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A Place for Every Barbarian, a Road for Every Roman: Imperium, Movement, and Roman Identity from Pompey to Hadrian

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A Place for Every Barbarian, a Road for Every Roman: Imperium, Movement, and Roman Identity from Pompey to Hadrian A Place for Every Barbarian, A Road for Every Roman: Imperium, Movement, and Roman Identity from Pompey to Hadrian Jason Shattuck A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Sandra R. Joshel, Chair Margaret L. Laird Alain M. Gowing Joel T. Walker Program Authorized to Offer Degree: History Copyright 2013 Jason Shattuck University of Washington Abstract A Place for Every Barbarian, A Road for Every Roman: Imperium, Movement, and Roman Identity from Pompey to Hadrian Jason Shattuck Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Sandra Joshel History In a purely territorial sense, a Roman empire, defined as Rome’s hegemonic domination of the Mediterranean basin, is an inescapable fact beginning at least in the third century BCE with the Punic Wars and the subsequent establishment of Rome’s first overseas provinces, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. A comparable theoretical apparatus, however, did not emerge until long after. Through a careful analysis of literature and material culture between the rise of Pompey in the late first century BCE and the death of Hadrian in 138 CE, I trace the evolution of a Roman conceptual framework of empire, one rooted in the Roman term imperium. I argue that the Romans conceived of and practiced imperium in terms of movement disparity, wherein a person properly endowed with imperium not only had the ability to move freely but also to regulate, both positively and negatively, the movement of those without imperium. While the function of imperium remains remarkably the same between the rise of Pompey and the reign of Hadrian, the identity and relationship of those with imperium and those without shifts dramatically in this time period. I suggest that the rise of the Roman empire is not a tale of territorial hegemony, but of the conceptual transformation of Rome’s subjects from inexorably alien populations, which Roman imperium bound to their proper places, to a generically ‘Roman’ population that uniformly shared in the benefits of imperium. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments i Introduction 1 Chapter One – Of Kings, Pirates, and Taxmen: Pompey, Movement, 26 and the Contingencies of Imperium Chapter Two – Caesar and the Quest for Order: Movement, Place, 71 and Romanization in the Bellum Gallicum Chapter Three – Limits, Exception, and Control: Movement in 123 Augustan Rome Chapter Four – The Spectacle of Empire: Simulations and Displays 178 in the Flavian Amphitheater Chapter Five – Journeys, Villas, and Walls: Hadrian’s New Imperium 254 Conclusion 307 Bibliography 314 Figures 330 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Anyone who has ever completed a project of this magnitude knows only too well the debt they owe to far too many people. A mere mention in a section that few people read, in a document even fewer would ever consider reading, somehow seems a pitiful offering. This dissertation would be a pathetic shell without the incredible wisdom, compassion, and patience of many. I would like to thank all the members of my committee, all of whom have been forced to deal with my shenanigans since my first year in the program: Dr. Alain Gowing for teaching me to love Latin and the OLD; Dr. Margaret Laird for showing me the amazing world of Roman material culture; and Dr. Joel Walker for his uncanny knowledge of nearly every subject under the sun, as well as for forcing me to stop taking shortcuts and treat all sources and evidence as carefully as they deserve. Words can never describe how much I owe to my committee chair Dr. Sandra Joshel. She is everything I could want to be as a scholar and a teacher, and every single page of this dissertation bears the mark of the invaluable experience and skills I gained from her. On a more personal note, I would like to thank my father, who stood by me at times even when it was difficult and some might think he should not. My in-laws have been equally wonderful; although I believe my exploits in ancient history leave them bemused, nobody could ever doubt their pride and support. To the folks at the Mayor of Old Town: thank you for allowing me to work in your wonderful establishment. Although the Romans might say in vino veritas, I prefer in cervesa litterae; a disconcerting portion of this dissertation was written under their roof. Finally, my deepest thanks to my wonderful wife, Kelsey. She has been my confidant, support system, friend, editor, commentator, shoulder to cry on, and more. Whether I was in a fit of rage or drained from writing, she was able to bring a smile to my face and remind me that there was more to life than a dissertation. She has always been there, smoothing over the rough times and celebrating the sad triumphs of the dissertation. Kelsey- this dissertation could not exist without you. In summary (or the “too long; did not read it” version), the strengths of this dissertation, however small they may be, are the result of all those who supported me on this long path. All errors and mistakes, however, are entirely my own. i INTRODUCTION In a purely territorial sense, a Roman empire, defined as Rome’s hegemonic domination of the Mediterranean basin, is an inescapable fact beginning at least in the third century BCE with the Punic Wars and the subsequent establishment of Rome’s first overseas provinces, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. Over the next two centuries, Rome’s expansion and its subjugation of the Mediterranean world established it as the premier power. Yet, the Romans did not conceive of this initial territorial hegemony as empire. Indeed, the confines of modern theories of empire suggest that this geographic control was not in fact an empire; in these terms, empire requires a systematized, rationalized, and fully articulated conglomeration of practices and discourses that grant apparent consistency to and implicitly justify this control.1 A Roman conceptual framework of this kind was absent for at least one hundred and fifty years after this ‘fact of empire,’ emerging in a nascent and contested form shortly before the formal political rupture between the Roman Republic and the Principate. Although modern audiences are more familiar with the narrative of the fall of Julius Caesar and the rise of his adopted son Augustus, the trajectory of these men’s lives obscure an underlying evolution in Roman practices and understandings of imperialism and empire that began with the nearly unprecedented career of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus. For modern observers looking back, the difficulty of the concept of empire for the Romans is not readily apparent. The history of the great nineteenth- and twentieth-century empires, as well as our more recent post-colonial or neo-colonial moment, necessarily shapes the preconceptions we bring to any study of the Roman empire, even on the most basic linguistic level. The very familiarity of the constellation of Latin terms – imperium, provincia, imperator, 1 For which, see the many fine papers in Alcock et al. 2001; especially Morrison 2001. 1 colonia, barbarus, and civis, to list but a few – creates a false sense of commonality and familiarity between Rome and the present, obscuring the nuances of these words and their initial deployment with their afterlife in modern languages. Indeed, our nearness to the nineteenth- and twentieth-century empires, all of which readily adopted derivatives of these Latin terms, complicates any attempt to understand the development of the Roman empire. At heart, the history of our modern commentators and of their particular moments of empire fundamentally shapes our assumptions about Roman practices, methods, and goals.2 We live in a context in which nations and geography are linked inextricably, predisposing us to imagine empire in geopolitical terms. The contours of modern studies of the Roman empire, and Roman imperialism in particular, reveal the consequences of this predisposition only too clearly. We privilege the rare examples of maps, ignoring the oddity of their appearance in favor of treating them as an entirely typical means of producing knowledge of Rome’s provinces or empire.3 We imagine that geopolitical concerns and domino theory explain the placement of fortifications and lines of defense along the edges of the empire.4 When the Romans encounter locals, we place their interactions within a framework of exploitation by officials, native resistance, and eventual hybridity or accommodation.5 In each case, the influence of our context is manifest; we seek ancient analogues to our maps, our borders, and our history of decolonization, often at the expense of more ubiquitous Roman technologies. These approaches occlude an easily overlooked fact: the establishment of the Roman empire, both as a hegemonic entity and as a concept, was an essentially unprecedented task in the 2 Freeman 1997. 3 See especially Nicolet 1991, who uses the so-called Map of Agrippa to support his argument that Augustus promoted a geographical knowledge of empire. See below for more discussion on Roman methods of representing and conceptualizing space. 4 Most notably Luttwak 1976, although see below and Chapter 5 for further discussion. 5 For example, Mattingly 2007. 2 ancient world. The application of models derived from the great nineteenth- and twentieth- century territorial empires, however, treats ‘empire’ as a universal constant, as a given, resulting in a fallacious chain of logic: if Rome controls a vast territory, it is an empire and, if Rome is an empire, it will resemble those with which we are familiar. Empire, however, is a historic and contingent construction, an actively debated and evolving set of practices and supporting constructions. The Romans did not have the gift of foresight, by which they might co-opt British practices in Africa and India.
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