JRJ 2.2-3 171-194 Faure.Indd

Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 brill.com/jrj

The Cultic World of the Blind Monks: Benzaiten, Jūzenji, and Shukujin

Bernard Faure Columbia University, New York, USA [email protected]

Abstract This paper examines the complex institutional and symbolic network that developed during the medieval period, bringing together people, places, institutions, myths, legends, rituals, and deities. It focuses on the relationships between the goddess of musical arts and eloquence Benzaiten, the Hie Shrine deity Jūzenji, and itinerant performers such as the blind monks (mōsō) and the biwa hōshi, who were instrumental in bringing together traditional Buddhist teachings and the performing arts (geinō). The paper argues that these relationships formed part of a broader semantic and symbolic field, at the center of which was the Protean figure of the shukujin (whose name can mean “astral god” and “god of destiny,” but also “god of the shuku”—outcasts groups and settlements). It shows how the latter was eventually identified by the Nō playwright Konparu Zenchiku (1405-1468), in his seminal work Meishukushū, with the figure of Okina, the divine old man that is widely regarded as the symbol of Nō theater. With the slow decline of the blind monks and the growing aestheticism of Nō, however, the vital connection between esoteric Buddhism, local religious traditions, and the performing arts eventually unraveled.

Keywords blind monks (mōsō), biwa hōshi, Benzaiten, Jūzenji, Shukujin, Konparu Zenchiku

A new impulsion was provided in the study of the religious background of geinō 芸能 (performing arts) by the long overdue publication of Hattori Yukio’s seminal essays on the shukujin 宿神, following that of Yamamoto Hiroko’s work on Matarajin 摩多羅神, and the rediscovery of Konparu Zenchiku’s 金春禅竹 Meishukushū 明宿集 (Collected lore concerning the effulgent deity Shukujin), a work centered on the grandfather of all

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access 172 B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 geinō, Okina 翁.1 This text, recently studied by Noel Pinnington in the context of the history of performing arts (Pinnington 2010), also sheds a fasci- nating light on the connection between these arts and medieval religion, as well as on the development of the kōjin 荒神 (wild god) figure. Although Zenchiku (1405-1468) is known mostly for theoretical works inspired by Zen aesthetics (see for instance Thornhill 1993), the present work represents a very different, and rather unusual, tendency, in which he casts himself in the role of the great priest of a mystery cult centered on the figure of Okina. The touchstone of Zenchiku’s ideological construct is the identity between Okina and Shukujin. The term shukujin is apparently taken here as “astral deity” and “god of destiny.” However, as we will see, behind these obvious meanings, we discover a larger semantic field, quite fecund as well, related to the shuku (宿, 夙, settlements that developed at large crossroads) and the “gods of the limits” (sae no kami 障の神). Another recent trend has been the research on the biwa hōshi 琵琶法師 and on the blind monks (mōsō 盲僧) of Kyūshū, precisely at the time when the last witness of the latter tradition died, taking many of its secrets with him to the grave.2 My paper will develop at the junction of these two scholarly trends. I want to focus on the influence of blind monks on the spread of two specific cults, that of the goddess Benzaiten 弁才天 (and her companion Ugajin 宇賀神) on the one hand, that of the Hie 日吉 Shrine god Jūzenji 十禅師 on the other, and on the way in which these two cults contributed to the emergence of the shukujin in the late medieval period.

1 Hattori (2009: esp. 27-108); Yamamoto (1998); and Meishukushū (1974). Zenchiku identifies Okina with the shukujin in his Meishukushū (1974: 403). The identity between Okina and Matarajin was first emphasized by Komatsu Kazuhiko (Komatsu 1985), but it has been questioned more recently by Amano Fumio (Amano 1995). See also Pinnington (1994), Nakazawa (2003), Matsuoka Shinpei (2005), Matsuoka Tomoyuki (2005), and Takahashi (2006). The term shukujin designated at first a category of medieval deities, but it seems that, with Konparu Zenchiku (and perhaps others), it came to designate a specific, individualized god, identified in the present case with Okina, the ancestor deity. Whenever the distinction is possible, I capitalize the name to indicate that it refers to that individual deity. 2 On the biwa hōshi, see Nanami (1986); Taniguchi (1987); Hyōdō (2009), and De Ferranti (2009); on the blind monks, see Murata (1994), and Fritsch (1996).

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The Blind Monks and Benzaiten The tradition of the blind monks in Japan designates at least two distinct groups, the jishin mōsō 地神盲僧 and the biwa hōshi, and these two groups have been rivals for a long time.3 But this does not prevent mutual influ- ences, on the contrary. Both groups were active on the margins of the Tendai 天台 tradition on and around Mt. Hiei, where the cult of Benzaiten initially flourished, before spreading throughout Japan.4 Benzaiten is usually traced back to the Indian river-goddess Sarasvatī, who was also worshiped as a goddess of eloquence and music. Like her Indian prototype, she is sometimes represented in the form of a handsome maiden playing the lute (vina in India, biwa in Japan), and her shrines are usually located on small islands on ponds and rivers, or by the waterside. In medieval Japan, however, her hybrid, eight-armed form known as Uga Benzaiten became prevalent.5 During that period, it was not always clear whether the names Myōonten 妙音天 and Benzaiten represent a single or two distinct figures. Even when Myōonten and Benzaiten coexisted as distinct entities, they constantly exchanged some of their attributes and functions. According to the Keiran shūyōshū 溪嵐拾葉集 (T. 76, 2410: 620-628), a fourteenth-century Tendai encyclopedia, “Because there is no duality between Knowledge and Princi- ple, [Myōon Benzaiten] can also assume the body of Ugajin . . . Her ‘trace’ is a white snake, who dispels the poisons of the three sufferings.” The name Myōon is traced to the bodhisattva Gadgadasvara (Myōon Bosatsu 妙音菩薩), who appears in the Lotus Sūtra (Kubo and Yuyama 1993: 303-310). This bodhisattva, originally unrelated to Sarasvatī, is said to have obtained his extraordinary powers as a reward for playing music on countless occasions for the buddha Meghadundubhisvara-rāja (Unraionnō butsu 雲雷音王仏). His metamorphic power in particular, as well as his awakening through music, facilitated his identification with Sarasvatī. Not surprisingly, he became the protector of professional groups such as court musicians and blind singers.

3 On this rivalry, see Fritsch (1996: 140-143). 4 On the origins of the blind monks, see Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryō shūsei (vol. 17: 247- 248); and “Bussetsu mōsō engi” 仏説盲僧縁起, in Nishi Nihon Bunka Kyōkai (1999: 565- 569). On the medieval Benzaiten cult around Mount Hiei, see Nanami (1986). 5 On Uga Benzaiten, see Nanami (1986); and Ludvik (2007).

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The figure of Myōonten initially developed in aristocratic circles toward the end of the Heian period. It was an object of worship for powerful aris- tocrats like Fujiwara no Moronaga 藤原師長 (1137-1192) (see Fritsch 1996: 33-41). The latter was a renowned musician, known under the nickname of Myōon-in because he had transformed a part of his residence (near Shijō Karasuma in Kyoto) into a temple of the same name, dedicated to Myōon. He had a wooden statue of Myōon made and he enshrined it at Myōon-in. That statue, which is perhaps the one that was preserved at Shirakumo Shrine in the precinct of the old imperial palace, served as a model to various later representations, among which the Myōonten of Ninnaji 仁和寺. The spread of Myōonten’s image in medieval Japan is due in part to a cultural (and technical) factor, namely, the growing popularity of the biwa among musicians. The Muromachi period witnessed a change in the social basis of the Myōon cult. The increasing influence of the biwa hōshi is probably related to the decline of court music, brought about by the destruc- tion of the capital during the Ōnin war (1467-1477). The image of Myōonten spread by these wandering musicians was not merely that of a goddess of music and a protector of the arts, but also that of a goddess of fortune. The biwa itself was essentially a good-luck instrument, associated with prayers for prosperity. Thus, as Ingrid Fritsch points out, if Myōon Benzaiten became the protecting deity of the biwa hōshi, this is perhaps both as a goddess of fortune (through the influence of performing arts, geinō), and as a goddess of music (through the influence of gigaku 技楽, masked dance performance) (Fritsch 1996: 26-27). Obviously, the gradual replacement of the biwa by the shamisen and the koto in the Edo period (1603-1868) marked the end of a certain musical era, and the transformation of Benzaiten’s role. Next to the biwa hōshi, we must emphasize the role of another group of minstrels known as the “blind monks of the Earth-deity” ( jishin mōsō), perhaps influenced by Korean traditions (see Masuo 2001; Murata 1994: 12-40). This group was particularly widespread in Western Japan (Kyūshū and Chūgoku), but it was also present in Yamato. Whereas the mōsō of Kyūshū passed under the authority of Mt. Hiei during the Edo period, those of Yam- ato were placed under the authority of Kōfukuji 興福寺 in Nara. In contrast to the biwa hōshi, who specialized in the recitation of epics (principally the Heike monogatari 平家物語, but also the Soga monogatari 曽我物語, etc.), the jishin mōsō were more religiously-oriented. This distinction must not be over-emphasized, however: the recitation of the Heike monogatari was

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 175 also performed as a ritual for placating the spirits of the defeated Heike warriors, whereas the jishin mōsō also performed songs for entertainment. As a result, a certain rivalry existed between the two groups. This rivalry escalated and eventually led to a lawsuit in the seventeenth century. The biwa hōshi won, owing to the political clout of their guild, the Tōdōza 当道座, and the jishin mōsō were forced to limit themselves to the recitation of the Earth-deity Sūtra.6 Despite (or because of) that feud, the two groups influenced each other in many ways, and this influence is reflected in many of their legends and symbols. For instance, both groups traced their origins back to a blind prince, variously identified as Amayo 天夜 (var. 雨夜), Komiya 小宮, or Semimaru 蝉丸, who was held to be an incarnation of Myōonten (or Myōon Bosatsu).7 Conversely, as we will see shortly, some beliefs related to the Earth-deity were probably transmitted from the jishin mōsō to the biwa hōshi. At any rate, it is probably in these circles of blind musicians that the amalgamation between Myōon-Benzaiten and the Earth-deity took place. Close ties existed between the biwa hōshi guild, known as the Tōdōza, and the Enryakuji-Hie 日吉 Shrine complex on Mt. Hiei, where the doc- trinal synthesis between Myōon, Benzaiten, and Ugajin was elaborated. Another group of artists, the sarugaku 猿楽 troupe of Ōmi, was closely related to Hie Shrine, while yet another troupe was related to the Kasuga- Kōfukuji complex in Nara. Thus, the image of Benzaiten seems to have first developed in the monastic circles of Mt. Hiei (and to a lesser extent, Kōfukuji), before disseminating in the artistic milieu of the blind monks and the sarugaku actors, and among the outcastes (hinin 非人). It is in this context that, for instance, the relationship between Benzaiten and the Sannō 山王 deities (principally Jūzenji) on the one hand, the Kasuga deities on the other, developed. Let us return to Myōonten. Next to the legend of Prince Amayo, another origin story of the Tōdōza emphasizes the religious function of the biwa hōshi, tracing their origin back to the blind prince Komiya, an avatar of the

6 See Fritsch (1996); and Hyōdō (1989: 159-183). On the Tōdōza, see Nihon shomin shiryō shūsei 17 (1972: 231); see also Matisoff (1973: 43 ff.). 7 On Semimaru, see Matisoff (1973) and Fritsch (1996: 148); on Amayo and Komiya, see Fritsch (1996: 116-130).

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Kamo deity (Kamo Daimyōjin 賀茂大明神).8 His own divine nature was revealed to the prince by Myōon Benzaiten, who became his protector. In a variant found in the Komiya taishi ichidaiki 小宮太子一代記, Komiya is initiated by a blind monk named Ekan, who had himself been initiated by Benzaiten after a hundred-day retreat at Chikubushima 竹生島, the cultic center of Benzaiten on Biwa Lake.9 According to another variant found in the Zachū shidaiki 座中次第記, it is Myōon Benzaiten who manifests herself as Prince Chiba, the blind child of Kōkō Tennō 光孝天皇, while the Kamo deity reveals his own divine nature to this prince and encourages vocation as leader of the blind. These variants reflect differences in the tar- get groups of the legend. The legend of Prince Komiya, for instance, seems to have been widespread among lower status blind monks, whereas that of Prince Saneyasu 人康 (831-872, fourth son of Ninmyō Tennō 仁明天皇) was more widespread in aristocratic circles (see Tanigawa 2009: 367-369). In some versions of the Heike monogatari, the imperial consort Kenreimon’in 建礼門院, one of the few survivors of the Taira clan, is presented as an avatar (keshin 化身) of Myōon. Her sūtra offerings in memory of her relatives can be seen as an anticipation of the recitation of the Heike monogatari by the biwa hōshi.10 Although it is usually not clearly stated that Kenreimon’in was identical with Myōon Bosatsu (and hence with Benzaiten, the protecting deity of the biwa hōshi), the idea is suggested by the comparison of her two ladies-in-waiting with the nāga-princess of the Lotus Sūtra (who is herself often identified with Benzaiten). In the Nagato- bon recension of the Heike monogatari, Kenreimon’in is explicitly identified with Myōon Bosatsu (see Ichijima 1906: 761; and Fritsch 1996: 139). Myōon also appears in the tradition of the blind female singers (goze 瞽女) of Tōhoku (see Fritsch 1996: 198-231). The legendary founder of that tradition is a princess named Sakagami 逆髪, again an avatar of Kamo Daimyōjin (see Hattori 2009: 121-236). Her brother, Semimaru, was himself perceived as an avatar of Myōon Bosatsu (or Myōon Benzaiten) and deified under the name Semimaru Daimyōjin. In a spurious “imperial edict” transmitted in that tradition, we read:

8 On Komiya, see Fritsch (1996: 116-130). 9 Komiya taishi ichidaiki, quoted in Fritsch (1996: 123-127). 10 On Kenreimon’in, see Hyōdō (2009: 118-119); and Bialock (2002-2003: 293-303).

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The honzon Nyoirin Kannon turned into Myōon Bosatsu. The faithful must therefore constantly pray to Myōon Bosatsu, as well as to Benzaiten and Shimogamo Daimyōjin 下賀茂大明神, because they are the deities who protect their livelihood. Those who neglect that point will be immediately punished (Fritsch 1996: 217).

Like Semimaru Daimyōjin, Benzaiten was believed to cure blindness and eye-sickness, as can be seen in a legend related to the Tendai priest Ennin 円仁 (793-864). After Ennin had for long suffered from eye-disease, the goddess appeared to him in a dream and gave him a remedy, requiring in exchange that he worship her at Chikubushima. When he awoke, he found a small image of Benzaiten near his pillow, together with medicine. As soon as he ingested the medicine, his eyes were healed. Out of gratitude, he enshrined the image at Chikubushima, where it came to be worshiped as the main deity (Fritsch 1996: 249). In another popular tale, Benzaiten manifests herself as the young girl Sayohime 佐用姫, who sacrifices herself to restore her blind mother’s eyesight.11 With the emergence of Uga Benzaiten in Tendai, a new image of Ben- zaiten develops, as a manifestation of the Earth-deity. In parallel, the fact that the blind monks of Kyūshū were performing rituals centered on the Sūtra of the Earth-deity ( Jijinkyō 地神経) seems to have contributed to a shift from Myōon Benzaiten to Uga Benzaiten and to Ugajin, the snake- deity with an old man’s face. It is hard to differentiate these two deities who at times form a single entity, at other times are independent; and the name Ugajin can also designate Benzaiten. The autonomous figure of the snake- deity Ugajin develops in a group of apocryphal scriptures known as the Five Ugajin Sūtras, which are, in their form and content, clearly modeled after the Golden Light Sutra (Saishōōkyō 最勝王経), the locus classicus of the Buddhist Sarasvatī (T. 16, 665; see also Ludvik 2007). Ugajin is also associated with the Inari deity through the etymology that derives his name from that of Uka no Mitama, the food deity worshiped at Fushimi Inari 伏見稲荷.12 His “old man” characteristic also links him to Okina. According to Zenchiku’s Meishukushū, Benzaiten is indeed a manifestation of Okina (see Omote and Katō 1974: 414b).

11 On Sayohime’s legend, see Triplett (2004); and Fritsch (1996: 29-30). 12 On Ugajin, see Keiran shūyōshū: 639c. See also Kida (1976: 31-52); Yamamoto (1998: 326- 502); Itō (1996); and Mukōzawa (2007). On Uka no mitama, see Kida (1976: 53-60).

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In certain sources, Ugajin is identified with the Pole Star deity Myōken Bosatsu 妙見菩薩, assuming by the same token a twofold role of cosmic lord and of controller of human destinies. According to various sources, when worshiped properly, Myōken becomes Ugajin; otherwise, he becomes a malevolent deity named Kōjin 荒神.13 One of the functions shared by Ugajin, Myōken, and Kōjin, is that of the “deity of the placenta.”14 Along the same lines, Ugajin was assimilated to the “star of fundamental destiny” (honmyōshō 本命星, that is, the birth star) of people. According to the Jingi kan’yo 神祇鑒輿, a text attributed to Ennin, Ugajin is identified with Myōken. He is further defined in formulaic fashion as a placenta deity: “From the five phases in the womb, he becomes the ‘companion deity’ (kushōjin 具生神). He never leaves our body, till the last thought at the end of life, and constantly keeps us under his protection.”15 But the violent nature of that deity is also emphasized: “if one reveres him, he becomes Ugajin; if one turns away from him, he becomes Kōjin and inflicts calamities.”16 This passage indicates that Ugajin, like Myōken, is actually a modality of divine manifestation, the positive face of a funda- mentally ambivalent figure. In spite of his elusive nature, Ugajin was eventually integrated into Tendai metaphysics. In the end he was understood as a primordial deity said to be, like Jūzenji, the “warp and woof of heaven and earth.” He became a controller of human destiny, a function he shared, not only with Myōken, but also with Okina, the paradigmatic old man-deity. Yet his snake nature brings him closer to the earth, and this telluric aspect perhaps explains why he was worshiped in “humble” (from humus, earth) places like the basement of Kōfukuji. According to local tradition, this basement was entrusted to a snake-deity representing the powers of autochthony.

13 Chintaku reifu engi shūsetsu, in Hayakawa (2000: 341); quoting Kūkai’s apocryphal Last Testament (Goyuigō 御遺告, T. 77, 2431). This passage, however, does not appear in the Goyuigō. 14 On the placenta deity, see Faure (forthcoming). 15 Jingi kan’yo, quoted in Chintaku reifu engi shūsetsu, 341b. See also Sange yoryakki, in ST, Ronsetsu-hen, Tendai shintō 2: 76. 16 Chintaku reifu engi shūsetsu, ibid.

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Jūzenji It is precisely in this function of placenta deity that Ugajin (or Uga Benzaiten) was identified with Jūzenji, one of the gods of the Seven Upper Shrines of Hie at the eastern foot of Mt. Hiei, to whom I now turn. Jūzenji is an ambivalent deity, who is usually represented as a child novice (chigo 稚児) or as a young monk. It is as child that he is said to have appeared to the Tendai priest Saichō. Despite his benign appearance, he is a god whose curse is to be feared. As an oracular god, he likes to possess children, and to use them as his mouthpiece. In this, he resembles demons who attack children, but who can also, when ritually placated, protect them.17 According to the Sannō mitsuki, quoting a work by the Tendai monk Kōgei: “Jūzenji Daimyōjin is also called Ugajin. He is the placenta (ena 胞衣) of all beings. He is a god of longevity and fortune. From the begin- ning to the end, from the five phases in the womb till the single thought at the time of death, this god protects us at all times” (Sannō mitsuki: 255). While Jūzenji was said to protect against the wild gods (kōjin), he was actually one of them, and more specifically he was an ena kōjin 胞衣荒神, a placenta deity watching over the individual through the five stages of embryonic gestation and beyond. A similar description of the ena kōjin appears in a number of texts. Thus, in the Shugen shuyō hiketsushū 修験修要秘決集, we read that: “Dwelling on the top of the head, it is called ubugami. After [the child] leaves the womb, it is called tatemashigami. It protects beings, like the shadow follows the body” (Shugendō shōso, vol. 2: 368a). Hie Shrine is also the place where Saichō’s placenta and umbilical cord were said to have been buried, near one of the three gates (torii) that sym- bolize the Three Truths of Tendai. The tradition associates the burial place of his umbilical cord, near the Daishōgun Shrine, with Benzaiten, but with- out explanation. Still today, despite the Meiji separation of the kami and the buddhas (shinbutsu bunri 神仏分離) that led to the eclipse of Jūzenji (whose name sounded too Buddhist), the gynecological aspect of Jūzenji’s shrine remains alive. Pregnant women come to pray to him for an easy childbirth, and the main ritual of Higashi Hongū 東本宮 (one of the two main shrines of Hiyoshi [Hie] Shrine), reenacting the birth or rebirth of the young god (wakamiya 若宮), is marked by a strongly gynecological symbolism. Incidentally, the deity that superseded Jūzenji, the Kamo

17 On child-possession, see Strickmann (2002: 204-226).

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goddess Tamayorihime 玉依姫, was also one of the patron-deities of the biwa hōshi. As one of the seven Sannō deities, Jūzenji was also associated with the Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper (see Arichi 2006). His “original ground” (honji 本地) is usually Jizō 地蔵, but on the Shintō side he is also identified with Ninigi no mikoto, Amaterasu’s grand-son, whose descent from heaven is sometimes presented as an allegory of childbirth (see for instance Gonshinshō: 587b). As noted earlier, Tendai sources also identified him with fortune-god Ugajin, a deity usually associated with the prolific Benza- iten. The Sannō mitsuki 山王密記 quotes the “Record of the ancient worthy Eshin” (Eshin sentoku gyōki 惠心先徳御記)18 according to which:

Jūzenji is the god of the warp and wood of heaven and earth, the dark path of the life- breath of beings. Some say that he is the unborn deity of the sixth consciousness, or that he corresponds to the Three Truths. An oral tradition says: “In heaven he is the bodhisattva Kokūzō 虚空蔵, on earth, the bodhisattva Jizō 地蔵.” This is why he is called the deity of the warp and woof of heaven and earth (Sannō mitsuki: 255a).

Buddhas in the Basement The recent discovery of Buddhist statues under the floorboards of the former Jūzenji Shrine at the foot of Mt. Hiei suggests that this space was formerly a secret cultic space called geden or shitadono 下殿 (lower pavil- ion). One entered it through a small door located in the northeastern cor- ner of the building, under the stairs leading to the main hall. This space is of a different type from the kind of ritual space that developed at certain cultic centers like Zenkōji 善光寺—structured in view of an underground circumambulation aimed at symbolic rebirth. The geden of Jūzenji Shrine was commonly used as a retreat by mediums and other low-status people. Its central area was an earthen floor, with a spring in the middle. Indeed, the spring to have been the first, pre-Buddhist cultic center, over which a Buddhist structure was eventually built (see Sagai 1992: 140-160; and Kuroda 1999: 3-60). The fame of Jūzenji as a deity delivering oracles attracted male and female mediums, which secluded themselves under the shrine for a period

18 The “ancient worthy” in question is the Monacal Rector Eshin (Eshin sōzu 慧心僧都), i.e., Genshin 源信 (942-1017).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 181 of time.19 The fact that this underground space was used for incubation rituals resonates with embryological symbolism, and it is consonant with Jūzenji’s description as a placenta deity. Some of these mediums traced their origins back to rather strange deity, called “the divine child of the corridor” (rō no miko 廊御子).20 Tradition has it that this divine child was born from the semen spilled by the Tendai prelate Jien in a valley of Mt. Hiei, after a homosexual union with another juvenile deity, Jūzenji (Abe 1984: 300-303). His name derives from the belief that he was raised “under the corridor” that connected the Jūzenji Shrine to the Daigyōji 大行事 Shrine, that is, in a place that was structurally an extension of the basement (geden) of Jūzenji Shrine. In this respect, it is worth mentioning that one of the foundation legends of the kawaramono 河原物 traces the lineage of that category of outcasts to a “non-human” being born from the spilled semen of a monk of Tiantong Monastery 天童寺 in Zhejiang Province, China—a monastery visited by Japanese monks like Dōgen 道元 (1200-1253).21 The motif of extra- uterine birth clearly links Jūzenji and the rō no miko with the hinin tradition—somewhat paradoxically given the importance of placenta-deities for that tradition. The basement of various shrines and temples was in medieval Japan a place where various types of people—mediums, blind monks, etc.— gathered in the hope of obtaining oracles, visions, or powers. Another case in point is the basement of the Main Hall of Shitennōji 四天王寺, where the blind Shuntokumaru 俊徳丸 allegedly experienced a kind of initiatic rebirth (see Hyōdō 2009: 183-187). The basement of such religious institutions was perceived as a mysterious place in contact with telluric forces, and was often located close to a sacred spring. Such was indeed the case at Jūzenji Shrine or at Shitennōji; another well-known case is the sacred spring (mii 御井) of Miidera 三井寺 (Onjōji 園城寺).22 The darkness caused a sense of mystery and fear, and a feeling of debasement, perhaps also the loss of feeling of time and of corporeal boundaries; all these elements produced the conditions of an overwhelming spiritual experience akin to rebirth.

19 See for instance the legend of the priest living below the floorboards of Hie Shrine in the Enkyō-bon version of the Heike monogatari, translated by Bialock (2002-2003: 239-243). 20 Rō no miko ki: 619-622; see also Abe (1984: 302); and Faure (1998: 255-258). 21 On kawaramono, see Morita (1978); on the relation between kawaramono and biwa hōshi, see also Fritsch (1996: 58-62). 22 On the legend of the Miidera spring, see Ōmori (2010: 63-66).

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Incidentally, the Miidera spring is located near the Benzaiten Hall, one of the five bessho 別所 of Miidera connected with Benzaiten. Another of these bessho was Kinshōji 近松寺—also known as Chikamatsu-dera because Chikamatsu Monzaemon 近松門左衛門 (1653-1725) is said to have stayed there—a temple that administered the nearby Semimaru Shrine. This place was a meeting place for blind performers, and its protecting deity, Benzaiten, appears in the temple’s documents as an avatar of the deified Semimaru (Semimaru Myōjin 蝉丸明神). According to Ōmori Keiko, the relation between Myōon Benzaiten and Semimaru was based, not only on their musical function, but also on their being both water-deities said to provide the water that heals blindness (Ōmori 2010: 69-72). Although the evolution of the geden (shitadono, or yukashita) of the Jūzenji Shrine is quite specific—stemming as it does from a pre-Buddhist cult centered on springs and on the mountain-god—the symbolic value acquired by the basement can also be found in other types of spaces that are structurally homologous, for instance the nando 納戸 (store room) of ordinary dwellings (see Sagai 1992: 140-160; and Suzuki 2001: 226-229). However, there is one particular space that has enjoyed this exalted and ambiguous status, and attracted the attention of scholars, owing to its role in the emergence of the performing arts, and more specifically of sarugaku and Nō. It is the so-called “back door” (ushirodo 後戸) of temples (see Hat- tori 2009: 1-25, and 237-272; and Suzuki 2001: 198-262). The ushirodo was in particular the place of worship of the god Matarajin, the protector of the Jōdōgyō 常行道 of Enryakuji and other great Tendai monasteries (like Mootsuji 毛越寺 in Hiraizumi 平泉). Hattori Yukio is the first scholar who saw Matarajin as a typical case of shukujin, that is, as an astral god controlling human destinies; following the cues provided by the Nō playwright Konparu Zenchiku, he associated Matarajin with the well-known figure of the old man Okina (Hattori 2009: 10-68; see also Komatsu 1985; and Amano 1995). This implies that the original function of sarugaku was to entertain and placate the wild god Matarajin at the back stage of temples. In other words, Matarajin’s cult can be traced back to the legend of the origins of the sarugaku, as described in Zeami’s Fūshikaden 風姿花傳 (and Zenchiku’s Meishukushū):

When the Buddha dwelt on earth, the wealthy Sudatta built the Jetavana monastery and the Tathāgata Śākyamuni was to preach at its dedication ceremony, but Devadatta, accompanied by 10,000 non-Buddhists, hung branches and bamboo grass with shide,

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and when they started dancing and shouting, it became difficult to perform the dedication service. The Buddha glanced at Śāriputra, who, receiving the power of the Buddha, arranged drums and flutes at the back door. Sixty-six pieces of mimicry were performed through the talent of Ānanda, the spiritual knowledge of Śāriputra and the eloquence of Pūrṇa. The unbelievers, hearing the sound of the flute, gathered at the back door to watch and became quiet. The Tathāgata used the interval to preach the dedication service. This was the occasion when this art started in India.23

Local as well as foreign cults entered Buddhism literally through the back door. The term ushirodo, originally designating the door located at the back of the Buddha Hall, came to designate a particular space, usually closed, and functionally complex, behind the main image (honzon 本尊). It could house icons, mandalas, but also a variety of cultic paraphernalia and tools. It was visited by various categories of people, such as monks of low rank and lay brothers. During New Year ceremonies for instance, this space was crowded, not only by monks and sarugaku performers, but also by outcasts fulfilling a variety of roles (in particular that of policemen, kebiishi 検非違使). On the one hand, these low-class types were perceived as not very different from the demons which were to be exorcized on such occasions, and which would actually be impersonated by some outcasts. These demons were needed as symbols of the impending chaos, kept at bay by ritual. In other words, they served as scapegoats, whose expulsion reaffirmed social order.

Jūzenji as Shukujin While the shukujin first appeared in aristocratic circles as patron of various “ways,” his cult was spread mostly by popular entertainment groups like sarugaku actors and blind biwa-players.24 Among the two main troupes of sarugaku, the Kasuga troupe, centered on Kasuga Shrine, took Kasuga Myōjin 春日明神 as its main protecting deity.25 Indeed, one of the origin stories of sarugaku traces back that art form to Kasuga, and Zenchiku, in his Meishukushū, identifies the tutelary deity of sarugaku, Okina (as shukujin), with Kasuga Myōjin (Meishukushū: 408). However, the deity in question does not seem to have been the ancestral deity of the Fujiwara clan, worshiped

23 Fūshikaden, in Omote and Katō (1974: 38); quoted in Pinnington (1994: 503-504). 24 On the early shukujin, patron of the arts, see Fritsch (1996: 86-94); Hattori (2009: 27-108); and Nakazawa (2003: 4-26). 25 The other main sarugaku troupe, in Ōmi Province, was closely related to Hie (present Hiyoshi) Shrine, at the foot of Mt. Hiei.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access 184 B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 at Kasuga Main Shrine, but rather that worshiped by the outcasts of Narazaka 奈良坂, a shuku located to the north of Kasuga shrine in Nara.26 Another group of entertainers who had taken the shukujin as their protecting deity were the biwa hōshi, whose main guild, the Tōdōza, was affili- ated with the Tendai school. We have seen that, according to the Tōdōza tradition, the art of the blind monks harked back to the legendary Prince Amayo, fourth son of Kōkō Tennō (830-889). The Tōdōza rules contain fre- quent mentions of the shukujin, although the name of that deity is written (and pronounced) in several ways.27 One of these examples will keep our attention for a while. Although the texts that mention that name are rela- tively late, dating from the Edo period, they reflect older beliefs. The “old” rule (ko shikimoku 古式目) of the Tōdōza, dated 1634, mentions a group of “ten deities” (more exactly, the “deities of the ten shrines,” jūgūjin 十宮神), sometimes designed collectively as one single deity called Jūgūjin (see Fritsch 1996: 91-93). These ten deities are said to have been chosen among those of the twenty-one shrines of Hie, by a blind monk of Mt. Hiei named Shōbutsu 生仏, who allegedly initiated the recitation of the Heike monogatari.28 The Enpeki kenki 遠碧軒記 (1675) and the Yōshū fushi 雍州府志 by Kurogawa Dōgu 黒川道祐 (d. 1691) call these ten deities “protectors of the blind” (see Enpeki kenki: 103; Yōshū fushi, vol. 8: 294). Their relationship with the shukujin is clearly established—if only to be rejected—by the author of the Hinami kiji 日次紀事 (1685), who explains that these deities were selected among the twenty-one Hie shrines as protectors of the blind, and that they have been confused with the deity (or deities) of the shuku, the shukujin (Hinami kiji: 110).

26 See Tanigawa (2009: 394-405). The origins of the shuku settlement of Narazaka are traced back to a figure named King of Kasuga (Kasuga-ō 春日王), who at the time of Emperor Kanmu took refuge on the Kasuga domain and was supported by his two sons, liv ing from the sale of bows and arrows. Hence the name given to them by the emperor, “Yuge” 弓削. The sarugaku of Kasuga is said to go back to the elder brother’s performance at Kas uga Shrine. Hence the relation of the Kasuga god with sarugaku and with the play Okina. 27 On blind monks and the shukujin (shugūjin 守宮神, etc.), see Yanagita (1990a: 452-453). 28 This disciple of Jien 慈円 (also known as Jichin, 1155-1225) having become blind, secluded himself for thirty-seven days at Hie Shrine (perhaps in the basement of the Jūzenji Shrine). There he had the revelation that he was to recite the Heike monogatari. After spend ing another hundred days and nights under the corridor of the shrine, he had a vision that taught him how to play the tunes that would accompany the recitation.

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Likewise, according to the Heike kanmonroku 平家勘門録, because one invokes the seven upper shrines and the three median shrines of Sannō (Hie), the name of these “ten shrines” ( jūgūjin) sounds like that of shukujin (Heike kanmonroku: 226). The jūgūjin receive(s) a new interpretation in the Tōdō yōshū 当道要集 (A Collection of the Essentials of the Guild), with the legend of the blind founder of the Tōdōza, Prince Saneyasu 人康, who was perceived as an avatar of the bodhisattva Jizō (Tōdō yōshū: 229-241). Note in passing that, in this text, the jūgūjin are no longer chosen among the twenty- one Hie Shrines, but more specifically among the seven Upper Shrines. Finally, the Tōdō yōroku 当道要録 specifies what we had begun to guess, namely, that the name Jūgūjin refers in fact to the god Jūzenji, worshiped in one of the Seven Upper Shrines (Tōdō yōroku: 113; see also Fritsch 1996: 91-94). This is confirmed in the Tōdō daikiroku, under a rubric related to the “traces of the Jūgūjin,” which states that “the essence (honji) of Jūzenji Gongen is the bodhisattva Jizō” (Tōdō daikiroku; see also Fritsch 1996: 93). Consequently, we are told that Shōbutsu chose as Jūgūjin that same Jizō, who had manifested himself under the form of Prince Saneyasu in order to save the blind. With the legend of Prince Saneyasu, a new semantic development takes place. Indeed that prince (who is a doublet of Semimaru) is not simply a “trace” (suijaku 垂迹) or manifestation of Jizō, he is also, as fourth son of Emperor Ninmyō Tennō, known as the “fourth prince” (Shinomiya 四宮, also read Shikū, a term phonetically reminiscent of the shukujin (Fritsch 1996: 107). The legend of Saneyasu connects him to Yamashina, on the eastern outskirts of Kyoto, in a quarter that has retained the name Shinomiya— not far from Ausaka Barrier, the pass toward Biwa Lake where the Semi- maru Shrine still stands today, apparently abandoned.29 Shinomiya was also a dwelling place for sarugaku actors of the Ōmi troupe, related to Hie Shrine. As to the biwa hōshi who lived there, these low status entertainers may have wanted to connect themselves to the Jūgūjin (i.e., the Jūzenji of Hie Shrine) in order to ennoble themselves. The legend of Saneyasu, as it found its full expression in the Tōdō yōshū, establishes therefore a link between the biwa hōshi and the Jizō cult of Yamashina. Still today, the famous octagonal hall of Tokurin-an 徳林庵, at Shinomiya, is an important cultic center for Jizō. The temple itself,

29 On the Ausaka Barrier, see Hyōdō (1989: 65-69).

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Tokurin-an, has a stūpa dedicated to Shinomiya Daimyōjin and Saneyasu Shinnō. More significantly, Saneyasu’s grave is found in another temple, located just behind, and called Jūzenji 十禅寺. The temple’s name is an obvious reference to the child-deity of Hiei Shrine (Jūzenji), who, as noted above, appears in texts of the Tōdōza under the name Jūgūjin (Shukujin). The connection between Jūzenji and the shukujin may have been established through the intermediary of the name jūgūjin, but other reasons, of a symbolic order, may have contributed as well to that identification. Jūzenji was clearly perceived as a kind of shukujin. This explains that he came to be seen as a “deity of the warp and woof of heaven and earth,” controlling human destiny. Like the Jūzenji shrine of Mt. Hiei, the Juzen ji temple of Shinomiya played an important role in the biwa hōshi tradition.30 Even after Jūzenji himself had been displaced by a Shintō deity during the Meiji Restoration, this homonymous temple continued to play an administrative role, till the Second World War, in the delivery of licenses for the blind. One variant of the Saneyasu legend is that of the blind prince Komiya 小宮 (the “Little Prince”) (see Komiya taishi ichidaiki). The name Komiya, when read Shōgū, evokes, not only Shukujin, but also Jōgū Taishi, that is, Prince Shōtoku. By the same token, the latter—whose popularity among sarugaku and Nō actors is well known—becomes an avatar of Shukujin (or Okina, according to Zenchiku). As the Meishukushū puts it: “Because Prince [Shōtoku] in this incarnation caused the Way of sarugaku to flour- ish, he is also Okina” (Meishukushū: 408a). The relation of Prince Komiya with Shukujin was overdetermined: owing to the phonetic resemblance between his name (read as Shōgū) and the deity, but also between it and Jōgū Taishi 上宮 (i.e., Shōtoku), who was also identified with the shukujin. At any rate, the importance of Jūzenji/Jūgūjin in the Tōdōza, in other words the influence of the Hie Sannō tradition, explains how the cult of the shukujin was spread by the inhabitants of the shuku, and in particular by sarugaku actors and biwa hōshi. The status of Jūzenji as shukujin is not simply the result of casual phonetic plays: it derives logically from the nature and functions of that deity—a child-deity related to Jizō, but also an oracular deity and a deity of the limits, having affinities with the shaguji (as suggested by its relation with monkeys), and a violent deity of the kōjin type, perceived as the arami-

30 This temple is mentioned in the Shinomiya-dono denki: 457 and 459.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 187 tama 荒御霊 of the mountain god, the tutelary god of Mt. Hiei. We are here in presence of a latent symbolic constellation, which was brought to the forefront by the emergence of certain social groups (the artistic guilds of the sarugakusha and the biwa hōshi, and the inhabitants of the shuku). One may simply wonder why Zenchiku ignored Jūzenji (as well as Matarajin), when he did so much to promote other figures of the shukujin. One possible answer is that he saw himself as belonging to the lineage of Kasuga Shrine, rather than of Hie Shrine. The omnipresence of the shukujin must not mask the tensions between these groups, however. With regard to the biwa players, not only were there tensions between the “blind monks” of Eastern Japan, more focused on religious activities and the worship of the Earth-deity, and the biwa hōshi of Kyoto and its vicinity; but even among the latter, there were some distinc- tions between the members of the Tōdōza, who traced their lineage back to Prince Amayo (or Saneyasu/Shinomiya), and those of lower status, who considered Semimaru as their ancestor (see Matisoff 1973; and Fritsch 1996: 148-155).

A Liminal Deity As should be clear by now, the deity that controls human destiny was called in some contexts shukujin. The shukujin was the patron deity of various crafts, and it was also the god of the shuku (settlements that developed at important crossroads). Indeed, as Yanagita Kunio and other have argued, it may be only one manifestation of a broader notion, difficult to define, whose semantic field includes terms such as saguji, shugujin, etc., but also the words saku, saki, sakai (in the sense of limits).31 For instance, the city of Sakai was initially a muen place, before merging into the Osaka

31 See Hattori (2009: 69-86). Yanagita interprets shaku as “limit,” and shukujin as “god of the limits.” According to him, the various Chinese characters used in sources are mere ateji 当て字 (宛字, kanji used phonetically), but they all point to the same notion, that of a deity protecting the limits. Yanagita concludes that the saguji/shagujin was a god of obstacles, a sae no kami, and a protector of the limits. He fuses at times with the crossroad deities (dōsojin 道祖神), at other times with the malevolent spirits (onryō 怨霊) and the “wild gods” (kōjin). See Yanagita (1990c: 53, 56, 72). See also the list of homonyms (saguji, etc.) and of Chinese characters for shakujin/shukujin (社護司, 社宮司, 尺神, 在宮司, 遮軍神; 守宮神, 守公神, etc.) in Yanagita (1990b, vol. 11: 490-509).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access 188 B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 agglomeration.32 Ōsaka 大坂 (lit. “great slope”) itself is a toponym based on that notion of limits. Along the same (border)line, we find the “slope deity” Sakagami 坂神 which, in its theatrical incarnation, becomes Princess Sakagami 逆髪, the sister of the blind Semimaru (Hattori 2009: 121-236). Her “inverted” (i.e., raised) hair gives her a strange appearance that denotes madness, but is also that of the angry deities whose hair stands on end in their destructive furor. The encounter between Sakagami and her brother, the blind Semimaru, at the barrier of Ausaka 会坂 (the “slope of meeting”) is therefore not entirely due to chance. It was already inscribed in the name of one of the siblings, and it only reproduces, on the literary level, the cult of an old deity of the limits (sakagami), a local version of what Hattori Yukio, following Zenchiku, calls the shukujin. Tanigawa Ken’ichi has argued that the deity worshiped at the shuku of Shinomiya (Shikū = Shuku) was none other than the Kasuga deity (Tani- gawa 2009: 394-408). Not the orthodox Kasuga deity (or deities), however, but one worshiped by the hinin of Narazaka 奈良坂.33 There may also be a relation between that deity and Myōken, which would explain why Myōken, in his mandala, appears with a deer-head above his head (see Besson zakki 48: 588). This may be Myōken as shukujin, a deity functionally identical to Ugajin (or Uga Benzaiten) and Jūzenji. The importance of astral cults at Kasuga is also illustrated by a painted box in the Tamabayashi 玉林 collection, on the cover of which are shown the fourth Kasuga deity (Shinomiya again!) and the Wakamiya, both riding a deer, and surrounded by the twelve signs of the Western Zodiac (see Shinbutsu shūgō 2000: 212- 213). As is well known, Myōken was worshiped under the name Sonjōō 尊星王 (king of worthy stars) at Miidera, and, probably because of his name (“wondrous gaze”), he was also believe to cure eye-disease. As in the case of Jūzenji, his cult may have been propagated by the blind monks and other hinin types. All these remarks, however, remain purely heuristic and this question has to wait for further research. The intricate network of people, places, institutions, myths, legends, rituals, and deities that emerged between the Kamakura and the Muromachi period led to the apparition of a new type of deities like Jūzenji, Myōken,

32 On the origins of Sakai, see Amino (1978: 82-96). 33 The patron-deity of the sarugakusha, i.e., the shukujin (or Shukujin), was identified with Kasuga Daimyōjin. See Gen’un bunshū 幻雲文集 (15th century) (s.v. 13/1: 403). See also Fritsch (1996: 91, 111).

Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:01:09AM via free access B. Faure / Journal of Religion in Japan 2 (2013) 171-194 189 and Benzaiten, which were eventually subsumed under one single figure, that of Shukujin, god of the arts and master of human destinies. Blind monks and other wandering types (shugenja, shōmonji, etc.) were instrumental in bringing together traditional Buddhist teachings and the performing arts. At the point of convergence between these traditions stands Konparu Zenchiku, who, perhaps better than any other, was able to capitalize on the Zeitgeist to promote a new brand of theatrical performance (Nō). With the growing aestheticization of Nō under Zeami Motokiyo 世阿弥元清 (c. 1364-c. 1443), however, and the rise of this new theatrical form from the demi-monde of the shuku to the high spheres of shōgunal power, the vital connection between esoteric Buddhism, local religious traditions, and the performing arts began to unravel. This process, together with the slow decline of the blind monks and other cultural mediators, and of course a host of other political, economic, and social factors, paved the way to the more secular atmosphere of the Edo period.

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