The Anagnorisis and Its Use in Euripides
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Athenians and Eleusinians in the West Pediment of the Parthenon
ATHENIANS AND ELEUSINIANS IN THE WEST PEDIMENT OF THE PARTHENON (PLATE 95) T HE IDENTIFICATION of the figuresin the west pedimentof the Parthenonhas long been problematic.I The evidencereadily enables us to reconstructthe composition of the pedimentand to identify its central figures.The subsidiaryfigures, however, are rath- er more difficult to interpret. I propose that those on the left side of the pediment may be identifiedas membersof the Athenian royal family, associatedwith the goddessAthena, and those on the right as membersof the Eleusinian royal family, associatedwith the god Posei- don. This alignment reflects the strife of the two gods on a heroic level, by referringto the legendary war between Athens and Eleusis. The recognition of the disjunctionbetween Athenians and Eleusinians and of parallelism and contrastbetween individualsand groups of figures on the pedimentpermits the identificationof each figure. The referenceto Eleusis in the pediment,moreover, indicates the importanceof that city and its majorcult, the Eleu- sinian Mysteries, to the Athenians. The referencereflects the developmentand exploitation of Athenian control of the Mysteries during the Archaic and Classical periods. This new proposalfor the identificationof the subsidiaryfigures of the west pedimentthus has critical I This article has its origins in a paper I wrote in a graduateseminar directedby ProfessorJohn Pollini at The Johns Hopkins University in 1979. I returned to this paper to revise and expand its ideas during 1986/1987, when I held the Jacob Hirsch Fellowship at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. In the summer of 1988, I was given a grant by the Committeeon Research of Tulane University to conduct furtherresearch for the article. -
The Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides; Online
cWtqn (Download) The Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides; Online [cWtqn.ebook] The Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides; Pdf Free Euripides, Murray Gilbert 1866-1957 ebooks | Download PDF | *ePub | DOC | audiobook 2016-05-04Original language:English 9.21 x .31 x 6.14l, .78 #File Name: 1355439914 | File size: 53.Mb Euripides, Murray Gilbert 1866-1957 : The Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides; before purchasing it in order to gage whether or not it would be worth my time, and all praised The Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides;: 1 of 1 people found the following review helpful. Euripides solves the mystery of Iphigenia after AuliusBy Lawrance BernaboAt the end of "Iphigenia at Aulius," when the virgin daughter of Agamemnon is about to sacrificed offstage to appease the goddess Artemis, as the fatal blow is struck the young girl disappears and a stage appears in its place. Thus, at the last minute, Euripides refrains from suggesting a goddess demanded a human sacrifice. But what happened to the young girl? The dramatist provides his answer in "Iphigenia in Tauris" Artemis saved Iphigenia and brought her to the temple of the goddess in Tauris (which is in Thrace, although others take this to mean the Crimea). Meanwhile, her brother Orestes, still trying to appease the Furies for his crime of matricide, is ordered by the god Apollo to bring the statue of Artemis from Tauris to Athens. However, the Taurians have the quaint habit of sacrificing strangers to the goddess (so much for the goddess disdaining human sacrifice). Once again, Euripides is showing his disdain for Apollo; at first consideration you might think Apollo is setting up the reconciliation of brother and sister, but since it is up to the goddess Athena to help the pair, and Orestes's friend Pylades, to escape, the clearly implication is that Apollo wants Orestes dead."Iphigenia in Taurus" ("Iphigeneia en Taurois," which is also translated as "Iphigenia among the Taurians") is really more of a tragicomedy than a traditional Greek tragedy. -
(Eponymous) Heroes
is is a version of an electronic document, part of the series, Dēmos: Clas- sical Athenian Democracy, a publicationpublication ofof e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org]. e electronic version of this article off ers contextual information intended to make the study of Athenian democracy more accessible to a wide audience. Please visit the site at http:// www.stoa.org/projects/demos/home. Athenian Political Art from the fi h and fourth centuries: Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes S e Cleisthenic reforms of /, which fi rmly established democracy at Ath- ens, imposed a new division of Attica into ten tribes, each of which consti- tuted a new political and military unit, but included citizens from each of the three geographical regions of Attica – the city, the coast, and the inland. En- rollment in a tribe (according to heredity) was a manda- tory prerequisite for citizenship. As usual in ancient Athenian aff airs, politics and reli- gion came hand in hand and, a er due consultation with Apollo’s oracle at Delphi, each new tribe was assigned to a particular hero a er whom the tribe was named; the ten Amy C. Smith, “Athenian Political Art from the Fi h and Fourth Centuries : Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes,” in C. Blackwell, ed., Dēmos: Classical Athenian Democracy (A.(A. MahoneyMahoney andand R.R. Scaife,Scaife, edd.,edd., e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org], . © , A.C. Smith. tribal heroes are thus known as the eponymous (or name giving) heroes. T : Aristotle indicates that each hero already received worship by the time of the Cleisthenic reforms, although little evi- dence as to the nature of the worship of each hero is now known (Aristot. -
A Study in Form: Recognition Scenes in the Three Electra Plays*
A Study in Form: Recognition Scenes in the Three Electra Plays* The effects of recognition have to do with know- ledge and the means of acquiring it, with secrets, disguises, lapses of memory, clues, signs, and the like, and this no doubt explains the odd, almost asymmetrical positioning of anagnorisis in the domain of poetics… Structure and theme, poetics and interpretation, are curiously combined in this term… Terence Cave1 The fortuitous survival of three plays by each of the three tragic poets on the same story offers an unparalleled opportunity to consider some of the formal aspects of the genre, those which dictate the limits and possibilities of its dramatic enactment. Three salient elements constitute the irreducible minimum that characterizes the Orestes-Electra plot and is by necessity common to all three versions. These consist of nostos (return), anagnorisis (recognition) and mechanêma (the intrigue). This se- quence is known to us already from the Odyssey as the masterplot in the story of Odysseus himself and his return home, and it will come into play once again, nota- bly in Euripides’ version. Yet, at the same time, the Odyssey already contains the story of Orestes, who returns home to avenge his father, and it is this deed that pro- vides a contrapuntal line to the main story, which is that of the trials of Odysseus, his homecoming, his eventual vengeance on the suitors, and revelation of identity to friends and kin. The epic, however, gives only the bare facts of Orestes’ deed, which are recorded at the very outset in the proem (Od. -
A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of
A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources. -
Actors on High: the Skene Roof, the Crane, and the Gods in Attic Drama
UC Berkeley Classical Papers Title Actors on High: The Skene Roof, the Crane, and the Gods in Attic Drama Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/61w4628m Author Mastronarde, Donald J. Publication Date 1990-10-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Published as “Actors on High: The Skene Roof, the Crane, and the Gods in Attic Drama” in Classical Antiquity Volume 9, No. 2, October 1990, pages 247-294, ©1990 by The Regents of the University of California. Copying and Permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by the Regents of the University of California for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified fee via Rightslink® on Caliber (http://caliber.ucpress.net/) or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center, http://www.copyright.com. [247]DONALD J. MASTRONARDE ACTORS ON HIGH: THE SKENE ROOF, THE CRANE, AND THE GODS IN ATTIC DRAMA* Many recent studies of Greek tragedy and comedy have shown a special interest in staging, not only with a view to antiquarian accuracy, but also in order to assess the playwrights’ techniques and skills in manipulating the visual elements of the performance for dramatic effect.1 The present study addresses a particularly controversial aspect of staging, the appearance of actors “on high.” It is generally agreed that the crane was available in the late fifth century, and it is also widely assumed that the wooden skene building of the late fifth and early fourth centuries had a flat roof, at least a part of which could serve as an additional acting space. -
Euripides and Gender: the Difference the Fragments Make
Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Ruby Blondell, Chair Deborah Kamen Olga Levaniouk Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics © Copyright 2013 Melissa Karen Anne Funke University of Washington Abstract Euripides and Gender: The Difference the Fragments Make Melissa Karen Anne Funke Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Ruby Blondell Department of Classics Research on gender in Greek tragedy has traditionally focused on the extant plays, with only sporadic recourse to discussion of the many fragmentary plays for which we have evidence. This project aims to perform an extensive study of the sixty-two fragmentary plays of Euripides in order to provide a picture of his presentation of gender that is as full as possible. Beginning with an overview of the history of the collection and transmission of the fragments and an introduction to the study of gender in tragedy and Euripides’ extant plays, this project takes up the contexts in which the fragments are found and the supplementary information on plot and character (known as testimonia) as a guide in its analysis of the fragments themselves. These contexts include the fifth- century CE anthology of Stobaeus, who preserved over one third of Euripides’ fragments, and other late antique sources such as Clement’s Miscellanies, Plutarch’s Moralia, and Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae. The sections on testimonia investigate sources ranging from the mythographers Hyginus and Apollodorus to Apulian pottery to a group of papyrus hypotheses known as the “Tales from Euripides”, with a special focus on plot-type, especially the rape-and-recognition and Potiphar’s wife storylines. -
The Case of Voltaire's Mérope and Scipione Maffei's Merope
TranscUlturAl, vol.4.1 (2011), 15-22. http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC The Cultural Politics of Translation: The Case of Voltaire’s Mérope and Scipione Maffei’s Merope Stefano Muneroni University of Alberta Translation and adaptation enact two distinct modes of relationship with the original source material, establish different degrees of dependency and freedom from it, and express dissimilar concerns about the intercultural and linguistic transpositions they respectively exact. They also ascertain different cultural hierarchies and distinctive jingoistic anxieties. While translation appears more bound to the source text by its literary and linguistic context, adaptation may depart from it in genre and artistic medium. As illustrated by Gérard Genette’s Palimpsest: Literature in the Second Degree, adaptation can draw on excision, expansion, condensation, amplification, and proximization as viable adaptive strategies in the creation of the target text. Translation retains the Latin significance of the word translatio, ‘carrying across’, but the Latin etymological root of the word ‘adapt’, adaptare, means “to make fit,” thus implicitly stressing change, transmutation, and innovation (Sanders 46). This apparent freedom is reflected in how the publishing industry recognizes adaptors as authors and holds translators in a subordinate position, evident in their frequent exclusion from the book cover. More importantly, in their different aims and methodologies, translation and adaptation suggest quite different artistic choices as well as a dissimilar notion of extra-cultural transferability and readability. However, the ‘carrying across’ and ‘fitting’ of cultural content is not the only factor shaping the choice of translation over adaptation, or vice versa. There are socio-cultural and hierarchical concerns implicit in this choice that may play a crucial role in whether a literary text is either translated or adapted. -
Illinois Classical Studies
23 Later Euripidean Music ERIC CSAPO In memory of Desmond Conacher, a much-loved teacher, colleague, andfriend. I. The Scholarship In the last two decades of the twentieth century several important general books marked a resurgence of interest in Greek music: Barker 1984 and 1989, Comotti 1989a (an expanded English translation of a work in Italian written in 1979), M. L. West 1992, W. D. Anderson 1994, Neubecker 1994 (second edition of a work of 1977), and Landels 1999. These volumes provide good general guides to the subject, with particular strengths in ancient theory and practice, the history of musical genres, technical innovations, the reconstruction and use of ancient instruments, ancient musical notation, documents, metrics, and reconstructions of ancient scales, modes, and genera. They are too broadly focussed to give much attention to tragedy. Euripidean music receives no more than three pages in any of these works (a little more is usually allocated to specific discussion of the musical fragment of Orestes). Fewer books were devoted to music in drama. Even stretching back another decade, we have: one general book on tragic music, Pintacuda 1978, two books by Scott on "musical design" in Aeschylus (1984) and in Sophocles (1996), and two books devoted to Aristophanes' music, Pintacuda 1982 and L. P. E. Parker 1997. Pintacuda 1978 offers three chapters on basic background, and one chapter for each of the poets. The chapter on Euripides (shared with a fairly standard account of the New Musicians), contains less than four pages of general discussion of Euripides' relationship to the New Music (164-68), which is followed by fifty pages of blow-by-blow description of the musical numbers in each play—a mildly caffeinated catalogue-style already familiar from Webster 1970b: 110-92 and revisited by Scott. -
Plutarch on Why Eating Animals Is Repulsive
Plutarch on why eating animals is repulsive Plutarch on why eating animals is repulsive - tr. Baxter v. 09.13, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 25 December 2017 Page 1 of 11 DOWN TO EARTH SERIES WHY EATING ANIMALS IS REPULSIVE? Train of thoughts The very idea of eating the carcasses of slain animals is repulsive. Who could have begun the practice, but from the direst necessity? Men must have been driven to the deed of slaying animals for food, because the supply of food from the vegetable world had utterly failed. We have no such necessity. Man is not by nature a carnivorous animal. Our conduct in slaying animals and then preparing them for food is wholly against nature. Animal food is injurious: it clogs and confuses the mind and renders it stupid. It operates unfavourably on character. If we must eat flesh, let it be with sorrow and pity; not tormenting and abusing the poor animal before taking its life. Passing the bounds of nature in our feeding, intemperate appetites and shameful lusts are gratified. Cruelty to mankind is induced. Animals have senses; they have faculties for seeing, hearing, understanding: is it right to extinguish these faculties? Who knows but the bodies of animals may contain the souls of deceased men; of a father, brother, son or other friend? Plutarch on why eating animals is repulsive - tr. Baxter v. 09.13, www.philaletheians.co.uk, 25 December 2017 Page 2 of 11 DOWN TO EARTH SERIES WHY EATING ANIMALS IS REPULSIVE? First published under the title “Of eating of flesh” In: Plutarch’s Morals. -
The Argonautica
The Argonautica Apollonius Rhodius Project Gutenberg Etext of The Argonautica by Apollonius Rhodius Copyright laws are changing all over the world, be sure to check the copyright laws for your country before posting these files!! Please take a look at the important information in this header. We encourage you to keep this file on your own disk, keeping an electronic path open for the next readers. Do not remove this. **Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** **Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** *These Etexts Prepared By Hundreds of Volunteers and Donations* Information on contacting Project Gutenberg to get Etexts, and further information is included below. We need your donations. The Argonautica by Apollonius Rhodius February, 1997 [Etext #830] Project Gutenberg Etext of The Argonautica by Apollonius Rhodius *****This file should be named 1argn10.txt or 1argn10.zip****** Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, 1argn11.txt. VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 1argn10a.txt. This electronic edition was edited, proofed, and prepared by Douglas B. Killings ([email protected]), January 1997. We are now trying to release all our books one month in advance of the official release dates, for time for better editing. Please note: neither this list nor its contents are final till midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement. The official release date of all Project Gutenberg Etexts is at Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment and editing by those who wish to do so. -
An Introduction to Greek Theatre
An Introduction to Greek Theatre A Source-book for Classics 103 E. E. Garvin editor © 2014 2 Aeschylus Aeschylus is the first of the three great Athenian playwrights (which include Euripides and Sophocles). He was born at Eleusis in 525 and died in Gela, Sicily, in 456 BC. Aeschylus served as a soldier in the Battle of Marathon in 490 BC, at Artemisium and Salamis in 480 and at Plataea in 479. Even before these landmark battles, Aeschylus was a successful playwright: He produced his first play in 499 and, in 476/5, was invited to Sicily, by Hieron of Syracuse, where he produced The Women of Aitna. The following are the first few pages of the introduction to the 1922 Loeb edition, by the translator, Herbert Weir Smyth. While it constitutes a very nice essay on the life and works of Aeschylus, we must read in consideration of the time it was written: It tells us as much about attitudes towards Classical Greece in 1922 as it does about Aeschylus, and it shows us, as is its purpose, the almost religious devotion to, and admiration for, Athenian dramatic literature that was typical of a classical scholar of the time. Smyth is showing off: he has written an encomium, a genre of literature typical in the ancient world in which the author sings the praises of his subject while flaunting his own skills. [p. vii of the original]1 Of the periods of the world's history signalized by national aspiration and achievement, and at the same time fraught with a spiritual significance reflected in the mind of a master poet, the age of Aeschylus holds a foremost place together with the age of Shakespeare.