Tom Mann's Memoirs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Tom Mann's Memoirs ^—.T'^'T-^'^ ppDf Toronto LU^ . ^ TOM MANN'S MEMOIRS. TOM MANN'S fi^a^-Memoirs IX. 1923 THE LABOUR PUBLISHING COMPANY LIMITED 38 GREAT ORMOND STREET :: LONDON W.C. i Made and Printed in Great Britain by C. Tinlixg & Co. Ltd. 53, Victoria Street, Liverpool, and at London and Prescot. n TABLE OF CONTENTS ^/6ooK I.—EUROPE CHAP. PAGE I. CHILDHOOD AND APPRENTICESHIP , . 11 II. EARLY JOBS AND WORKMATES ... 22 III. FIRST SOCIALIST ACTIVITIES ... 37 IV. THE FIGHT FOR AN EIGHT-HOUR DAY . 59 V. THE DOCK STRIKE OF 1889 ... 82 VI. AFTER THE DOCKERS' STRIKE ... 94 VII. THE LABOUR MO^^:MENT AND THE CHURCHES 111 VIII. SECRETARYSHIP OF THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY ..... 126 IX. INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANISATION . 135 X. ORGANISATION OF GENERAL WORKERS . 150 Book II.—SOUTHERN SKIES XI. NEW ZBIAXAND ..... 161 XII. FIRST YEARS IN AUSTRALIA . 178 XIII. SOCIALIST WORKERS, WRITERS, AND POETS 197 XIV. FREE-SPEECH FIGHT ..... 209 XV. NEW SOUTH WALES ; NEW ZEALAND REVISITED ...... 219 XVI. THE BROKEN HILL DISPUTE . 229 XVII. SOUTH AFRICA ...... 244 (.^BoOK III.—HOME AGAIN XVIII. INDUSTRIAL SOLIDARITY • • XIX. POLICE BRUTALITY . " " XX. THE don't SHOOT LEAFLET . XXI. TRIAL FOR INCITEMENT TO MUTINY XXII. CONCLUSION AND F.\REWELL LIST OF TOM MANN'S PUBLISHED WRITINGS OUTSTANDING DATES, ETC. INDEX )BOOK ONE—EUROPE. 11 CHAPTER ONE. Childhood and Apprenticeship. (1856 to 1880). I WAS born at Foleshill, Coventry, Warwickshire, on April 15th, 1856. I fix upon 1880, when I was twenty-four years of age, as a suitable opening date for what follows, because in this year I first began to realise that the faults of individuals, and the evils in the community, the existence of which I deplored, were not to be eUminated or cured by individuals of class and station to urging" every live godly, righteous, and sober lives." I must explain that I had only a very short time at as less all school a boy, than three years told ; about a year and a half at Foleshill Old Church Day School, and about a year at Little Heath School, Foleshill. As by this time I was nine years of age I was considered old enough to start work. My mother had died when I was two and a half years old. My father was a clerk at the Victoria so it Colliery ; was counted fitting that I should make a start as a boy on the colliery farm. A year as an ordinary kiddie doing odd jobs in the fields, bird-scaring, leading the horse at the plough, stone-picking, harvesting, and so on, and I was ready to tackle a job down the mine. I started work down the mine in the air courses. A number of men and boys were always at this work : the duties were to make and in order " " keep small roads or courses to convey the air to the respective workings in the mines. These air courses were only three feet and wide, and high" my work was to take away the mullock," coal, or dirt that the man would require taken from him 12 " " as he worked away at heading a new road, or an one. For this removal there repairing existing " were boxes known down the mine as dans," about two feet six inches long and eighteen inches wide and of a similar depth, with an iron ring strongly fixed at each end. I had to draw the rails it built box along, not on ; was sledge-like, and each boy had a belt and chain. A piece of stout material was fitted on the boy around the waist. To this there was a chain attached, and the boy would hook the chain to the box, and, on all fours, the chain between his crawling " legs," would drag the box along and take it to the gob where it would be emptied. Donkey work it certainly was. The boys were stripped to the waist, and as there were only candles enough for one each, and these could not be carried, but had to be fixed at the end of the stages, the boy had to crawl on hands and toes dragging his load along in worse than Egyptian darkness. Many a time did I actually lie down groaning as a consequence of the strain on the loins, when heavy " "especially the road was wet and clayey causing much resistance to the load being dragged. The work is now rarely done in this way. More generally a larger road is made, rails are laid, and horses the but it do pulling ; must be remembered that I am writing of a period before the Mines Regulation Act of 1872, and four years before the Education Act of 1870. I had been working at the mine about four years when a spontaneous fire broke out, and proved to be of such a serious nature that it could not be extinguished. Several attempts were made to restart work ; but every time fresh air was admitted the fire burst forth anew. At length the mine was closed altogether, and thus it remains to this day—1922. Our family, like the rest, had to leave the district. We settled in Birmingham, and I became 18 apprenticed to a tool-making firm. This was in 1870, the year the Elementary Education Act was passed. Its operation was too late to be helpful to me, as I was already in my fifteenth year when it became law, and had been at work five years. By degrees it dawned on me that I had missed in the educational I realised that something Une ; all boys under fourteen were now required to attend school. I, like other boys, very frequently had to work overtime, so the only school I could attend was Sunday School, to which I went regularly, and I became a regular churchgoer as well—at St. Thomas', Holloway Head, Birmingham. The working hours at the factory were sixty a week, but, as I have said, frequently we were called upon to work overtime, usually two hours of an evening, thus leaving at eight o'clock instead of six o'clock, and as we started punctually at six in the morning, it made a long day of it. At this time I knew nothing at all about trade unionism, but one or other of the occasionally " men would be pointed out to me as belonging to the Society." I had no clear idea as to what this signified, until, when I was sixteen, I became conscious of some kind of the " activity amongst men, particularly the Society men," which neither I nor my boy workmates could make much of. As the weeks we overheard mention " passed, of the Beehive," the trade-union paper, which, however, I have no recollection of having seen at that time. Then we heard of meetings being held. We youngsters had not so far been counted of sufficient importance to be consulted, or even informed, till we learned that the men were nego- tiating with the firm about the Nine-Hour Day. The next bit of news was indeed exciting. We learned that every person in the firm, men and boys, was summoned to a meeting. This was the first meeting of the kind I had ever attended. The 14 proceedings did not last long. The business consisted of a report from the committee that had been negotiating with the firm for the nine-hour day, or fifty-four hour week, instead of the ten-hour day and the sixty-hour week. It was proposed that all should continue to start work at six in the and leave at five in the instead morning, "evening be of of six ; also that there must penalisation overtime." This, I gathered, meant that the men would refuse to work overtime unless there was more than the ordinary time rate for it. All the proposals being endorsed, negotiations were con- tinued and completed, the firm granting the con- ditions. How truly pleased I was I need not trouble to add, and how thoroughly all enjoyed the dinner held to celebrate the event requires no further comment ! I did not know at the time that there was a general move throughout the country establishing the nine-hour day in all engineering works so it I reason ; but was, and had good to be glad of it. The reduction of working hours to nine a day, coupled with the stoppage of overtime, had a very important bearing on my life. The firm having agreed to pay extra for overtime, very astutely gave orders immediately for a considerable exten- sion of the factory, sufficient to accommodate an additional hundred men and boys. This was exactly what the men had aimed at, and I believe all were delighted at the diminution of overtime. For myself, I very rarely worked any overtime after this during the additional five years I remained there to complete my apprenticeship. Fortunately for those of my age, others who had sorely felt the need of education, had already— in co-operation with influential persons—taken action to establish evening classes in the town. Thus, at the Midland Institute, at the Severn Street Institute, and elsewhere, classes on many 15 available at i subjects were very reasonable rates. ! Three evenings a week for five years I attended classes in connection with the Science and Art Department, South Kensington. I In addition I attended a Bible class one evening a week, and found it very helpful. I shall refer to this later. Also, I went on one evening a week to the meetings of a temperance society of wliich I was a member.
Recommended publications
  • People, Place and Party:: the Social Democratic Federation 1884-1911
    Durham E-Theses People, place and party:: the social democratic federation 1884-1911 Young, David Murray How to cite: Young, David Murray (2003) People, place and party:: the social democratic federation 1884-1911, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3081/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk People, Place and Party: the Social Democratic Federation 1884-1911 David Murray Young A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Durham Department of Politics August 2003 CONTENTS page Abstract ii Acknowledgements v Abbreviations vi Introduction 1 Chapter 1- SDF Membership in London 16 Chapter 2 -London
    [Show full text]
  • Marx and the Politics of the First'international
    This article was downloaded by: [York University Libraries] On: 07 September 2014, At: 15:14 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Socialism and Democracy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/csad20 Marx and the Politics of the First International George C. Comninel Published online: 08 Aug 2014. To cite this article: George C. Comninel (2014) Marx and the Politics of the First International, Socialism and Democracy, 28:2, 59-82, DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2014.918451 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2014.918451 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade-Union Policy Between the Wars the Case of Holidays with Pay in Britain*
    STEPHEN G. JONES TRADE-UNION POLICY BETWEEN THE WARS THE CASE OF HOLIDAYS WITH PAY IN BRITAIN* Most standard histories of Britain between the wars refer to the develop- ment of holidays with pay, albeit briefly. It is widely acknowledged that by the end of the 1930's the majority of the British working population benefited from a paid holiday. The crucial initiative, so it is claimed, was the Holidays with Pay Act of 1938, which gave Parliamentary approval to the principle of payment of wages during holidays.1 Clearly the growth of paid holidays is seen as yet another instance of a more affluent Britain, an integral element of the growth of leisure.2 However, there has been very little detailed discussion of the paid-holiday-policy option and the precise reasons for the formulation and implementation of that policy. This neglect is rather surprising given the popular support for this "fringe benefit", which was perceived as providing a certain degree of financial security during the annual break from the rigours of work. It is true that there has been more specialised treatment, but even this is of a general nature, with little reference to the industrial and political struggle for holidays with pay.3 * I would like to thank Dr M. E. Rose, Professor A. E. Musson and members of the Editorial Board for their helpful comments. 1 See C. L. Mowat, Britain Between the Wars 1918-1940 (London, 1955), p. 501; D. H. Aldcroft, The Inter-War Economy: Britain, 1919-1939 (London, 1970), p. 366; N. Branson and M.
    [Show full text]
  • Proposed Development, Grange Road, Longford, Coventry
    PROPOSED DEVELOPMENT, GRANGE ROAD, LONGFORD, COVENTRY HERITAGE STATEMENT Woodhall Planning & Conservation, Woodhall, Woodhall Lane, Calverley, Leeds. LS28 5NY Tel: 0113 255 4660 Email: [email protected] 2863/4B March 2016 CONTENTS Page No 1.00 Introduction 1 2.00 The Site and its context 3 3.00 Impact of the proposed development 10 4.00 Conclusions 14 APPENDICES A List entry descriptions B Photographs C Historic maps 1.00 INTRODUCTION 1.01 Woodhall Planning and Conservation has been commissioned by Westleigh Developments to prepare a Heritage Statement in connection with the proposed development of land at Grange Farm on the north-west side of Grange Road, Longford in Coventry. Grange Farmhouse is Grade II listed and the whole site is located within the Coventry Canal Conservation Area. In addition, the brick outbuildings that are located to the south-west of the farmhouse are included on the Local List held by Coventry City Council. Immediately to the south-east of the site, Nos. 175 and 177 Grange Road are also Grade II listed. Planning permission was granted in 2009 for the demolition of a section of the outbuildings and the erection of 5no. houses to the west of the farmhouse. 1.02 Woodhall Planning & Conservation is a professional architectural and planning consultancy operating in the specialised areas of historic building conservation, urban design and planning law. The consultancy has extensive experience of building evaluations, conservation area appraisals and management plans, historical and archaeological research, public inquiry and “expert witness” work, condition surveys, strategies for conservation and re-use, the design and management of repair and conversion projects and conservation legislation.
    [Show full text]
  • Rowland Kenney and British Propaganda in Norway: 1916-1942
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository ROWLAND KENNEY AND BRITISH PROPAGANDA IN NORWAY: 1916-1942 Paul Magnus Hjertvik Buvarp A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in St Andrews Research Repository at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8647 This item is protected by original copyright Rowland Kenney and British Propaganda in Norway: 1916-1942 Paul Magnus Hjertvik Buvarp This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 18 September 2015 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, ……, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately ….. words in length, has been written by me, and that it is the record of work carried out by me, or principally by myself in collaboration with others as acknowledged, and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in [month, year] and as a candidate for the degree of …..…. in [month, year]; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between [year] and [year]. (If you received assistance in writing from anyone other than your supervisor/s): I, …..., received assistance in the writing of this thesis in respect of [language, grammar, spelling or syntax], which was provided by …… Date …… signature of candidate ……… 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Literature and the Late-Victorian Radical Press
    Literature Compass 7/8 (2010): 702–712, 10.1111/j.1741-4113.2010.00729.x Literature and the Late-Victorian Radical Press Elizabeth Carolyn Miller* University of California, Davis Abstract Amidst a larger surge in the number of books and periodicals published in late-nineteenth-century Britain, a corresponding surge occurred in the radical press. The counter-cultural press that emerged at the fin de sie`cle sought to define itself in opposition to commercial print and the capitalist press and was deeply antagonistic to existing political, economic, and print publishing structures. Litera- ture flourished across this counter-public print sphere, and major authors of the day such as William Morris and George Bernard Shaw published fiction, poetry, and literary criticism within it. Until recently, this corner of late-Victorian print culture has been of interest principally to historians, but literary critics have begun to take more interest in the late-Victorian radical press and in the literary cultures of socialist newspapers and journals such as the Clarion and the New Age. Amidst a larger surge in the number of books and periodicals published in Britain at the end of the nineteenth century, a corresponding surge occurred in the radical press: as Deian Hopkin calculates, several hundred periodicals representing a wide array of socialist perspectives were born, many to die soon after, in the decades surrounding the turn of the century (226). An independent infrastructure of radical presses, associated with various radical organizations and editors, emerged as an alternative means of periodical production apart from commercial, profit-oriented print.1 Literature and literary discourse flourished across this counterpublic sphere, and major authors of the day published fiction, poetry, and journalism within it: in the 1880s, for example, William Morris spent five years editing and writing for the revolutionary paper Commonweal, while George Bernard Shaw cut his teeth as an author by serializing four novels in the socialist journals To-Day and Our Corner.
    [Show full text]
  • British Socialism and American Romanticism
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title British Socialism and American Romanticism Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9kq451tc Journal English Historical Review, 110 Author Bevir, Mark Publication Date 1995 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California BRITISH SOCIALISM AND AMERICAN ROMANTICISM By MARK BEVIR Department of Politics Newcastle University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU ABSTRACT Although much has been said about the influence of Carlyle and Ruskin on British socialists, the influence of Emerson, Thoreau and Whitman has been neglected. American romanticism influenced British socialism through three direct channels: first, the wandering scholar Thomas Davidson who inspired the Fellowship of the New Life; second, the poet Edward Carpenter who dominated the Sheffield Socialist Society and influenced other local groups; and, third, the unitarian minister John Trevor who founded the Labour Church movement. Through these channels, American romanticism acted as an important source of the ethical socialism of the Independent Labour Party. 1 BRITISH SOCIALISM AND AMERICAN ROMANTICISM In 1906 William Stead sent a questionnaire to prominent members of the Labour Party asking what books had influenced them.1 The most frequently cited authors were Carlyle and Ruskin but Emerson and Thoreau were not far behind. Much has been written about the influence of British romanticism on the British socialist movement, and perhaps the obvious impact of Carlyle and Ruskin has obscured that of Emerson, Thoreau and Whitman. 2 It can seem difficult to assess the influence of the American romantics precisely because their views so closely resemble those of their British counterparts.
    [Show full text]
  • Colonial Forms of Labour Organisation in Nineteenth Century Australia Ray Markey University of Wollongong
    University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Business - Economics Working Papers Faculty of Business 1997 Colonial forms of labour organisation in nineteenth century Australia Ray Markey University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Markey, Ray, Colonial forms of labour organisation in nineteenth century Australia, Department of Economics, University of Wollongong, Working Paper 97-6, 1997, 36. http://ro.uow.edu.au/commwkpapers/257 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] University of Wollongong DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS WORKING PAPER SERIES 1997 COLONIAL FORMS OF LABOUR ORGANISATION IN NINETEENTH CENTURY AUSTRALIA Ray Markey COLONIAL FORMS OF LABOUR ORGANISATION IN NINETEENTH CENTURY A u s t r a l ia Ray Markey Department of Economics University of Wollongong Coordinated by Associate Professors C. Harvie & M.M. Metwally Working Paper Production & Administration: Robert Hood Department of Economics, University of Wollongong Northfields Avenue, Wollongong NSW 2522 Australia Department of Economics University of Wollongong Working Paper Series WP 97-6 ISSN 1321-9774 ISBN 0 86418 510 3 ABSTRACT Australian unionism built upon strong foundations transported from Britain. Subsequently it grew beyond this base in scope and form. By 1890 the level of unionisation of the colonial workforce exceeded that in the mother country. This was mainly due to the upsurge of new unionism in the late 1880s. Although there were many parallels with the new unionism of Britain, the colonial variant was more extensive, preceded the British version and demonstrated its distinctive characteristics, such as a national level of bureaucracy, earlier.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Fact, Fiction and Method in the Early History of Social Research
    Fact, fiction and method in the early history of social research: Clementina Black and Margaret Harkness as case-studies Ann Oakley Professor Ann Oakley Social Science Research Unit UCL Institute of Education 18 Woburn Square London WC1H ONR 0207 612 6380 [email protected] 1 Abstract The development of social science research methods by women reformers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is a largely buried history. This article examines the work of Clementina Black and Margaret Harkness, two British reformers who conducted many social investigations using a wide range of research methods. They also crossed genres in writing fiction, which was an accepted method at the time for putting forward new ideas about social conditions. Black and Harness were part of a vibrant network of women activists, thinkers and writers in late nineteenth century London, who together contributed much to the growing discipline of social science and to imaginative forms of writing about social issues. Keywords Social science; research methods; social reform; fiction. 2 Introduction Standard histories of sociology in both Europe and North America privilege the development of theory by men in academic institutions.1 This ‘origin myth’ eclipses empirical social science work done in community settings, an area of activity in which women reformers and researchers excelled in the decades around the beginning of the twentieth century. Historical narratives also pay little attention to fiction as a vehicle for transmitting accounts of social conditions, a tradition which flourished alongside the early development of social science. This article examines the use of fact and fiction and the development of social research methodology in the work of two women reformers, Clementina Black and Margaret Harkness, who both undertook and published social research and also wrote fiction in the period from the late 1870s through to the 1920s.
    [Show full text]
  • William Z. Foster and the Turn Towards the Labour Movement
    chapter 4 William Z. Foster and the Turn Towards the Labour Movement In the lead-up to the Profintern’s founding, Cannon suggested that Browder be enlisted to find suitable American delegates. In May, Browder bragged in a letter to Trotsky that ‘it was within the realm of possibility in the immediate future for the Communists of America to take over the direction of the labor movement’. In retrospect, this appears outlandish, but at the time, it had a ring of truth. Although attempts to recruit the IWW were frustrated, Browder did convince other important labour figures to attend. One delegate was Ella Reeve ‘Mother’ Bloor, one of the party’s experienced labour organisers. But Browder’s most important catch was William Z. Foster, with whom Browder had worked before the war. Not then a Communist, Foster—at times a Socialist, dissident Wobbly, and AFL organiser—was a hero of radical labour militants, and argu- ably the period’s greatest labour leader. Foster soon joined the Communist Party, and with Browder, Cannon and Cannon’s associate William F. Dunne, was instrumental in ‘Americanising’ Communism and rooting it in the labour movement.1 Foster, who would head the Communist Party during much of the Cold War, has received much attention from scholars, including two full-length biogra- phies published after the opening of the archives in the former Soviet Union. Part of this attention is due to his varied history in the American labour move- ment, perhaps best encapsulated in the title of his 1937 autobiography, From Bryan to Stalin. He joined the Socialist Party in 1901, after becoming interested in politics by a SLP soapboxer the year before.
    [Show full text]
  • Fabians-Oxford Companion
    Fabian Socialism - Oxford Companion to Australian Politics Entry Fabian socialism owes its inception to the revulsion and agony of conscience over poverty in late Victorian England. The Fabian Society was formed in London in 1884. Its best-known members have included Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Bernard Shaw, H.G.Wells and G.D.H. and Margaret Cole. Sidney Webb endowed the Fabians with his commitment to parliamentary reform and the encapsulation of their guiding principle as ‘the inevitability of gradualness’. Shaw summarised the society’s method of working for change no less memorably, in the slogan ‘Educate. Agitate. Organise’. The society was instrumental in bringing about the foundation of the British Labour Party, and remains an affiliate of the party, with representation at the party conference. Every leader of the party has belonged to the society, and in most cases served as a member of its Executive Committee. Margaret Cole describes the new party platform – Labour and the New Social Order - which Sidney Webb and the party secretary Arthur Henderson drafted in 1918 as representing ‘as nearly as possible the purest milk of the Fabian word’. The wife of a newly elected Labor MP in Attlee’s 1945 Labour government was heard to remark following the delivery of the King’s Speech ‘It’s just like a Fabian Summer School – all the same faces’. The society’s first Australian member was the prominent Melbourne statistician, senior public servant and barrister, William H. Archer, who joined in 1890. The first of numerous overseas Fabian societies was in Australia, where an expatriate London Fabian, the Reverend Charles Marson, established the Fabian Society of South Australia in 1891 – narrowly preceding the foundation of India’s Bombay Fabian Society in 1892 - and a Melbourne Fabian Society was established in 1894 by a second expatriate, Henry Hyde Champion, who also had been instrumental in bringing about the foundation of the London society, but had not joined it.
    [Show full text]
  • Militancy and Pragmatism an International Perspective on Maritime Labour, 1870-1914*
    FRANK BROEZE MILITANCY AND PRAGMATISM AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON MARITIME LABOUR, 1870-1914* SUMMARY: The militancy of maritime workers led worldwide to strikes of great magnitude, visibility and impact. In many countries these strikes had vast repercus- sions for the industrial and political development of the labour movement. As this comparative overview of maritime labour and unionism in some ten countries shows, however, after the first wave of strikes two conflicting tendencies arose which became a permanent feature of the maritime scene. The men themselves never lost their potential for militant action and adherence to radical ideologies. By contrast, many union leaders became increasingly pragmatic and even accommoda- tionist. This article investigates the causes of this dichotomy and assesses the resulting tensions and conflicts. In many ports these led to break-away moves, spontaneous action and the replacement of moderate by radical leaders. In others the pragmatic tendency survived in power. This included a strong interest in alliances with adjacent unions and international unions. Introduction The historiography of trade unionism and the labour movement in general in recent years has grown at such a frenetic pace that it is doubtful whether any individual can still command or even oversee the whole field. Amongst the plethora of themes several vie for primacy on centre stage: the identity of the proletariat, and the extent and nature of its working-class conscious- ness and class-war strategies; the identification of chronologically distinct phases in the development of trade unionism and, in particular, the nature of the so-called "new unionism"; the influence of socialist ideology on the developing trade-union movement and, more generally, the relationship between the syndicalist and political wings of the labour movement; and, of more recent vintage, the nature of union leadership and reconstructions and social analyses of workers' lives both on the job and within the circles of their families and communities.
    [Show full text]