposed to and assimilated elements of several native religions, including those of the Toltecs, Mayans, and Zapotecs.
    [Show full text]
  • Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices
    1 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 1.2 Spring 2014 Tanya Ball The Power of Death: Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices hrough an examination of Aztec death iconography in pre- and post-Conquest codices of the central valley of Mexico T (Borgia, Mendoza, Florentine, and Telleriano-Remensis), this paper will explore how attitudes towards the Aztec afterlife were linked to questions of hierarchical structure, ritual performance and the preservation of Aztec cosmovision. Particular attention will be paid to the representation of mummy bundles, sacrificial debt- payment and god-impersonator (ixiptla) sacrificial rituals. The scholarship of Alfredo López-Austin on Aztec world preservation through sacrifice will serve as a framework in this analysis of Aztec iconography on death. The transformation of pre-Hispanic traditions of representing death will be traced from these pre- to post-Conquest Mexican codices, in light of processes of guided syncretism as defined by Hugo G. Nutini and Diana Taylor’s work on the performative role that codices play in re-activating the past. These practices will help to reflect on the creation of the modern-day Mexican holiday of Día de los Muertos. Introduction An exploration of the representation of death in Mexica (popularly known as Aztec) pre- and post-Conquest Central Mexican codices is fascinating because it may reveal to us the persistence and transformation of Aztec attitudes towards death and the after-life, which in some cases still persist today in the Mexican holiday Día de Tanya Ball 2 los Muertos, or Day of the Dead. This tradition, which hails back to pre-Columbian times, occurs every November 1st and 2nd to coincide with All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ day in the Christian calendar, and honours the spirits of the deceased.
    [Show full text]
  • God of the Month: Tlaloc
    God of the Month: Tlaloc Tlaloc, lord of celestial waters, lightning flashes and hail, patron of land workers, was one of the oldest and most important deities in the Aztec pantheon. Archaeological evidence indicates that he was worshipped in Mesoamerica before the Aztecs even settled in Mexico's central highlands in the 13th century AD. Ceramics depicting a water deity accompanied by serpentine lightning bolts date back to the 1st Tlaloc shown with a jaguar helm. Codex Vaticanus B. century BC in Veracruz, Eastern Mexico. Tlaloc's antiquity as a god is only rivalled by Xiuhtecuhtli the fire lord (also Huehueteotl, old god) whose appearance in history is marked around the last few centuries BC. Tlaloc's main purpose was to send rain to nourish the growing corn and crops. He was able to delay rains or send forth harmful hail, therefore it was very important for the Aztecs to pray to him, and secure his favour for the following agricultural cycle. Read on and discover how crying children, lepers, drowned people, moun- taintops and caves were all important parts of the symbolism surrounding this powerful ancient god... Starting at the very beginning: Tlaloc in Watery Deaths Tamoanchan. Right at the beginning of the world, before the gods were sent down to live on Earth as mortal beings, they Aztecs who died from one of a list of the fol- lived in Tamoanchan, a paradise created by the divine lowing illnesses or incidents were thought to Tlaloc vase. being Ometeotl for his deity children. be sent to the 'earthly paradise' of Tlalocan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Myths of Mexico and Peru
    THE MYTHS OF MEXICO AND PERU by Lewis Spence (1913) This material has been reconstructed from various unverified sources of very poor quality and reproduction by Campbell M Gold CMG Archives http://campbellmgold.com --()-- 1 Contents Contents .................................................................................................................................................. 2 Illustrations .............................................................................................................................................. 3 Map of the Valley of Mexico ................................................................................................................ 3 Ethnographic Map of Mexico ............................................................................................................... 4 Detail of Ethnographic Map of Mexico ................................................................................................. 5 Empire of the Incas .............................................................................................................................. 6 Preface .................................................................................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1 - The Civilisation of Mexico .................................................................................................... 9 Chapter 2 - Mexican Mythology ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline
    A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline Jerónimo Reyes On my honor, Professors Andrea Lepage and Elliot King mark the only aid to this thesis. “… the ruler sits on the serpent mat, and the crown and the skull in front of him indicate… that if he maintained his place on the mat, the reward was rulership, and if he lost control, the result was death.” - Aztec rulership metaphor1 1 Emily Umberger, " The Metaphorical Underpinnings of Aztec History: The Case of the 1473 Civil War," Ancient Mesoamerica 18, 1 (2007): 18. I dedicate this thesis to my mom, my sister, and my brother for teaching me what family is, to Professor Andrea Lepage for helping me learn about my people, to Professors George Bent, and Melissa Kerin for giving me the words necessary to find my voice, and to everyone and anyone finding their identity within the self and the other. Table of Contents List of Illustrations ………………………………………………………………… page 5 Introduction: Threads Become Tapestry ………………………………………… page 6 Chapter I: The Sum of its Parts ………………………………………………… page 15 Chapter II: Commodification ………………………………………………… page 25 Commodification of History ………………………………………… page 28 Commodification of Religion ………………………………………… page 34 Commodification of the People ………………………………………… page 44 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... page 53 Illustrations ……………………………………………………………………... page 54 Appendices ……………………………………………………………………... page 58 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………... page 60 …. List of Illustrations Figure 1: Statue of Coatlicue, Late Period, 1439 (disputed) Figure 2: Peasant Ritual Figurines, Date Unknown Figure 3: Tula Warrior Figure Figure 4: Mexica copy of Tula Warrior Figure, Late Aztec Period Figure 5: Coyolxauhqui Stone, Late Aztec Period, 1473 Figure 6: Male Coyolxauhqui, carving on greenstone pendant, found in cache beneath the Coyolxauhqui Stone, Date Unknown Figure 7: Vessel with Tezcatlipoca Relief, Late Aztec Period, ca.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bilimek Pulque Vessel (From in His Argument for the Tentative Date of 1 Ozomatli, Seler (1902-1923:2:923) Called Atten- Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983:No
    CHAPTER 9 The BilimekPulqueVessel:Starlore, Calendrics,andCosmologyof LatePostclassicCentralMexico The Bilimek Vessel of the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna is a tour de force of Aztec lapidary art (Figure 1). Carved in dark-green phyllite, the vessel is covered with complex iconographic scenes. Eduard Seler (1902, 1902-1923:2:913-952) was the first to interpret its a function and iconographic significance, noting that the imagery concerns the beverage pulque, or octli, the fermented juice of the maguey. In his pioneering analysis, Seler discussed many of the more esoteric aspects of the cult of pulque in ancient highland Mexico. In this study, I address the significance of pulque in Aztec mythology, cosmology, and calendrics and note that the Bilimek Vessel is a powerful period-ending statement pertaining to star gods of the night sky, cosmic battle, and the completion of the Aztec 52-year cycle. The Iconography of the Bilimek Vessel The most prominent element on the Bilimek Vessel is the large head projecting from the side of the vase (Figure 2a). Noting the bone jaw and fringe of malinalli grass hair, Seler (1902-1923:2:916) suggested that the head represents the day sign Malinalli, which for the b Aztec frequently appears as a skeletal head with malinalli hair (Figure 2b). However, because the head is not accompanied by the numeral coefficient required for a completetonalpohualli Figure 2. Comparison of face date, Seler rejected the Malinalli identification. Based on the appearance of the date 8 Flint on front of Bilimek Vessel with Aztec Malinalli sign: (a) face on on the vessel rim, Seler suggested that the face is the day sign Ozomatli, with an inferred Bilimek Vessel, note malinalli tonalpohualli reference to the trecena 1 Ozomatli (1902-1923:2:922-923).
    [Show full text]
  • 157. Templo Mayor (Main Temple). Tenochtitlan (Modern Mexico City, Mexico)
    157. Templo Mayor (main Temple). Tenochtitlan (modern Mexico City, Mexico). Mexica (Aztec). 1375-1520 C.E. Stone (temple); volcanic stone (The Coyolxauhqui Stone); jadeite (Olmec-style mask); basalt (Calendar Stone). (4 images) dedicated simultaneously to two gods, Huitzilopochtli, god of war, and Tlaloc, god of rain and agriculture, each of which had a shrine at the top of the pyramid with separate staircases 328 by 262 ft) at its base, dominated the Sacred Precinct rebuilt six times After the destruction of Tenochtitlan, the Templo Mayor, like most of the rest of the city, was taken apart and then covered over by the new Spanish colonial city After earlier small attempts to excavate - the push to fully excavate the site did not come until late in the 20th century. On 25 February 1978, workers for the electric company were digging at a place in the city then popularly known as the "island of the dogs." It was named such because it was slightly elevated over the rest of the neighborhood and when there was flooding, street dogs would congregate there. At just over two meters down they struck a pre-Hispanic monolith. This stone turned out to be a huge disk of over 3.25 meters (10.7 feet) in diameter, 30 centimeters (11.8 inches) thick and weighing 8.5 metric tons (8.4 long tons; 9.4 short tons). The relief on the stone was later determined to be Coyolxauhqui, the moon goddess, dating to the end of the 15th century o From 1978 to 1982, specialists directed by archeologist Eduardo Matos Moctezuma worked on the project to excavate the Temple.[5] Initial excavations found that many of the artifacts were in good enough condition to study.[7] Efforts coalesced into the Templo Mayor Project, which was authorized by presidential decree.[8] o To excavate, thirteen buildings in this area had to be demolished.
    [Show full text]
  • EVERYTHING ABOUT PULQUE AGAVOLOGY 'Water from the Green Plants…'
    EVERYTHING ABOUT PULQUE AGAVOLOGY 'Water from the green plants…' Tequila's predecessor, pulque, or octli, was made from as many as six types of agave grown in the Mexican highlands. Pulque is one of about thirty different alcoholic beverages made from agave in Mexico - many of which are still made regionally, although seldom available commercially. The drink has remained essential to diet in the central highlands of Mexico since pre-Aztec times. Pulque is like beer - it has a low alcoTeqhol content, about 4-8%, but also contains vegetable proteins, carbohydrates and vitamins, so it also acts as a nutritional supplement in many communities. Unlike tequila or mezcal, the agave sap is not cooked prior to fermentation for pulque. Pulque, is an alcoholic spirit obtained by the fermentation of the sweetened sap of several species of 'pulqueros magueyes' (pulque agaves), also known as Maguey Agaves. It is a traditional native beverage of Mesoamerica. Though it is commonly believed to be a beer, the main carbohydrate is a complex form of fructose rather than starch. The word 'pulque' comes from the Náhuatl Indian root word poliuhqui, meaning 'disturbed'. There are about twenty species of agave and several varieties of pulque. Of these there was one that was called "metlaloctli" ie "blue pulque," for its colouration. Plant Sources of Pulque The maguey plant is not a cactus (as has sometimes been mistakenly suggested) but an Agave, believed to be the Giant Agave (Agave salmiana subspecies salmiana). The plant was one of the most sacred plants in Mexico and had a prominent place in mythology, religious rituals, and Mesoamerican industry.
    [Show full text]
  • Pulque, a Traditional Mexican Alcoholic Fermented Beverage: Historical, Microbiological, and Technical Aspects
    REVIEW published: 30 June 2016 doi: 10.3389/fmicb.2016.01026 Pulque, a Traditional Mexican Alcoholic Fermented Beverage: Historical, Microbiological, and Technical Aspects Adelfo Escalante 1*, David R. López Soto 1, Judith E. Velázquez Gutiérrez 2, Martha Giles-Gómez 3, Francisco Bolívar 1 and Agustín López-Munguía 1 1 Departamento de Ingeniería Celular y Biocatálisis, Instituto de Biotecnología, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Cuernavaca, Mexico, 2 Departamento de Biología, Facultad de Química, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Ciudad Universitaria, Ciudad de México, Mexico, 3 Vagabundo Cultural, Atitalaquia, Mexico Pulque is a traditional Mexican alcoholic beverage produced from the fermentation of the fresh sap known as aguamiel (mead) extracted from several species of Agave (maguey) plants that grow in the Central Mexico plateau. Currently, pulque is produced, sold and consumed in popular districts of Mexico City and rural areas. The fermented product is a milky white, viscous, and slightly acidic liquid beverage with an alcohol content between 4 and 7◦ GL and history of consumption that dates back to pre-Hispanic times. In this contribution, we review the traditional pulque production Edited by: process, including the microbiota involved in the biochemical changes that take place Jyoti Prakash Tamang, Sikkim University, India during aguamiel fermentation. We discuss the historical relevance and the benefits of Reviewed by: pulque consumption, its chemical and nutritional properties, including the health benefits Matthias Sipiczki, associated with diverse lactic acid bacteria with probiotic potential isolated from the University of Debrecen, Hungary Giulia Tabanelli, beverage. Finally, we describe the actual status of pulque production as well as the social, Università di Bologna, Italy scientific and technological challenges faced to preserve and improve the production of *Correspondence: this ancestral beverage and Mexican cultural heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fifth Sun, with Ancient Mexican History and Astronomy
    Arts and Humanities Open Access Journal Historical Study Open Access The fifth sun, with ancient Mexican history and astronomy Abstract Volume 2 Issue 6 - 2018 This paper offers a brief preliminary new interpretation of early Mexican history, embracing the absolute chronology of the Aztecs before the Spanish Conquest (1519-21). Its full text Zoltan Andrew Simon could clarify some enigmas of their calendar, with particular emphasis on the question of Geologist and land surveyor with diplomas, Canadian Hungarian intercalation, by additional key dates that were recorded in both the Mexican and the Julian amateur scholar, Canada calendars. The previous “ages” of both the Aztecs and the Toltecs have been examined: the two lines of traditions and the corresponding intervals differ from each other, indicating Correspondence: Zoltan Andrew Simon, Geologist and land surveyor with diplomas, Canadian Hungarian amateur scholar, different ancestral lands and/or migrations. The author (69), is a Canadian Hungarian. He 72 Best Crescent, Red Deer, AB, Canada, Tel 1 (403) 392-9189, is an independent amateur scholar, originally a geologist and land surveyor with diplomas. Email He is proposing exact dates for the last two of the five Mexican suns or ages, based on the Legend of the Suns and other records. The beginning of the Fifth Sun is anchored to the Received: September 15, 2018 | Published: December 18, year 1011 C.E by a total solar eclipse visible from Aztlan. By the help of several Mexican 2018 codices, an unbroken chronology could be offered from the birth of the First Sun on 6 August 1240 BCE till the end of the last world age of the Toltecs when all of the Toltec- Chichimec population of Tollan (Tula in the Mexican state of Hidalgo) was massacred during a major eclipse of the sun by the Aztecs.
    [Show full text]