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At the Nexus of Nationalism and Islamism: Seyyid Ahmet Arvasi and the Intellectual History of Conservative Nationalism
At the Nexus of Nationalism and Islamism: Seyyid Ahmet Arvasi and the Intellectual History of Conservative Nationalism Tasha Duberstein A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree for Master of the Arts University of Washington 2020 Committee Selim Sırrı Kuru Arbella Bet-Shlimon Program authorized to offer degree: The Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies 1 © Copyright 2020 Tasha Duberstein 2 University of Washington Abstract At the Nexus of Nationalism and Islamism: Seyyid Ahmet Arvasi and the Intellectual History of Conservative Nationalism Tasha Duberstein Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Selim Sırrı Kuru Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations This paper offers an analysis of the work of Seyyid Ahmet Arvasi (1932-1988); a highly influential yet understudied ultranationalist intellectual, whose synthesis of Turkish nationalism and Islamism provided the ideological framework for the current Islamist-nationalist ruling alliance in Turkish politics. A prolific author, poet, scholar, and propagandist, Arvasi's Türk-İslam Ülküsü (Turkish-Islamic Ideal) was integral to the formulation of conservative nationalism; a form of cultural and religious nationalism which frames national and religious identity as indivisible and mutually constitutive. However, despite Arvasi's significant contribution to the evolution of conservative nationalism, he remains a relatively obscure intellectual outside of ultranationalist circles, and his work is largely ignored in contemporary histories of political ideology. This study reexamines Ahmet Arvasi's work in tandem with the inception of conservative nationalism and the ascendancy of extremist politics, and concludes that his ideological legacy was fundamental to the consolidation of a right-wing bloc perennially represented by Islamists and nationalists. -
Country Report for Use in Refugee Claims Based on Persecution Relating to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
Turkey Country Report for use in refugee claims based on persecution relating to sexual orientation and gender identity Produced: January 20, 2010 Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity research – [email protected] International Human Rights Program University of Toronto This document was prepared by law students and highlights information about publicly-accessible country conditions available at the time it was prepared. It is not exhaustive, nor is it updated on a regular basis. The information provided here is not a substitute for legal advice or legal assistance, and the International Human Rights program at the University of Toronto, Faculty of Law cannot provide such advice or assistance. I: Introduction This report reveals that while homosexuality in Turkey is not considered a criminal act, Turkey remains a society where discrimination and persecution based on sexual orientation and gender identity exists both in civil society and in the military. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons in Turkey face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents. This can be partially attributed to the conservative values embedded in Turkish society. In civil society, there are numerous reports of persons who have been victim of violence based on sexual orientation. LGBT Turks are vulnerable to physical and verbal harassment and abuse from police officers. Judges and prosecutors also share a dismissive attitude toward reports of persecution. Numerous media outlets have reported incidences of persecution based on sexual orientation, including murder. In the military context, Turkey has adopted a “don‟t ask, don‟t tell” policy, similar to that of the United States. Homosexuality is therefore permitted in the military context, so long as it does not pose a problem. -
The Hidden Cost of September 11 Liz Fekete
Racism: the hidden cost of September 11 Liz Fekete Racism: the hidden cost of September 11 Liz Fekete A special issue of the European Race Bulletin Globalisation has set up a monolithic economic system; September 11 threatens to engender a monolithic political culture. Together, they spell the end of civil society. – A. Sivanandan, Director, Institute of Race Relations Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street, London WC1X 9HS Tel: 020 7837 0041 Fax: 020 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] Liz Fekete is head of European research at the Insitute of Race Relations where she edits the European Race Bulletin. It is published quarterly and available on subscription from the IRR (£10 for individuals, £25 for institutions). •••••• This report was compiled with the help of Saba Bahar, Jenny Bourne, Norberto Laguia Casaus, Barry Croft, Rhona Desmond, Imogen Forster, Haifa Hammami, Lotta Holmberg, Vincent Homolka, Mieke Hoppe, Fida Jeries, Simon Katzenellenbogen, Virginia MacFadyen, Nitole Rahman, Hazel Waters, and Chris Woodall. Special thanks to Tony Bunyan, Frances Webber and Statewatch. © Institute of Race Relations 2002 ISBN 085001 0632 Cover Image by David Drew Designed by Harmit Athwal Printed by Russell Press Ltd European Race Bulletin No. 40 Contents Introduction 1 1. The EU approach to combating terrorism 2 2. Removing refugee protection 6 3. Racism and the security state 10 4. Popular racism: one culture, one civilisation 16 References 22 European Race Bulletin No. 40 Introduction ollowing the events of September 11, it became commonplace to say that the world would Fnever be the same again. -
394Ff57e71b60eca7e10344e37c4c9fc.Pdf
global history of the present Series editor | Nicholas Guyatt In the Global History of the Present series, historians address the upheavals in world history since 1989, as we have lurched from the Cold War to the War on Terror. Each book considers the unique story of an individual country or region, refuting grandiose claims of ‘the end of history’, and linking local narratives to international developments. Lively and accessible, these books are ideal introductions to the contemporary politics and history of a diverse range of countries. By bringing a historical perspective to recent debates and events, from democracy and terrorism to nationalism and globalization, the series challenges assumptions about the past and the present. Published Thabit A. J. Abdullah, Dictatorship, Imperialism and Chaos: Iraq since 1989 Timothy Cheek, Living with Reform: China since 1989 Alexander Dawson, First World Dreams: Mexico since 1989 Padraic Kenney, The Burdens of Freedom: Eastern Europe since 1989 Stephen Lovell, Destination in Doubt: Russia since 1989 Alejandra Bronfman, On the Move: The Caribbean since 1989 Nivedita Menon and Aditya Nigam, Power and Contestation: India since 1989 Hyung Gu Lynn, Bipolar Orders: The Two Koreas since 1989 Bryan McCann, The Throes of Democracy: Brazil since 1989 Mark LeVine, Impossible Peace: Israel/Palestine since 1989 James D. Le Sueur, Algeria since 1989: Between Terror and Democracy Kerem Öktem, Turkey since 1989: Angry Nation Nicholas Guyatt is assistant professor of history at Simon Fraser University in Canada. About the author Kerem Öktem is research fellow at the European Studies Centre, St Antony’s College, and teaches the politics of the Middle East at the Oriental Institute. -
“Empty Promises:” Diplomatic Assurances No Safeguard Against Torture
Human Rights Watch April 2004 Vol.16 No.4 (D) “Empty Promises:” Diplomatic Assurances No Safeguard against Torture TABLE OF CASES...................................................................................................................... 2 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 3 DIPLOMATIC ASSURANCES AND THE UNITED NATIONS SYSTEM ................ 7 U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture ..................................................................................... 7 U.N. Human Rights Committee...........................................................................................10 U.N. Committee against Torture..........................................................................................12 U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees ..............................................................................14 DIPLOMATIC ASSURANCES AND THEIR USE IN NORTH AMERICA .............15 United States............................................................................................................................15 Federal Law .........................................................................................................................15 The Case of Maher Arar....................................................................................................16 Canada ......................................................................................................................................18 The Case -
Dynamics of Collective Action in Turkish Prisons
DYNAMICS OF COLLECTIVE ACTION IN TURKISH PRISONS: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MAMAK AND DIYARBAKIR PRISONS BETWEEN 1980 AND 1985 by Basak Gemici Ay Bachelor of Arts, Sabancı University, 2012 Master of Arts, Koc University, 2015 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Dietrich School of Arts & Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS & SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Basak Gemici Ay It was defended on April 14th, 2016 and approved by Suzanne Staggenborg, Professor and Department Chair, Sociology Thesis Director: Jackie Smith, Professor, Sociology John Markoff, Distinguished University Professor, Sociology ii Copyright © by Basak Gemici Ay 2016 iii DYNAMICS OF COLLECTIVE ACTION IN TURKISH PRISONS: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF MAMAK AND DIYARBAKIR PRISONS BETWEEN 1980 AND 1985 Basak Gemici Ay, M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 2016 Historically, one of the most significant periods in which incarceration was used as a tool to manage political opponents of the regime in Turkey was the 1980s, specifically during and after the 1980 military coup. This study investigates the high-risk environments of the two notorious military prisons: Mamak and Diyarbakir Prisons between 1980 and 1985. These two military prisons: Mamak Prison, where Turkish revolutionaries were incarcerated and Diyarbakir Prison, where Kurdish revolutionaries were incarcerated, were infamous for the torture and level of repression implemented by the military junta. The aim of the military junta was to dissolve revolutionary organizations and military prisons were one of the state institutions that were used to realize this aim. -
Arming Civilians As a Counterterror Strategy: the Case of the Village Guard System in Turkey
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict Pathways toward terrorism and genocide ISSN: 1746-7586 (Print) 1746-7594 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rdac20 Arming civilians as a counterterror strategy: The case of the village guard system in Turkey Metin Gurcan To cite this article: Metin Gurcan (2015) Arming civilians as a counterterror strategy: The case of the village guard system in Turkey, Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 8:1, 1-22, DOI: 10.1080/17467586.2014.948026 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2014.948026 Published online: 19 Aug 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 313 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rdac20 Download by: [Bilkent University] Date: 29 August 2017, At: 04:28 Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 2015 Vol. 8, No. 1, 1–22, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2014.948026 EMPIRICAL PAPER Arming civilians as a counterterror strategy: The case of the village guard system in Turkey Metin Gurcan* Political Science Department, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey (Received and accepted 21 July 2014) There are currently more than 60,000 Kurdish village guards in a system that has been fighting against the PKK in Turkey for almost three decades. This article offers the first evaluation of the effectiveness of the village guard system as a counterterror strategy. I argue that the village guards in Turkey proved their effectiveness as a deterrence- based and territory-focused counter-terror strategy between 1985 and 1999. -
ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS by Zeki Sarigil BA, Bilkent University
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by D-Scholarship@Pitt ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS by Zeki Sarigil BA, Bilkent University, 2002 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2007 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Zeki Sarigil It was defended on April 6, 2007 and approved by Ilya Prizel, PhD, Professor, UCIS-Russian and East European Studies Alberta M. Sbragia, PhD, Professor, Department of Political Science Daniel C. Thomas, PhD, Associate Professor, Departmental of Political Science B. Guy Peters, PhD, Maurice Falk Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Zeki Sarigil 2007 iii ENDOGENIZING INSTITUTIONS Zeki Sarigil, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2007 This study provides an agency-centered theoretical framework of institutional change at domestic level. It argues that institutional change should be understood as a conflictual process having two stages: initiation and bargaining. At the first stage, certain internal and external developments help change entrepreneurs mobilize for structural change through mechanisms of power shifts and/or negative feedback (ideational or material). At the second stage, institutional actors simply bargain over alternatives arrangements. However this is a special form of bargaining in the sense that it takes place within an institutionalized setting. Such a bargaining process is not only a strategic competition over material benefits but also a symbolic contestation among institutional actors over ideational interests (e.g. legitimacy). This study provides a two dimensional perspective on bargaining within an institutionalized setting by modifying two logics of action: the logic of consequentiality and the logic of appropriateness. -
Why Do Political Parties Split? Understanding Party Splits and Formation of Splinter Parties in Turkey
WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY A PhD Dissertation by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL Department of Political Science İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara August 2014 To Defne and Günay WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNİVERSİTY ANKARA AUGUST 2014 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Zeki Sarıgil Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Professor Elizabeth Özdalga Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Cenk Saraçoğlu Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -
Arab Scholars and Ottoman Sunnitization in the Sixteenth Century 31 Helen Pfeifer
Historicizing Sunni Islam in the Ottoman Empire, c. 1450–c. 1750 Islamic History and Civilization Studies and Texts Editorial Board Hinrich Biesterfeldt Sebastian Günther Honorary Editor Wadad Kadi volume 177 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ihc Historicizing Sunni Islam in the Ottoman Empire, c. 1450–c. 1750 Edited by Tijana Krstić Derin Terzioğlu LEIDEN | BOSTON This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Cover illustration: “The Great Abu Sa’ud [Şeyhü’l-islām Ebū’s-suʿūd Efendi] Teaching Law,” Folio from a dīvān of Maḥmūd ‘Abd-al Bāqī (1526/7–1600), The Metropolitan Museum of Art. The image is available in Open Access at: https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/447807 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Krstić, Tijana, editor. | Terzioğlu, Derin, 1969- editor. Title: Historicizing Sunni Islam in the Ottoman Empire, c. 1450–c. 1750 / edited by Tijana Krstić, Derin Terzioğlu. Description: Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Islamic history and civilization. studies and texts, 0929-2403 ; 177 | Includes bibliographical references and index. -
Who's Who in Politics in Turkey
WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY Sarıdemir Mah. Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad. No: 10 34134 Eminönü/İstanbul Tel: (0212) 522 02 02 - Faks: (0212) 513 54 00 www.tarihvakfi.org.tr - [email protected] © Tarih Vakfı Yayınları, 2019 WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY PROJECT Project Coordinators İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Editors İsmet Akça, Barış Alp Özden Authors Süreyya Algül, Aslı Aydemir, Gökhan Demir, Ali Yalçın Göymen, Erhan Keleşoğlu, Canan Özbey, Baran Alp Uncu Translation Bilge Güler Proofreading in English Mark David Wyers Book Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Cover Design Aşkın Yücel Seçkin Printing Yıkılmazlar Basın Yayın Prom. ve Kağıt San. Tic. Ltd. Şti. Evren Mahallesi, Gülbahar Cd. 62/C, 34212 Bağcılar/İstanbull Tel: (0212) 630 64 73 Registered Publisher: 12102 Registered Printer: 11965 First Edition: İstanbul, 2019 ISBN Who’s Who in Politics in Turkey Project has been carried out with the coordination by the History Foundation and the contribution of Heinrich Böll Foundation Turkey Representation. WHO’S WHO IN POLITICS IN TURKEY —EDITORS İSMET AKÇA - BARIŞ ALP ÖZDEN AUTHORS SÜREYYA ALGÜL - ASLI AYDEMİR - GÖKHAN DEMİR ALİ YALÇIN GÖYMEN - ERHAN KELEŞOĞLU CANAN ÖZBEY - BARAN ALP UNCU TARİH VAKFI YAYINLARI Table of Contents i Foreword 1 Abdi İpekçi 3 Abdülkadir Aksu 6 Abdullah Çatlı 8 Abdullah Gül 11 Abdullah Öcalan 14 Abdüllatif Şener 16 Adnan Menderes 19 Ahmet Altan 21 Ahmet Davutoğlu 24 Ahmet Necdet Sezer 26 Ahmet Şık 28 Ahmet Taner Kışlalı 30 Ahmet Türk 32 Akın Birdal 34 Alaattin Çakıcı 36 Ali Babacan 38 Alparslan Türkeş 41 Arzu Çerkezoğlu -
Analysing the Impact of the Turkish Emergency Legislation on the Kurdish Case
The exception within the rule: analysing the impact of the Turkish emergency legislation on the Kurdish case. Supervisor: Kathleen Cavanaugh Candidate: Carlotta Giordani A.Y. 2012/2013 Supervisor: Kathleen Cavanaugh Candidate: Carlotta Giordani Second Semester University: NUI Galway The exception within the law: analysing the impact of the Turkish emergency legislation on the Kurdish case. ABSTRACT Starting from an historical and anthropological overview, necessary to understand the deep roots of the conflict between Turks and Kurds, the object of this study focuses on why and how the use of the State of Emergency and the related legislation implemented by Turkey, impacted the so-called Kurdish Question. The investigation conducted along this work is aimed at clarifying the consequences related to the Emergency Regulation phenomenon in this particular context. The definition of Kurds and Kurdistan raises several matters: Kurds are often considered as the biggest stateless population, a heterogeneous group geographically dislocated with a shared cultural identity. The analysis of the legislation implemented by the Turkish state started after the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey, in 1923: the constant use of the repressive measures can be considered as a reaction to the Sevrès Paranoia , the symbol of the Turkish fear of the state territory disintegration. The social changes occurred after the 1960 military Coup d’Etat definitely opened to the birth of the PKK and to the political use of the law, legitimized by the new constitution and made concrete by the 1971 Martial Act n. 1402. This juridical system and the collusion between the military and the civilian, brought to the 1980 Coup d’Etat, the draft of a new constitution (amended but still in force), the 1983 State of Emergency Law (N.2935) and to the creation of a the OHAL Region: the Kurdish areas since that moment were under the jurisdiction of a special emergency governor, so that making even crueller the PKK reactions.