La Doctrina De Xochipilli
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Aztec Mythology
Aztec Mythology One of the main things that must be appreciated about Aztec mythology is that it has both similarities and differences to European polytheistic religions. The idea of what a god was, and how they acted, was not the same between the two cultures. Along with all other native American religions, the Aztec faith developed from the Shamanism brought by the first migrants over the Bering Strait, and developed independently of influences from across the Atlantic (and Pacific). The concept of dualism is one that students of Chinese religions should be aware of; the idea of balance was primary in this belief system. Gods were not entirely good or entirely bad, being complex characters with many different aspects and their own desires and motivations. This is highlighted by the relation between Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. When the Spanish arrived with their European sensibilities, they were quick to name one good and one evil, identifying Quetzalcoatl with Christ and Tezcatlipoca with Satan during their attempts to integrate the Nahua peoples into Christianity. But to the Aztecs neither god would have been “better” than the other; they are just different and opposing sides of the same duality. Indeed, their identities are rather nebulous, with Quetzalcoatl often being referred to as “White Tezcatlipoca” and Tezcatlipoca as “Black Quetzalcoatl”. The Mexica, as is explained in the history section, came from North of Mexico in a location they named “Aztlan” (from which Europeans developed the term Aztec). During their migration south they were exposed to and assimilated elements of several native religions, including those of the Toltecs, Mayans, and Zapotecs. -
Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices
1 Multilingual Discourses Vol. 1.2 Spring 2014 Tanya Ball The Power of Death: Hierarchy in the Representation of Death in Pre- and Post-Conquest Aztec Codices hrough an examination of Aztec death iconography in pre- and post-Conquest codices of the central valley of Mexico T (Borgia, Mendoza, Florentine, and Telleriano-Remensis), this paper will explore how attitudes towards the Aztec afterlife were linked to questions of hierarchical structure, ritual performance and the preservation of Aztec cosmovision. Particular attention will be paid to the representation of mummy bundles, sacrificial debt- payment and god-impersonator (ixiptla) sacrificial rituals. The scholarship of Alfredo López-Austin on Aztec world preservation through sacrifice will serve as a framework in this analysis of Aztec iconography on death. The transformation of pre-Hispanic traditions of representing death will be traced from these pre- to post-Conquest Mexican codices, in light of processes of guided syncretism as defined by Hugo G. Nutini and Diana Taylor’s work on the performative role that codices play in re-activating the past. These practices will help to reflect on the creation of the modern-day Mexican holiday of Día de los Muertos. Introduction An exploration of the representation of death in Mexica (popularly known as Aztec) pre- and post-Conquest Central Mexican codices is fascinating because it may reveal to us the persistence and transformation of Aztec attitudes towards death and the after-life, which in some cases still persist today in the Mexican holiday Día de Tanya Ball 2 los Muertos, or Day of the Dead. This tradition, which hails back to pre-Columbian times, occurs every November 1st and 2nd to coincide with All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ day in the Christian calendar, and honours the spirits of the deceased. -
A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline
A Mat of Serpents: Aztec Strategies of Control from an Empire in Decline Jerónimo Reyes On my honor, Professors Andrea Lepage and Elliot King mark the only aid to this thesis. “… the ruler sits on the serpent mat, and the crown and the skull in front of him indicate… that if he maintained his place on the mat, the reward was rulership, and if he lost control, the result was death.” - Aztec rulership metaphor1 1 Emily Umberger, " The Metaphorical Underpinnings of Aztec History: The Case of the 1473 Civil War," Ancient Mesoamerica 18, 1 (2007): 18. I dedicate this thesis to my mom, my sister, and my brother for teaching me what family is, to Professor Andrea Lepage for helping me learn about my people, to Professors George Bent, and Melissa Kerin for giving me the words necessary to find my voice, and to everyone and anyone finding their identity within the self and the other. Table of Contents List of Illustrations ………………………………………………………………… page 5 Introduction: Threads Become Tapestry ………………………………………… page 6 Chapter I: The Sum of its Parts ………………………………………………… page 15 Chapter II: Commodification ………………………………………………… page 25 Commodification of History ………………………………………… page 28 Commodification of Religion ………………………………………… page 34 Commodification of the People ………………………………………… page 44 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………... page 53 Illustrations ……………………………………………………………………... page 54 Appendices ……………………………………………………………………... page 58 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………... page 60 …. List of Illustrations Figure 1: Statue of Coatlicue, Late Period, 1439 (disputed) Figure 2: Peasant Ritual Figurines, Date Unknown Figure 3: Tula Warrior Figure Figure 4: Mexica copy of Tula Warrior Figure, Late Aztec Period Figure 5: Coyolxauhqui Stone, Late Aztec Period, 1473 Figure 6: Male Coyolxauhqui, carving on greenstone pendant, found in cache beneath the Coyolxauhqui Stone, Date Unknown Figure 7: Vessel with Tezcatlipoca Relief, Late Aztec Period, ca. -
The Bilimek Pulque Vessel (From in His Argument for the Tentative Date of 1 Ozomatli, Seler (1902-1923:2:923) Called Atten- Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983:No
CHAPTER 9 The BilimekPulqueVessel:Starlore, Calendrics,andCosmologyof LatePostclassicCentralMexico The Bilimek Vessel of the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna is a tour de force of Aztec lapidary art (Figure 1). Carved in dark-green phyllite, the vessel is covered with complex iconographic scenes. Eduard Seler (1902, 1902-1923:2:913-952) was the first to interpret its a function and iconographic significance, noting that the imagery concerns the beverage pulque, or octli, the fermented juice of the maguey. In his pioneering analysis, Seler discussed many of the more esoteric aspects of the cult of pulque in ancient highland Mexico. In this study, I address the significance of pulque in Aztec mythology, cosmology, and calendrics and note that the Bilimek Vessel is a powerful period-ending statement pertaining to star gods of the night sky, cosmic battle, and the completion of the Aztec 52-year cycle. The Iconography of the Bilimek Vessel The most prominent element on the Bilimek Vessel is the large head projecting from the side of the vase (Figure 2a). Noting the bone jaw and fringe of malinalli grass hair, Seler (1902-1923:2:916) suggested that the head represents the day sign Malinalli, which for the b Aztec frequently appears as a skeletal head with malinalli hair (Figure 2b). However, because the head is not accompanied by the numeral coefficient required for a completetonalpohualli Figure 2. Comparison of face date, Seler rejected the Malinalli identification. Based on the appearance of the date 8 Flint on front of Bilimek Vessel with Aztec Malinalli sign: (a) face on on the vessel rim, Seler suggested that the face is the day sign Ozomatli, with an inferred Bilimek Vessel, note malinalli tonalpohualli reference to the trecena 1 Ozomatli (1902-1923:2:922-923). -
157. Templo Mayor (Main Temple). Tenochtitlan (Modern Mexico City, Mexico)
157. Templo Mayor (main Temple). Tenochtitlan (modern Mexico City, Mexico). Mexica (Aztec). 1375-1520 C.E. Stone (temple); volcanic stone (The Coyolxauhqui Stone); jadeite (Olmec-style mask); basalt (Calendar Stone). (4 images) dedicated simultaneously to two gods, Huitzilopochtli, god of war, and Tlaloc, god of rain and agriculture, each of which had a shrine at the top of the pyramid with separate staircases 328 by 262 ft) at its base, dominated the Sacred Precinct rebuilt six times After the destruction of Tenochtitlan, the Templo Mayor, like most of the rest of the city, was taken apart and then covered over by the new Spanish colonial city After earlier small attempts to excavate - the push to fully excavate the site did not come until late in the 20th century. On 25 February 1978, workers for the electric company were digging at a place in the city then popularly known as the "island of the dogs." It was named such because it was slightly elevated over the rest of the neighborhood and when there was flooding, street dogs would congregate there. At just over two meters down they struck a pre-Hispanic monolith. This stone turned out to be a huge disk of over 3.25 meters (10.7 feet) in diameter, 30 centimeters (11.8 inches) thick and weighing 8.5 metric tons (8.4 long tons; 9.4 short tons). The relief on the stone was later determined to be Coyolxauhqui, the moon goddess, dating to the end of the 15th century o From 1978 to 1982, specialists directed by archeologist Eduardo Matos Moctezuma worked on the project to excavate the Temple.[5] Initial excavations found that many of the artifacts were in good enough condition to study.[7] Efforts coalesced into the Templo Mayor Project, which was authorized by presidential decree.[8] o To excavate, thirteen buildings in this area had to be demolished. -
Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods
Michael Graulich Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods Aunque contiene ritos indiscutiblemente agrícolas, el antiguo calendario festivo de veintenas (o 'meses') de la época azteca resulta totalmente desplazado en cuanto a las temporadas, puesto que carece de intercalados que adaptan el año solar de 365 días a la duración efectiva del año tropical. Creo haber demostrado en diversas pu- blicaciones que las fiestas pueden ser interpretadas en rigor sólo en relación con su posición original, no corrida aún. El presente trabajo muestra cómo los rituales y la re- partición absolutamente regular y lógica de las vein- tenas, dedicadas esencialmente a las deidades de la llu- via - tres en la temporada de lluvias y una en la tempo- rada de sequía - confirman el fenómeno del desplaza- miento. The Central Mexican festivals of the solar year are described with consi- derable detail in XVIth century sources and some of them have even been stu- died by modern investigators (Paso y Troncoso 1898; Seler 1899; Margain Araujo 1945; Acosta Saignes 1950; Nowotny 1968; Broda 1970, 1971; Kirchhoff 1971). New interpretations are nevertheless still possible, especially since the festivals have never been studied as a whole, with reference to the myths they reenacted, and therefore, could not be put in a proper perspective. Until now, the rituals of the 18 veintenas {twenty-day 'months') have always been interpreted according to their position in the solar year at the time they were first described to the Spaniards. Such festivals with agricultural rites have been interpreted, for example, as sowing or harvest festivals on the sole ground that in the 16th century they more or less coincided with those seasonal events. -
Clothes Make the God: the Ehecatl of Calixtlahuaca, Mexico
Clothes Make the God: The Ehecatl of Calixtlahuaca, Mexico Jennifer Lynn Burley During the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in of this addition to his name, he is regularly identified by a Central Mexico, the Aztec government commissioned works red, protruding buccal mask, the Calixtlahuaca Ehecatl’s of art throughout the inner provinces of its empire as well as permanent feature. in the capital, Tenochtitlan, where Mexico City now stands. The deity image belongs to a group of sculptures that One of the provincial areas was the colony of Calixtlahuaca, Aztec scholar Richard Townsend terms cult effigies—anthro- located in the Tollocan province, 70 miles west of the impe- pomorphic figures that were the object of ceremonies.5 As rial capital. A number of Aztec period sculptures have been evidenced by the absence of permanent clothing and lack found at this site.1 Among these is the only known imperial- of detail in the body, this type of effigy would have been style deity image found at a temple in the Aztec realm, the dressed and its clothing could be changed for different oc- unclothed sculpture of the Aztec wind god, Ehecatl (Figure casions. As in other Aztec productions, the Calixtlahuaca 1). The stone sculpture was found at Calixtlahuaca during Ehecatl’s garments were an essential part of the deity image, José Garcia Payón’s excavation of the site in the 1930s on the and the image cannot be interpreted without considering its southeast side of Structure 3, a round temple known to be the costume. Townsend’s analysis emphasizes the supernatural type of building associated with the wind in Mesoamerica.2 aspect of cult effigies, but they had other meanings as well. -
An Effigy of Tezcatlipoca from the Bilimek Collection in Vienna
Ancient Mesoamerica, 31 (2020), 343–359 Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2020 doi:10.1017/S0956536119000324 AN EFFIGY OF TEZCATLIPOCA FROM THE BILIMEK COLLECTION IN VIENNA Jeremy D. Coltman ,a Guilhem Olivier,b and Gerard van Busselc aDepartment of Anthropology, University of California, Riverside, 1334 Watkins Hall, Riverside, California 92521 bInstituto de Investigaciones Históricas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Mexico, Circuito, Mario de La Cueva S/n, C.U., Coyoacán, C.P. 04510, Mexico City, Mexico c Weltmuseum Wien, Heldenplatz, 1010 Vienna, Austria Abstract Most representations of Tezcatlipoca, the supreme sorcerer of Late Postclassic central Mexico, come from the codices of the Mixteca- Puebla tradition. This important deity was also represented, however, in statues, wall paintings, bas-reliefs, as well as head-shaped ceramic pieces, the latter of which are little-known and poorly studied. In this study, we offer a detailed analysis of one of the best examples of Tezcatlipoca head-shaped ceramic pieces sheltered in the Bilimek Collection at the Weltmuseum in Vienna. We compare the Tezcatlipoca effigy head of Vienna with similar pieces from the Colección Fundación Televisa in Mexico City, the Museo Regional de Cholula, and the Museo del Valle de Tehuacán, all representations being fine examples of the Eastern Nahua artistic tradition. The similarity between the iconography on the Tezcatlipoca pedestal in Vienna and the murals of Ocotelulco and Tizatlan, Tlaxcala, are particularly striking, sharing representations of skulls, hands, and a motif we have identified as a mirror. We also analyze in detail the links between the iconography of Tezcatlipoca with that of the Macuiltonaleque. Finally, we propose the possibility of a ritual use of these ceramic vessels, associated with the ingestion of pulque in the framework of a Tezcatlipoca drinking cult. -
2 REMARKS on a NAHUATL HYMN Xippe Ycuic, Totec. Yoallavama
N68 IV : 2 REMARKS ON A NAHUATL HYMN Xippe ycuic, totec. Yoallavama. Yoalli tlavana, yztleican timonenequia, xiyaquimitlatia teucuitlaque- mitl, xicmoquentiquetl ovia. Noteua, chalchimamatlaco apanaytemoaya, ay, quetzalavevetl, ay quetzalxivicoatl. Nechiya, yquinocauhquetl, oviya. Maniyavia, niavia poliviz, niyoatzin. Achalchiuhtla noyollo; a teu- cuitlatl noyolcevizqui tlacatl achtoquetl tlaquavaya otlacatqui yautla- toaquetl oviya. Noteua, ce intlaco xayailivis conoa yyoatzin motepeyocpa mitzalitta moteua, noyolcevizquin tlacatl achtoquetl tlaquavaya, otlacatqui yau- tlatoaquetl, oviya. —so runs an ancient Mexican hymn to the god Xipe Totec, preserved in a manuscript of the 1580's when the memory of the old faith had not been far submerged beneath the Christian. It was, however, of a far older date than the generation which saw the Conquest. By even that time the meaning had become so obscure through alteration of the language that it required a marginal gloss, which will aid us in 1 This study was found among the late R. H. Barlow's unpublished papers, now preserved at the University of the Americas. The work possibly dates back as early as 1943.44, when he first began to study Náhuati literature. It seems to be typical of his early style, more imagina- tive, less reserved, than his later, more scholarly, manner of writing. It is evident that Barlow had planned to re-write the study in later years. On the first page the following pencil-written words appear: "This would have to be revised some if you're interested. R.H.B." On the back of the last leaf the following criticism (not in the author's handwriting) may be read: "Was the poem the work of 'a poet'? Should be asked if not answered. -
Quetzalcoatl, the Maya Maize God, and Jesus Christ
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies Volume 11 Number 1 Article 3 7-31-2002 Quetzalcoatl, the Maya Maize God, and Jesus Christ Diane E. Wirth Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Wirth, Diane E. (2002) "Quetzalcoatl, the Maya Maize God, and Jesus Christ," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies: Vol. 11 : No. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms/vol11/iss1/3 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Book of Mormon Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Quetzalcoatl, the Maya Maize God, and Jesus Christ Author(s) Diane E. Wirth Reference Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 11/1 (2002): 4–15, 107. ISSN 1065-9366 (print), 2168-3158 (online) Abstract Many scholars suggest that Quetzalcoatl of Mesoamerica (also known as the Feathered Serpent), the Maya Maize God, and Jesus Christ could all be the same being. By looking at ancient Mayan writings such as the Popol Vuh, this theory is further explored and developed. These ancient writings include several stories that coincide with the stories of Jesus Christ in the Bible, such as the creation and the resurrec- tion. The role that both Quetzalcoatl and the Maize God played in bringing maize to humankind is com- parable to Christ’s role in bringing the bread of life to humankind. Furthermore, Quetzalcoatl is said to have descended to the Underworld to perform a sacrifice strikingly similar to the atonement of Jesus Christ. -
Aztec Notes 1300 – 1519 (1521)
Aztec Notes 1300 – 1519 (1521) I. General Strictly speaking the Aztecs did not call themselves Aztecs, but rather Mexica. (Throughout this class both terms, Aztec and Mexica, will be used to refer to this dominant people of late pre-Columbian Mesoamerica.) Also, the Mexica who founded their capital on an island in the lake in a high valley in central México called themselves the tenochca; hence, their capital city—roughly, present-day Mexico City—was known as Tenochtitlán. Because of their late arrival in the center of Mexico, and because of their nomadic and aggressive culture, their culture—and their humanities—were a fusion of many previous cultures; i.e., those (and many others) that are listed on this website's Index for Aztec Humanities. The technical term for such fusion is syncretism / sincretismo. II. Language The Aztec language was Náhuatl (náhuatl). It belongs to the Uto-Aztecan family of languages, which means it is related to native languages that were spoken as far north as the present-day state of Utah in the United States of America. For more information on Náhuatl see the notes on the language page of this website: Languages of Latin America. III. Religion and Cosmology In general terms, the Aztecs discovered and promoted the rhythms of nature for communal survival. Rituals aimed to instill fear and trembling in the face of the dramas of nature. Think, for example, of the threats of volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and hurricanes. Aztec society was theocratic, meaning that religious authorities ruled (theo = god; cratic = rule). The religion was polytheistic (many gods), with sun worship at its center. -
An Exploration of the Aztec Fetishized Female Body William L
Partitioning the Parturient: An Exploration of the Aztec Fetishized Female Body William L. Barnes Sixteenth-century Spanish missionary Bernardino de “celestial women. .those who are always, forever glad, con- Sahagún spent many years collecting ethnographic information tent, joyous, happy by [and] near our mother, our father, the among the Aztecs of Central Mexico. Perhaps the most com- sun, whom they gladden, to whom they cry out.”3 However, as prehensive of his works is the Florentine Codex, a twelve vol- a group these goddesses caused widespread fear and trepida- ume manuscript originally entitled General History of the Things tion in Aztec society, for they would return to earth and tor- of New Spain. Among a myriad of other topics covered in this ment the living. monumental work, Father Sahagún discusses a curious phe- The cihuateteo are usually depicted in Aztec pre-conquest nomenon which I call the Fetishized Female Body.1 As described art as partially skeletonized figures with upraised claws (Fig- by Sahagún, the body of a woman who had died in childbirth ure 1). These women are seated in the proper Aztec female became a holy relic to the Aztecs, its individual components fashion, with their legs tucked up under their bodies.4 Imagery imbued with portentous magical power. At various times the differs slightly from sculpture to sculpture, from bare breasted woman’s severed fingers, hair, hands and arms, became skeletal women, bare breasts being typical of the non-noble fetishized objects, affording supernatural power and protection Aztec woman’s costume, to more elaborate examples with or- for the bearers who were invariably male.