the sabotage! Step up the'action! THE TUC WERE at pains to prove that the September 22nd second-in-command Norman Lamont was, in his own way Day of Action was merely a public demonstration of sup­ right when he added, of the strike: "It had everything to port for the health workers. With Ford workers putting in do with politics". a claim for £20, the miners for 31% and with water·workers In the present health dispute, in the coming pay claims, set to strike for a day in support of their own claim, the particularly those pitted againstthe 3.5% limit, and in TUC was terrified'of allowing the day to become a rallying the struggle against the Tory anti-union laws, workers must poi nt for concerted action iJy the whole worki ng class. face this fact. Strikes against the bosses and their govern­ The pressure of the healthworkers will not let the. TUC ment have always been political. They must become di rect get away with doing nothing at all. On the other hand, the challenges to the priorities and strategy of Thatcher and action they do take - like the proposed transport strike in her grasping class. In such struggles the union bureaucrats November (I) - is designed to contain that pressure and cannot be relied upon. They have even thwarted attempts keep the various struggles workers are engaged in fragmented. to force them to withdraw from the NEDC, so dear do they More than anything the TUC fear a generalised conflict regard their cosy chats with Thatcher's ministers and the CBI. with the Tories, which they risk losing control of. That is Their whole world view is based on negotiation as a substi­ why their record of organising struggles against the Tories tute for confrontation, with the bosses in defence of the is such a scandalous one. They defused the potential Welsh workers'in interests. general strike during the Steel Strike in 1980. In 1981 they In mobilising for future days of action around the health organised the Jobs Express, but held back from supporting , dispute, militants must act independently of the bureaucrats. the major battles against redundancies such as those at Lee In each area action committees must be formed consisting Jeans, Plansees and Ansells. And now, in 1982 and under of delegates from unions and workplaces either supporting the chairmanship of Frank Chapple, they are working over-' the health workers, or involved in their own struggles on time to prevent the health strike generating a class-wide payor jobs. These committees must coordinate local action response to the Tories' class-wide attacks. actions, build national links and forge a rank and fjle Typically the class enemy had a clearer view of the issues movement that can: at stake in the present conflict than did the blind mice of * Organise indefinite strike action and solidarity action to Congress House. Norman Tebbit brandished the carving win the health workers's claim. knife of his anti-union legislation: "The strike action has, * Co-ordinate the struggle against the Tory pay limit. been largely confined to areas where the closed shop gives * Force the TUC to call a general strike to smash Prior's unions the power to punish those who-want to work". . anti-union laws and Tebbit's bill - laws that aim to destroy The pathetic Spaqswick hangs behind the sinister Chapple on Septe';'ber 22nd. The Closed shop is to be attacked by Tebbit's Bill. Tebbit's our ri~hts to take effective action: _ Don't leave the health strike in the hands of these men / HALT ZIONIST BUTCHERY IN THE "WAKE of the horrific massacre in up of the PLO in Beirut that the US felt it necessary Tensions between Bashin Gemayel and Begin devel­ The armed resistance of the courageous Pales­ the West Beirut refuyee camps of Sabra and to adopt a different role. Here Reagan's envoy oped as the former adopted an "independent" stance, tinian fighters and the mass struggles on the West Chatila, Reagan's marines have !anded in Leb­ Philip Habib attempted to remove and dis'perse the more inclined to US plans to achieve a solution via Bank against Israeli encroachment indicate that anon in t~e bypocritical guise of protectors of only armed defence militia the Palestinians posses "West Bank" autonomy. serious as the defeats are that imperialism, Zionism the Palestinians. "by peaceful means". Certainly the Begin-Sharon axis has important and Arab reaction has imposed, the forces exist which US imperialism hopes to garner the full Caught between the hammer of Zionist and Phal­ tactical differences with Reagan. They wish to settle can still defeat the projects of these vultures. angist military superiority and the anvil of US­ and absorb the West Bank in the coming decades. The PLO leadership's reliance on the Arab fruits of the genocidal Lebanese war. It was They wish to find a suitable pretext to seize a good orchestrated indifference from the whole Arab world, "radical" and 'reactionary" regimes, on the Soveit the US that armed and encouraged the Zionist slice of Southern Lebanon, utilising its water for the PLO withdrew. The PLO leaders falsely claimed bureaucracy and on the West Bank autonomy ploy butchers Sharon and Begin - their "special" irrigation and opening it up eventually to the this as a victory. The PLO fighters however knew of imperialism, has been cruelly exposed. All these allies in the Middle East. "created facts" of Israeli settlement. Begin's Likud­ the horrific dangers their people would suffer. The hrccs colluded to destroy the only guarantee of pro­ Secondly the US obstructed any UN intervention dominated coalition has to deliver to the hitherto memories of Tel AI Zataar where 3,000 perished, tection for the Palestinian people. and threw its economic and diplomatic weight into discriminated-against, and hard-do ne-by oriental Jews - showed what mercy Palestinians could expect from However, the revulsion at Zionist crimes and US keeping the Arab regimes from rendering the slightest this cannot be done without expansion, without the bloody Phalangists. and Western European collusion with them, Arab assistance to the beleagured PLO. Whilst Israeli artill­ choice land for new settlements. shame at the prostration of their governments, can ery pounded the Palestinian refugee camps and Leb­ A Lebanese army under the control of their US imperialism, and the newly triumphant Maron­ be the basis for a 'radiCClI reconstitution of the-anti­ anese towns, signalling that Sharon and Begin's aims "fuehrer" Gemayel was going to be no protection. ites have a divergent view. They wish to restore the Zionist, anti-imperialist struggle within the Israeli were the complete elimination of the Palestinians Pogrom was inevitable and indeed played a well­ old role of Lebanon as the financial centre of the state and the occupied West Bank. If the political from Lebanon, Reagan was still having friendly phone tried part in the Israeli-Phalangist pl3n for a restored Middle East, the valve thr:>ugh which the raw mat­ lessons are learned then the Palestinians can escape calls with "Menachem". It was only with the bottling , 1'v1..'l!~~.«:._,=banon allied to lie subor.dinate to) Israel. erials and petro-dollars of the Arab world are pumped from the dead-end ideologies and leaderships - to the imperialist powers, and the manufactured Stalinism, Arab nationalism, Islamic fundamentalism, goods and western investments are pumped in. that have led to defeat after defeat. A programme Every defeat the Israelis inflict on the oppressed which seeks to mobilise the proleta-riat of the Palestinian people, every humiliation they visit on countries of the Middle East, against imperialist the Arab regimes that have established with Soviet intervention, against the Zionist agent of imperialism, aid, a basis for occaisional anti-imperialist actions against the semi-feudal, bourgeois and bonapartist and more regular anti-imperialist rhetoric, is welcome regimes, Can' alone be the basis of Palestinian victory. to the United States. But the xconstant expansion of In the imperialist heartlands that exploit and div­ Israel and its consequent destablisation of the conserv­ ide the Arab world, which support with capital and ative Arav regimes upsets the plans for the extension armies the Zionist butchers, the duty of the labour of the Camp David system. The US want formally movement is to fight for the breaking of all "links independent Arab semi-colonies, safe for US investm " with Zionism, for a cessation of all arms, fi,18nce ment and safe from radical nationalist, pro-Soviet and trade which support the Israeli state's war against or yvorking class "disruption". Thus Begin's massacre the Palestinians. The basis of any real movement to can be utilised by the US to call a halt to "excessive" effect this must be the working class and its own expansion. direct action. No trust can or should be put in But the US plans hold no hopes for the Palestin­ Tory or Liberal "friends of PalesHne", let alone ians. The Phalangist rulers of Central Lebanon and appeals made which could include the sinister forces the Israeli occupation forces are now, after the Sabra­ of the far right. Bourgeois "anti-Zionism" is at b!lSt Chatila massacre, conducting systematic, brutal terror support for the most reactionary forces in the Arab against Palestinian civilians. The lives of the 7,000 world (and the imperialist interests involved in their admitted Palestinian prisoners in the Arisa concen­ maintenance). At its worst it is anti-semitism. The tration camp and the many more rounded up but real needs of the oppressed will find no favour with whose imprisonment is ominously denied by the su ch "allies". Israeli military authorities, are certainly in danger. Neither will be satisfied until the Palesti nian nation Zionist troops out of '-ebanonl is scattered to the !fou r corners of the A rab world - US/French/ltalian/U", troops out of Lebanonl handed over to semi-feudal pro-Western stooges like For the armed self-defence of the Palestiniansl the Saudi or Hashemite Kings, or fraudulent "anti­ For trade union blacking of all trade and arms ship- US Marines come ashore in Beirut - August 1982 Photo; JuClah Passow (NetWork) irrip,erialists" like the Syrian or Iraqi Ba'athists. mentsto Israeli. - , - - - "

• " f ~. TRADE UNION~ ':"'l .. . ' BARONS, , t- ;.~'. ~ ", THE BLACKPOOL LABOUR Party Conf­ erence has witnessed the most thorough trouncing of the left in nearly ten years. The passage of Foot's witchhunters charter and the restoration of unhindered Right Wing con­ trol over the NEC underlines just how seri­ BLOCK' VOTE TH,E ously the left was defeated. Foot's victory was not, of course, the pro­ duct of any rightward shift among rank and The Right and their backers in the media, from file Trade Unionists or Labour Party mem­ the Guardian to the Economist know well that uers. Labour Party conferences do not work whilst the bloc votes and the NEC may propose a like that. It only required a handful of Union witchhunt, the constituency parties have to dis­ leaders to flout their conferences or their ex­ pose of the individuals expelled. Had the Left ral­ ecutive decisions and the votes of silenced lied the constituency parties into a solid front pled­ millions could be stacked up against Benn ged to refuse to implement any expulsions the NEC WITCH-HUNT decrees and to support only those candidates select­ and the left. It was the block votes of the ed by themselves then the Parliamentary and trade Union leaders that bulldo~d Huckfield, May­ union mandarins could be defied and would proba­ nard and the NUM's Eric Clarke off the NEC. bly beaten a retreat before, or during, the confer­ Three years ago when all around us were hailing ence. But the Left played another way. Starting the progress of the left and the potential for demo­ with the ILP, followed by the LCC and the CDLM cratic advance in the Labour Party - we pointed to the various pressure groups, one after another, sig­ the fact that the central problem confront'ing those nalled their unwillingness to fight. The LCC in July struggling against the Labour Party Right was to declined to register "at this stage" but said it would take the block vote into the hands of the Union re-consider in November at its AGM. The Scottish rank and file. We correctly werned that the alterna­ LCC testified to Militants "dishonesty" abou0tS tive would be a successful Right Wing counter-attack secret organisation. .. VIe recognise the hold of the bureaucrats in The CLPD whined that"lf this is accepted by the unions as the most important bastion of the conference, the efforts made at Bishops Stortford Labour Party leaders. Unless this hold is broken the to create a new sense of. unity~ithin the party will hold of the parliamentary leaders will not be brok­ will be swept aside" (Labour Weekly 17.9.82) and en." (Workers Power No.8 Sept.1979) offered a "fall back position" of pressing for a year ...... we are in favour of taking the block vote oui of delay of expulsion on the Register - a compro­ out of the hands of the bureaucrats and into the mise Foot and Co swept contemptously aside at han~s of the bodies in which the affiliated 'memb­ Blackpool despite the CLPD bleating that it was er" exist and struggle, using the block vote as a le­ "not aimed at Michael." verfor politicising the millions who are made for­ mal members of the Party through union effiliation." (Workers Power No.8 Sept. 19!9L NO CALL FOR DEFIANCE Events at Blackpool showed just how correct our approach has been. ,-- Militant, despite the rally of 2,700 at Wembley The manner of Foot's victory guarantees that it has very carefully avoided calling for defiance of will be a pyrrhic one for him and his 'soft left' sup­ the undemocratic conference decision. The Socialist porters such as Kinnock. The block votes served to Organiser, initially advocats of an 'Unregistered Al­ liance' and sellers of 'I am un.registered socialist' obliterate Foot and Kinnock's only independent Foot looks to see if there are signs of trouble from the left: but his peace seems intact , strength - their ability to hold the balance betwean badges is now calling for resistance of an extremely the Right and Left. Healey and Hattersley will uti­ vague and unspecific sort. pose an incomes policy. Healey's 'annual economic wherewithall to re-run the old show - a bosses La­ lise the register and their NEC majority to push for The Left had, and still has, only three lines of assessment which would include earnings from em­ , bour Government. a more thorough going witch-hunt than the one the defence: ployment" joins the ranks of its illustrious anti­ The task of revolutionaries is to fight for the soft left have already agreed to. Hattersley has al­ *Not to register any group, paper or pressure group working class forbears - the wage freeze, the planned tactics and the strategy that can bring our class to ready warned that 'There may be painful surgery and so force the NEC and the Walworth Road bu­ growth of wages, incomes policy and the social con­ power. How can the rank and file - the health wor­ ahead" and he won't flinch from administering it. reaucracy to investigate as besl it can. tract. It makes no change whatsoever from them kers, the miners, the transport workers, the uhem­ *To pledge constituency no-compliance, defiance Golding and Healey want 'hundreds of expulsions'. them except that each has had to coni:ea~ its af­ ployed save themselves from the grim sucession of Of course the Right will have to a ..'t with some cau­ obstruction to all aspects of the witch hunt. finity with its predecessor. All are decitfui ' phrases bosses governments - Thatchers', Jenkins, or Foots? *To rouse the rank and file in the unions against the tion. They do not possess unlimited powers. They to cover the promise to impose a halt to real wages A Tory or Alliance victory at the polls or an anti­ must act roughly within the limits that have been the bloc voters. to pay for cosmetic social reforms"j working class Labour Government is not ,a,.. inevita... Determination on these fronts, combined with ,set by the Basnett-Evans cartel of block votes if The as yet unrevised long term decline of lab­ bility providing we learn vital lessons whilst fight- they themselves are to avoid the fate of being trim­ all out mobilisation in support of a real direct act­ ours' percentage of the electorate, the atrophy of ing and winning vital battles. med down to size at the next conference. ion fight against Thatcher, will rally every honest the Labour Party membership indicates the total Firstly to defeat Thatcher and defend workers' element in the Labour Party. It can put the right bankruptcy of the traditional Labour programme - jobs, social services, wages and union and democra­ Wing back into retreat. But any turn away from the LITTLE COMFORT FOR LEFT Left words and right practice, and should this lead to tic rights demands united militant direct action. real battles against the Tories - the struggles of to Labour's failure to secure a Parliamentary majo­ The rank and file have te\eltered on this road count­ The lett however, can draw little comfort from Health Workers and miners - towards the hot air el­ rity there will be no shortage of candidates to lead less times since the Tories came to power - over the their alibi that they were pushed from power by the ectioneering which Foot and 8enn have in mind a Government dependent on SDP/Liberal support , Steel closures, the Leyland axeings, and now in the the union bureaucrats. They were all too ready to will prepare the way for defeat on all fronts. or in open coalition with the Liberals and the SDP huge and increasingly active support for the health fall, if not to jump. Benn and the Left leaders pre­ At very best the 'unity behind Michael and the workers. United solidarity action can smash That­ pared their own downfall by, secretly agreeing to existing policies' line means fighting for a Labour cher's public sector incomes policy. Such action can halt the democracy movement and to not utilize Government exactly like the last one. NO STANDING ASIDE create and organise the forces to crush Tebbits bill, the existing machinery, specifically the electoral col­ Perhaps its Manifesto would have 'Left' promises via a general strike. Strategic defeats for the Tories lege, in teturn for a worthless unity pledge at Bi­ on disarmament, the Common Market and the Al­ Revolutionary socialists will not, of course, will drive them from office. To win these battles, shops Stortford. Licking the Right's boots is the ternative Economic Strategy. So did the 1974 stand aside from the struggle being waged in the and press forward to working class power, we need shortest way to get a kick in the teeth. manifesto. Perhaps Tony Benn might even have an Labour Party. Whenever workers take up the call to in and through these struggles to Benn and his parliamentary and journalistic in­ important ministry. So he did in 1974/5. But this hold their existing leaders to account revolutionar­ *democratise the unions - regular election of all of­ ner circle held back. Despite promising to 'fight government would buckle under the pressure of the ies have the duty to join in united action. We do ficials, no salaries inflated above the average wage like a tiger' Benn proved himself a typical Left' City the IMF and the Americans more swiftly than not shBre the illusions that Benn and co have in a of the members, full power to lay-delegate nation- tame cat. The Bennite leadership were completely the Healey /Callaghan Government that fell in bat­ revivified ~rliament as the basis for a socialist al committees and annual conferences. For the re­ unnerved by the fear that the Parliamentary Right tle against the working class in 1979. transformation. We do not believe that a "broad callability of all officials who betray their mandates. would split and that the union bureaucrats would The room for manoeuvre for a Labour Govern­ church", including outright agents of the boss class *politicise the unions - full political rights for all turn on the left. Even after Benn refused to stand ment would be even less than in the 1970's. The is an instrument to settle decisive accounts with working class parties and tendencies - turn the against Foot, even after he capped the Left's defeat chronic crisis of British capitJlism rules out even the the bosses. We do not have any illusions that Benn, union's bloc vote in the Labour Party into the ex with a platform oath of loyalty to the leadership of the marginal reforms of 1974/5. That the rank and Holland, Meacher have either the ability or the will pression of the affiliated memberships' democratic Michael Foot not one of his galaxy of 'far left' sup­ file of the unions and the party have, in substance, to replace the Foots and the Healeys. Moreover we decisiol'ls. porters has dared to come out and openly criticise not more control over their leaders than they did believe it is necessary to say this loud and clear. But *Democratise the Labour Parties - full rights for all him. Still determined to hitch a ride on the 'tiger,' in the 1970's would mean that the Labour leaders But we believe in putting every progressive step of tendencies and parties claiming to stand for the abo­ Labour Herald, Socialist Organiser and Socialist would be free to ogce again toe the line of the City these influen~aL - Lefts to the test of action. ' lition of capitalism to affiliate to the Labour Party., Challenge have all remained - as yet- mum on and the IMF. Already-the Labour Right have con­ Their pro~ramme is worthless, but whenever it ra~­ * Subordinate the parliamentary representatives of Benn's pathetic performance. jured up a new name for their !lext attempt to im- es a pro-working class demand that clashes, wjith the Labour Movement to its discipline - subordinate the interests of the bosses we are for the maximum the PLP to the NEe conference. mobilisation to win it. We do not believe that' Benn or the CLPD's reforms of the Labour Party will turn it into an adequate instrument of socialism AN OPPORTUNITY TO UNITE but whenever they advocate or defend an extension of workers democracy we are with them 100%. Labour Weeldy has smugly predicted that,"A Revolutionaries cannot ebstain from united act­ campaign against the register is being organised, but Defend Jim Tollon ion against the bosses and their agents inside as but significant sections of the Party's Left vtng are well es outside the Labour movement. Nor for a unlikely to become- involved." (1.10.82) Already tough with union activists. Rowntree Mackintosh ~ AUEW shop steward Jlm Tolton has been sack­ minute clin"they abstain from criticism of the Left Benn has signalled that he accepts the register as a ed by management at the Fox's Qlacler Minh fac­ who own this factory - want to use this sacking to , conference decision but will use his minority to Instill fear In the workforce of even elementary acts reformists. The role of the latter, ~nd of course tory In Leicester. His crime? He showed health some of them are uneware of this, is precisely to vote to protest!expulsions that conference has not workers the way to the works canteen and they of solidarity. They must be stopped. sanctioned. Late in the day and despite previous Already health workers have picketed the plal)t revivify the'hope ' and 'belief' of the working class proceeded to explain thel,r ~.. to the workforce. in a party that hes proved time and,again in prec missed opportunitias Hackney North CLP's anti­ In support. 800 signed a petition for Jlm Tolton's The AUEW District committee has declared the tice to be an instrument of the bosses when in pow­ witchhunt conference - called for October 30th - reinstatement onthe 22nd September mass picket dispute official but USDAW officIals - who organ- er. The task of the 'Lefts' is to convince working presents an opportunity to unite the constituency of Leicester Royal Infirmary. Jlm Totton how needs I.. tile shop floor workers - have dragged their feet class voter "this time it will be different". parties and the Left groupings in defence and de­ the backing of all workers who have supported the In Ifvlng real backing. USDAW ordered their OWl The years 1979-82 sew a very vigorous campai­ fiance. It must be mobilised for on the widest pos­ struggle of the health workers. members back to work after they walked out In gn by Benn and co to do this - vigorous because sible scale. It must lay the basis for e fighting cam­ Resolution pused, and messages of support 'support of Jlm ToU.n. Callaghan and Healey wore Lebour's credibility in­ paign to destroy the register and defeat its advocates •• shouJd be sent to, In the wake of the 22nd September manag .. to rags and tatters. Now Foot Kinnock, Hattersley 11 BIlIey Street, Leicester. by Dav8 Stocking ment througho~t the country has been tryIng to get want to put this new credibility together with the hatred of working people for the Tories into the

PAGE 2 WORKERS POWER No.36 October ~mmmmmmm~mmmmmmfmmmmf Rev iew: "The Be nn Heresy" mmI;~;~;~;~;~;~;~;~mm;~;~;~;~;~;~;~;mm~;m;~;~;~;~;~;~;~;~;~;m;~;mmm;~;~;~;~~;~;~;~;~;~;m;m;~;~;~;~;~;~;mmm;~;~mtfmmr~ Prostrate before Left reformism AS THE LEFT wing in the Labour Party has His programme is aimed at preserving and extending suffered setback after setback over the ~ast .parliamentary democracy, not destroying it. And twelve months, from the turning point at Benn has never attempted to hide that fact. . Brighton 1981, through Bishop's Stortford to Alan Freeman' refuses to accept all the evid­ ence on this question. He knows it would be diffi­ the witch-hunts of late 1982, Alan Freeman cult to sell an avowed left Parliamentarian as the has been putting the final touches to, and spokesman of a mass, popular, and objectively patiently awaiting the publication of, his revolutionary heretical creed. He suggests that book "The Benn Heresy". because Benn calls on the unions to act in the Currently being given away free with sub­ social arena, his politics contain a dynamic which scriptions to "Tribune" and "Socialist Chal­ enables traditional parliamentarism to be transcen­ would have us believe - have been the cue for the there is no alternative but for Trotskyists to swim lenge" (the newspaper Freeman works for), ded. workers to go a bit further and wield real control with' this revolutionary stream. As Freeman tells us: The best way to test the truth of this is to exam­ over the bosses. But how was this going to happen the book is a description and analysis of the , Once a movement for democracy begins one may ine Benn's attitude to capitalism and the role of within the context of Benn's actual programme? politics and development of Benn and the not stand like Canute and dictate terms to it. The Bennite movement. It is also, unbeknownst to the unions in relation to it. If he is calling for the Benn has never hidden his own opposition to the working class to secure real "social change" by its choice facing us is not whether to have a revolution Freeman, a grapllici example of the terrible . expropriation of the capi,alists - surely one of the but whether to support it; not whether to make a own efforts and to its own benefit, it should surely most important of Marx's "old ideas", and the pre­ degeneration of Trotskyism, and of the prev­ manifest itself in this field. revolution, but what to make of it. The issue is requisite of "real control". In fact Freeman quotes whether one embraces it and directs one's efforts to alent malaise among British "Trotskyists", of During 1974-75, Benn was Secretary of State for Benn to that effect when· he is trying to paint abasing themselves before left reformism. As Industry with Eric Heffer serving under him. Together a democratic socialist outcome, or opposes it and Benn favourably as an opponent of traditional opens the door to a terrible defeat. The issue is such this book tells us more about the author they put forward an Industry Bill as Labour's Labourite nationalisation: "VIe are not a party of answer to the economic and industrial crisis facing whether one chooses to win or chooses to lose" and the politics he represents than it does expropriation. .. investors there will always be" (p57). (page 142). about Tony Benn. Britain at the time. It called for the setting up of Freeman tries to explain this all away in a claim Freeman's theme is that Benn is a "heretic" whose the National Enterprise Board (NEB), with powers that Benn "did not see socialism coming from the ... And the only winner in this schema can be views run counter to those of the established Labour to "open the books" of firms {confidentially, of slow conquest of ownership in order to get control. Tony Bennl The avowed Marxist Freeman explicitly tradition. In order to present Benn as a novel phen­ coursell, and to take up to a 30% share in certain He saw it coming from the slow conquest of control concedes to Benn the leadership of an approximately omenon, and in order to pursue not-so-novel oppor­ . industries. in order to get ownership" (p 57). This empty revolutionary movement and accepts that the pro­ tunist tactics towards him, Freeman has to go to The unions were to be involved in a series of phrasemongeri ng may come easy to~ reeman. He grammatic content of that movement shall be that of extraordinary lengths to show that a massive divide tripartite agreements with gover'nment and manage­ may even call it dialectical. But it neither clinches Benn's left labour parlia.mentarianism. exists between the tradition represented by Bevan ment best described in the following words of Benn the case for Benn's supposed breach with previous and the new "movement" of heretic Benn. His himself: "the NEB should invest in potentially the left labour methods, nor gives us a clue as to how 'British socialism has nothing to fear from elec· argument does not work. most profitable areas of industry and should in the Bennery can serve as a spark to light the fire of tions if it has secured a democratic foundation for According to Freeman, the unique components long term make profits which could be reinvested revolution. them, a lay accountable, working class state - With of Benn's politics are his desire to combine parlia­ so that eventually it could extend its influence over Benn aims at securing a "mixed economy" within this, it would get a majority in any representative metnary change with popular protest and his call for a very substantial area of the economy" ("Argu­ which Parliament and the labour movement work body. True, our existing parliament could do with for the unions to use industrial power to secure ments for Socialism" page 57). in harness to ensure that the owners - and owners the removal of some ceremonial relics, and an social change. Benn is unique because he points to The programme - similar in all essential respects there will still be - dispose of their property with elected second chamber might be an idea - perhaps the existence of extra-parliamentary state powers to Benn's present programme - was for state­ social responsibility. made up of national and oppressed groups like the and calls for control over them. And, taken as a directed investment within capitalism. True, it was In this respect, as in all oti:lers, Benn' s "move­ Bolsheviks' second chamber" (page 141). whole, Benn represents a "mass movement" in a greeted with outrage by the bosses and civil servants, ment" does not qualita~ively differ from those of way that Labour lefts have never done in the past. many of whom claimed the Bill represented a step previous left leaders such as Cl'ipps and Bevan. Both These are not the hesitant maunderi ngs of a As Freeman puts it, Bennism, "though a minority towards socialism. But that's no excuse for our put forward,.programmes for state i·ntervention in reformist, but the recipe of a supposed revolutionaryl current, is nonetheless deeply popular. It has swept 'Trotskyist" biographer to get it all so wrong. order to stabilise capitalism. Both advocated some Freeman junks the Marxist programme for a state the constituency labour parties, it has won over two The left at the time recognised Bennery as a degree of incoproration of the working class into of a new type based on workers' councils and a million votes in the unions. .• This is a new, mass state-cepitalist trend within the ruling class, using ~Iie maintenance of capitalism. workers' militia, and advocates a programme of state intervention to shore up problem companies popul,\r so.:ial movement". (p 14). For his pairi;, Cri pps was expelled from the reformed parliamentary government. When Benn and incorporating the working class - at all levels - rejects the Marxist theory of the state and argues Freeman's hagiographic account is certainly party in 1937 (althoug~ he eventually became in the administration and maintenance of the bosses' that the existing state 'apparatus can be rendered not based on any sound material evidence. Bevan, Chancellor of the Exchequer). Repeated attem/lts system. For example, under the headline "Benn's accountable to workers through a process of reform. for example, wrote of the House of Commons: were made to expel Bevan in the early 1950s Industry Bill :It's no threat to the bosses" one' we are never surprised. Freeman joins the queue of "It is an elaborate conspirl'<:Y to prevent the real (although he eventually returned to the fold and newspaper wrote:"Benn's plan is quite decisively a one-time revolutionaries who have given up trying clash of opinion which exists outside from finding spoke virulently against unilateralism). Freeman an appropriate echo within its walls. Jt is a social right-wing conception. His leftish mask should not to argue against him. deceive us" (Workers' Fight 8/2/75). And 'Red gives no decisive evidence 'to convi nce that the shoc~ absorber placed between privilege and the Weekly; the fore-runner of Freeman's newspaper, final history of Benn will turn out any differently. What are the conclusions that Freeman draws pressure of popular discontent" (In Place of Fear, As Freeman proceeds with his argument, it page 26). had a banner headline: "Benn's Bankrupt Bill" , from his whitewash of Benn? The complaints about and wrote: "Far from hClving anything to do with becomes even clearer that despite his Trotskyist cre­ "standing Canute-like" and the cosmetics applied He, like Benn, was perfectly capable of rhetor, dentials, he is, in fact, an apologist for Benn. ically denouncing the extra-parliamentary power of socialism, and despite its pretensions to 'extend to Benn's programme make it quite clear where public ownership into profitable areas of manufac­ He wilfully ignores the ample evidence of Benn's Freeman is going, and where he'd like others to the "estabnshment". But this should not blind us fidelity to traditional Labourism and capitalism so to the fact that a massive gulf separates Benn, as turing indsutry', its just another way of giving state follow. He is for the political liquidation of revol­ hand-outs to the capitalist class" ('Red Weekly' as to present a Benn that "Socialist Challenge" can utionary Marxism into the Bennite movement, and well as Bevan, from the programme of revolutionary adapt to and tail behind. Not only are Benn's Marxism. 6/2/75). for the programmatic adaptations and revisions policies supposedly radically different to those of that would make this possible. For both men the role of parliament is central, It speaks volumes for the impact of Bennery on Bevan, so too is the "movement" that Freeman the "revolutionary left" in the early 1980s that fundamental and sacrosanct. Bevan claimed proudly longs to embrace. This has been made all the more clear in the "Other parties do not assert the wisdom of collec­ Freeman can now dramatically re-interpret Benn's record. Talking of this period he now declares: Freeman's case for calling Bennism a unique author's recent sorties in "Socialist Challenge". In tive action through parliament as the core of their "Benn's policies thus guaranteed that the and popular mass movement is as shallow as the the pre-Labour Conference edition, Freeman fin­ creed" ("In Place of Fear" p 52). For Benn, one of Industry Department in 1974-5 would become the rest of his reasoning. According to him, after its ished an article on 'Socialists, Democracy and the the great dangers is that "If the perspective of peace­ cockpit of a momentous struggle· between contend­ 1979 defeat, Labour's ranks were swollen not only Labour Party' with a call for socialists to continue ful change were.to get blocked within the Labour ing classes, in which no less than the authority of and by 80,000 new members, but by a new type of to organise within the Party whatever the decisions Party, it would not just be the Labour Party but legality of the stllte would be at stake ... Herlr was a activist. Ex-supporters of the Anti-Nazi League, of conference. Of course we don't disagree with that. parliamentary democracy itself that might be danger that as Western demoQ;;racy declined, Marx's followers of "Beyond the Fragments" came into But the key question, as always, is around what pro­ threatened" ("Arguments for Democracy"). The old ideas could be revived in the fire of struggle - the Party, causing the CLPs to "swing sharply to gramme should socialists organise? Freeman's answer fact that Benn supports mandatory reselection and lit by the spark of Benn's ideas" (p 57). the left. This forms the base of the Bennite move­ is that socialists should organise around the existing encourages the prospect of protest demonstrations ment, together with the 2 million votes... in the policy of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions - outside the Commons does' not alter his root loyalty All this is justified by the fact that Benn called unions". This last estimate (presumably referring to against those who are trying to subvert it. to Parliament - a loyalty he shares with the rest of for trade union involvement in the planning agree­ the Deputy Leadership election) can only be true by ments. This could - our born-again Bennite reviewer the Labour Party leadership past and present. the standards of the union bureaucra~, who. on "The alt... native view is to try and construct a occasion pretend that the cards. they wave in the left in the Party which is rooted in mass campaigns, block vote at Labour Party Conferences directly mass struggles, trade union action and which pro­ represent the views of tl)eir members, motes in the Labour Party those policies which Even if we adopt such dubious criteria, the will advance those struggles. Such a (eft wing could uniqueness of the base of Benn's movement still be very broad in character because it could organise disappears. Didn't Bevan ism "sweep the constit­ around a very small number of very important de­ uency labour parties" in the 1950s? Bevan repeatedly mands, many of which are already Labour Move­ came top of the poll in the CLP section of the ment policy, and fight to involve the Labour Party - NEC. And when Bevan was elected Treasurer of the particularly the youth - around actions in support Party in 1956, he got over 2 million trade union of them. This is the policy which Socialist Challenge block votesl promotes." {Socialist Challenge 25.9.82)This cam­ paigning Left is explicitly to be formed as the Party But in the final analysis, all these points are of Labour' on a Labourite programme. 'The Labour peripheral to Freeman's main orientation and con­ leaders say there should be no 'party within a party'. clusions. They simply reflect the attempt of Free­ But they have a 'party within a party - the party of man and his co-thinkers on "Socialist Challenge" capitalists in the Labour Party. We say Labour's to claim that the Bennite movement, whilst not led socialists should build another 'party within a party' by a revolutionary, and not necessarily composed the Party of Labour." (jbid) of conscious revolutionaries, has an internal political logic which is revolutionary. From the pages of his book to the pages of So­ cialist Challenge Freeman's political line remains The driving force·. of this momentum is seen to the same. It is a familiar one. This Socialist Chal­ lie. in the aspiration of rank anll file Labour Party lenge j;)urnalist is travelling the road that Socialist Top: members to exert control over their party, their Organiser's key journalists have already trodden - thr Bevan (on far right), with supporters (from left to right): Harold Wilson, patty's policies and over the implementation of road of programmatic and political prostration be­ Jennie Lee, Dick Crossman, Barbara Castle and Geoffrey Bing. those policies when Labour is next in power. He fore Bennery .• Top right: argues that a Labour Party faced with the resistance Sir Stafford Cripps of the ruling class and its creatures in the state by MatthllW Cobb Bottom right: machine would be forced to either embark on the Benn revolutionary road, and deal with that threatening state machinery, or accept a massive defeat. As such

WORKERS POWER No.36 OCTOBER 1982 PAGE 3 THE FOLLOWING INTERVIEW is iJased on important bases to the US when needed. In foreign holdings, the nationalisation of the banks, this position in its propaganda and agitation was written questions s~bmitted to a representative this context, PO argued, it was not possible the institution of workers' control, the arming of no way unprincipled. PO did not call for the wi of Politica Ourera (PO), an Argentinian Trot­ to support the invasion. the whole people, an internationalist appeal to the drawal of the troops from the Malvinas or call fo skyist organisation affiliated to the Fourth In­ We argued that the correct position from the workers and peasants of Latin America." (Anglo­ any actions against the invasion. Indeed the empl Argentine clash over the Falkland Islands - Workers ternationalist Tendency, in early September. start was to support the invasion as an objectively of their statement of April 5th, as shown in the Power Statement April 4th 19821. terview, was on denouncing Galtieri's failure to ~ The interview followed discussions in July be­ anti-imperialist attack on a British colony. This did not mean that revolutionaries would have campaigned We made it quite clear that the struggle for the sue even the struggle over the Malvinas through t tween Workers Power and rellresentatives of Malvinas was a just one. At the same time we point­ for, or advocated this course of action. Neither did, end. PO on a series of political questions, including ed out that the pro-imperialist Galtieri would betray it mean that the reactionary Galtieri regime itself be-­ The Same cannot be said for a British group t it and that the struggle against the Junta must conti­ the situation in Argentina. In the course of the came any less reactionary as a result of its invasion adopted the same position. To refuse support for nue. We pointed out that only a victory by the wor­ discussion on Argentina it became apparent that ploy. But once the islands were seized it was nece­ the invasion of the Malvinas against British imper king class over the Junta and its bourgeois backers while we had consideraiJle agreement on the ssary to support that invasion against British imper­ ialism was inexcusable. We have dealt at length ir would have ensured a victory against imperialism. line -we would have argued within the Argen­ ialism. That support had to be carried out with our previous papers with the positions publicised by tinian working class in relation to the Galtieri own methods and -our own objactives. Thus Wor­ Only this, position allowed a clear and unambiguous 'Socialist Organiser' during the war. We will not I kers Power's statement issued two days after the opposition to imperialism from the start of the cri­ peat our old argument here. However the recent regime, we differed on the question of the im­ publication of Workers Socialist Review No. 2 ha invasion declared: "Argenti,ne revolutionaries would sis. mediate response of revolutionaries to the re­ brought to light the existence of a ' Minority Ten denounce the manner in which the J,unta has taken While we disagree with PO's position we recognise taking of the Malvinas. dency' in the Workers Socialist League which see on imperialism - an adventurous manner that leaves the pressures that an Argentinian organisation was PO's position, which is summarised in this to have eventually adopted a position very simila the Argentinian people unpr\lpared either to face under particularly in the context of the massive up­ interview, held that while there was no doubt that of PO. This minority, it appears, adopted a I possible reprisals from Britain or carry through the surge against the regime that occured just before that the Malvinas belinged to Argentina, it was conflict to the end. They would call for a genuine the occupation. PO's position appears contradictory Hion of neutrality between their own imperialisrr not possible to characterise the retaking of the anti-imperialist struggle - the nationalisation of all to us but, as far as we know, the way PO acted on and Argentina up until actual fighting broke out islands as an anti-imperialist action - 'a real act of national independence'. PO argued, quite rightly, that Galtieri's motives for retaking the Malvinas had nothing to do with a desire to challenge imperialism. The Junta hoped to head off the rising working class struggle which threatened to topple the regime and place it­ self in a stronger bargahiing position with US imperialism, being able to offer strategically Argentine Trotskyi

Workers Power (WPI: Can 'IOU !live us a brief ex- ... Ianation of why the Galtieri regime was willing to challenge British imperialism over the Malvinas?

Politica Obrera (POI: Galtieri's government decided to occupy the Malvinas for two main reasons. On the one hand, it wanted to reach an agreement with Amer­ and Thatcher's ican imperialism, to a certain extent at the expense of British imperialism, to transform the colonial sta­ Faced with this imperialist aggression our main did it to stamp out a timid expression ,)f indepen­ tus of the Malvinas isles into a semi-colonial one. slogan was' All-out war against imperialism', stressing dence by an oppressed country, which happened to This meant taking away Britain's formal sovereignty the political, economic and military attack (exprop­ be led by a dictatorship. To wipe out distinctions over these islands in order to hand over real sover­ riation of imperialist property, abrogation of all agree­ eignty (exploitation of natural wealth, military base between nations and put differences in regimes in ments with imperialism, arming of the massesl against their place leads to pure subjectivism; international etc.1 to the USA in order to develop a privileged re­ British and American imperialism. lationship with American imperialism. On the other relations between states are robbed of their class But it was not only a ql,lestion of a set of slogans. hand, it was trying to politically control the masses. basis. Trotsky criticised this capricious interpretation It was necessary to organise the independent inter­ It stepped up the exploitation of the working class, stressing that one must not become tFicked by appea­ shoving the whole weight of the economic crisis onto vention of the proletariat with its own methods and rances and that we have to analyse phenomena from the shoulders of the workers under cover of a 'pat­ objectives. This was a key to our activity, ie. to en­ the standpoint of the international class struggle. riotic effort'. The military camarilla tried to use the courage the reconstruction of workers' organisations There is a class divide between countries, some of question to build up 'national unity' around it and and the creation of new organs of mass struggle, the whom are imperialist and some of whom are its vic­ take the initiative in this field. formation of anti-imperialist committees of the peo­ tims, independently of who happens to be leading ple, the organisation of street demonstrations. All the latter. The original criterion of Socialist Organi­ NALVINAS It is necessary to remember that the crisis of the this meant rejecting 'national unity' and struggling ser would lead us very far indeed. For example, to dictatorship preceded the Malvinas crisis. The situa­ for the masses' own demands: tha.t the cost of war tion was characterised by political crisis, economic deny the working class nature of states dominated by should be paid by the capitalists and imperialists, wor­ the bureaucracy because the latter is too imperialist ... bankruptcy, a rejection of the dictatorship by all kers' control over production and the financial sys-­ R6 The argument for the self-determination of the ENrlNR5 classes and especially by a tendency for the masses tem, jobs for all and job security, trade union and po­ 1 tu intervene in the political crisis. There were 40,000 kelpers is openly reactionary and can only be of an ::: z .: litical freedoms. demonstrators out on March 30th, with the open imperialist nature. What is the real meaning of the Our political pOSition was based on the following idea that the Kelpers should be able to decide their J.lresence of contingents from the fact.xies in spite of criterion - the struggle against imperialism does not the trade union bureaucracy's attempt to disorganise own future?The same as that for which the British over-rule class antagonisms between the proletariat und sabotage them. This demonstration showed that fleet was sent to the Malvinas - to recover British col­ and the bourgeoisie and between the masses and the tl1e masses would inevitably intervene in the dictator­ onial domination. This is because of the facit that the dictatorship; in reality it sharpens them. What chan­ ship's political crisis. only distinctive feature of the Kelpers is that they ged was the way in which workers struggled against are British colonial settlers. And their so-called self­ the dictatorial regime. The fight against imperialism WP: What positions did PO take during the war?What determination can only be to remain part of the Brit­ was pushed to the fore. In this fight the working class Were your main demands? ish empire. We are for the self-determination of peop­ had to denounce and go beyond the capitulation of les as part of the struggle against imperialism. But it the bourgeoisie and constitute itself as the national is totally absurd to argue for the self-determination leadership of the masses, imposing itS own methods PO: Our organisation's position was stated in the edi­ of the colonial settlers. and objectives in waging the war. A defeat for imper­ Socialist Organiser tailed the Labour Lefts, who torial of our newspaper on April 5th_ We said that ialism through-an independent intervention by the expressed one of the positions of imperialism: to try taking back part of Argentina's historical territory Defiant anti-imperialist demonstration in Buenos A masses would have meant destroying the basis of sup­ to reach a semi-colonial agreement between the mil­ was not enough to allow us to say that this was a port for the dictatorship. Its fall as a result of work­ itary junta and world imperialism. That is why, in real act of national independence. We did not support was th~ means by which this crisis came to a heac ing class action would have immediately been on the issue no.83, S 0 supported the position that That­ the occupation of the islands and, at the same time, Intervention by the masses stopped this crisis bein agenda. cher and Galtieri should negotiate the future the we denounced the dictatorship's intention to nego­ ot resolved through manoeuvres between the carnarill islands instead of fighting. This meant that (aY Brit- tiate with imperialism. The editorial on April 5th and imperiaiism. ish and Argentinian people should line up behina There is also the economic crisis, which has tal stated our position on the wider questions involved, WP: As you know, many groups in Britain claimin!! to their respective governments; (bl Galtieri and That­ on catastrophic proportions. Hyperinflation and tI with the following programme: " 11 Denunciation be Trtltskyist took a position of refusing to support cher could reach a just, that is, anti-imperialist solu­ breakdown of the Argentinian monetary system is of the intention to capitulate before imperialism, Argentina against British imperialism, saying 'one can­ tion through negotiations; (cl imperialism is something the agenda. The situation of the working class anc either through capitulatory negotiations (over econ­ not support a fascist r8!lime' that 'the K el pers have other than a war machine against the people; (dl the the petty-bourgeoisie is desperate. The bourgeoisie omic or foreign policy I or through a withdrawal of a right to self-determination', or even that 'Argentina imperialist bourgeoisie-can be convinced that war is is divided and world imperialism has stepped up p troops in exchange for a gradual return of the islands is no longer a semi-colonial country'. What is PO's bad and tRat ,the, conflict could be resolved peace­ sure. The class struggle has been greatly sharpened with conditions attached_ 21 Demand for control over attitude to these arguments? all foreign capital, which is already sabotaging and fufiy. Their 'super-revolutionary' pOSition ~ nl;it~r Bignone's government is weak because it was n speculating against the national economy. 31 In the Thatcher nor Galtieri - in practice became 'for That- the result of a new balance of power within the event of war, it is necesaary to spread it to all of the cher a-ner Galtleri through negotiations: -- bourgeoisie and between it and other classes. It is PO~ The organisations in Britain which claim to be S 0 presented the ideas of the Labour Lefts as rather the result of an emergency deal between th mainland by attacking and confiscating big imperia­ Trotskyist and for the 4th International had a heavy list capital and, above all, by calling on the workers being opposed, even timidly, to this war when, in representatives of the various sections of the bour' responsibility with regard to the Malvinas war: to reality, they were the main means by which chauv­ to arm_ 4) Immediate satisfaction of the demands of practise proletarian internationalism and to counter geoisie and the military camarilla. And the various trade unions and other workers' organisations and inism was encouraged to grow within the ranks of economic plans it has tried to implement have ace the imperialist chauvinism of the metropole. This the working class in Britain. satisfaction of the demands of the movement of Fam­ could only have been done through unconditional tuated divisions within the bourgeoisie. Faced witl ilies and Mothers for the 'disappeared'. 51 Encourage defence of the entire Argentinian cause. impending bankruptcy, the argument is about whi the formation of an anti-imperialist united front to Here I VIIant to deal in particular with the position section is going to be hit first. implement this programme_" WP: What have been the effects of the defeat on the, The 'institutionalizacion' scheme of the Workers' Socialist League because it is an or­ [institutionaiJ The attem"pt by the dictatorShip and American military regime?What role has the bourgeois opposi­ zacion - In Argentina this term essentially means c ganisation from which we could have expected a Tro­ tion - the Multipartidaria - played during the crisis' imperialism to reach an agreement failed due to Gal­ tskyist position. Regrettably, this organisation was move towards a government, other t~an military, tie ri's and Thatcher's crisis. For the British govern­ following the defeat7The leadership of'the trade un­ which is subofdinated to forms of bourgeois insti­ well to the forefront of those who capitulated be­ ions remains in the hands of the Peronists - what ment, what was at stake was not sovereignty over fore the imperialist bourgeoisie. tutions - legal, political etc.l whereby the governrr has their attitude been to the regime since the defeat has said that it will transfer power to an 'elected' the islands (in the past there were concrete plans to They refused to characterise .!he _war as, aggressi on leave the islandsl but rather the credibility of British and whllt role have they played in demobilising government by March 1984, is the expression of t by an imperialist countrY against a semi-colonial working class opposition to the regime? imperialism internationally_ Its aim was to defend its country and even outlined the curious theory accor­ compromisI:: to try to hold the regime- together. T participation in the exploitation and strategic use of ding to which Argentina is not a semi-colony because various bourgeois parties in the Multipartidaria ani this region of the world, bearing in mind its links of its capitalist development. This shows a bl!sic mis­ the Communist Party are protecting the military ( PO: The Malvinas war and the military defeat accel­ .tatorship by supporting this 'institutionalizacion'; with South Africa as well. The basis for this was un­ understanding of the Marxist position on imperialism, erated the disintegration of the regime. The fall of they are trying to prevent the military dictatorshil dermined by Galtieri's seizure of the Malvinas and by saying that, for marxists, no capitalist development Galtieri took place in the unprecedented situation of death ag ony from taking a violent form. This bOI his desire to replace British by American imperialism. is possible for semi-colonial countries. However, for direct pressure by the masses (the demonstration on geois front is defending Bignone's government anc The crisis of Galtieri's government was even more marxists, this capitalist development does take place June 15thl.'This is why American imperialism's plan professed 'institutionalizacion' tooth and nail, whi decisive_ The occupation of the Malvinas was designed but it is backward (and of a kind that continually to crown the victory of the British fleet with a re­ not ruling out the possibility of a coup or immedi to get the government out of its problems but only renews this backwardnessl and subordinated to im­ composition of the military government through a elections. It is compromising itself with a governrr succeeded in creati ng more si nce it gave greater force perialism. Argentina is a country which is exploited to anti-imperialist sentiments of an explosive nature palace coup failed. which has no future - which is repudiated by the by imperialism and to deny this evidence is a despi­ This acceleration is mainly due to the fact that among all of the Argentinian people and since it in­ caple theoretical manoeuvre designed to justify pol­ immense majority of the people - because it knoVl creased tensions within the Argentinian bourgeoisie. the masses did not identify themselves with the that the fall of this government would increase th itical capitulation. dictatorship during the war. On the contrary, they These reasons explain why no agreement was reached The political nature of a country's regime is no , tendency for the masses to intervene independantl between these two governments under the wing of accused it of colluding with imperialism and of being The same is true for the trade union bureaucr~ criterion for basing a marxist position on war. That­ , responsible for the defeat. It was not the defeat which American imperialism. The occupation led to open cher did not wage war to defeat the dictatorship. She The tendencies within it have played a waiting gar war. created the dictatorship's political crisis. The defeat and have used fake negotiations with the govern-

PAGE 4 WORKERS POWER No.36 OCTOBER 1982 ~;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~;~;~!; ,Northern Ireland elections .-.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~.~. over the Malvinas. 'In the first sta!les wh.m the task force was despat- It is when we see this position argued in the Brit- ched, it was not at all clear that Thatcher would be ish working class in the middle of Thatcher's war prepared to launch a war if diplomatic efforts failed. preparations that the weaknesses in the PO position The South Georllia operation was conducted without become apparent. While the PO interview makes bloodshed and the officers invited to dinner after- No choice for workers many correct and direct criticisms of the WSl ma- wards. It changed with the bombiny of Port Stanley jority, the minority's recently published position re- airstrip, the sinking of the Belyrano and the Sheffield, mains a muddled and totally Iinadequate basis for figh- the slld~ing down of aircraft and the extension of ting the opportunism of the majority. the total exclusion zone...... (WSR No. 2 p.28)' During the crucial period when Thatcher was For a start British imperialism's intentions could whipping up British chauvinism and assembling her ont, have been 'not clear' to those who failed to in Prior's poll war fleet, both minority and majority of the WSl start from a marxist analysis of the meaning and the were agreed in condemning the invasion, calling for seizure of the islands to British imperialism, or who THE VERY FACT that the Prior initiative has the withdrawal of A:rgentinian troops in the face of willfully stuck their heads in the sand and hoped got ..,eyond the electoral starting post is symp­ Thatcher's threats (see April TllC resolution printed they would not be called on to take sides in a war. tomatic of the crisis of leadership facing the in WSR p.30) and even demanding 'negotiations' be- For the WSl minority it was probably a combination Irish working class as a whole and the anti­ tween the two Governments! of both. As for the supposed 'change' of situation, unionist working class in particular. The elec­ The muddle-headedness of the minority, which one might be forgiven for thinking the comrades of tions to the 78 seat consultative AssemIJly, undoubtedly contributed to the strength of the more the: minority had never heard that' 'war is the contin- clear-sighted opportunists of the majority can be uation of politics by other means'. Nothing politically ' which take place on Octouer 20th, represent seen in the following explanation of the minority's changed with the outbreak of war, British imperialism a further step by the British uourgeoisie in the change of position to support for Argentina in May: was just resorting to different measures having found direction of re-estaulishing Unionist, pro-imper­ ~••••••••••••••••••••••• that threats and economic sanctions against Argentina ialist rule within the context of partition. This '" had not achelved a withdrawal. initiative is devoid of even the sops of 'power­ We think the positions put forward by the WSl sharing' and the 'all-Ireland dimension' provi­ minority in Britain demonstrate the weakness of PO's ded for in the 1973 Sunningdale proposals. position when transferred to the imperialist country. It gives the lie to speculation that the Tories insisting that strike action should be subordinated to It is clear that even had the WSl minority been the ever contemplated more than 'security' and majority throughout it would still have been unable chasing purely symbolic electoral support. to arm its organisation with a genuine internationalist economic co-olleration in the talks with Hau­ Thus, it is not really surprising that PD should be position in the most crucial test for British revolut­ ghey, initiated in 1980 and now in cold stor­ the last to recognise the futility of an active ie. rev­ ionaries in the past period .• age. olutionary, anti-imperialist boycott in the present The deepening recession of world capitalism, context. In fact, their conception was of a nation­ Is alist boycott with no content in terms of class action. takin:] its toll in Britain and Northern Ireland, Our key slogan is to 'Kick the dictatorShip out now', ' together with Britain's interest in safeguarding In this way the only content it could possibly take on would be moral support for the 'real' struggle ie. the only possibility of opening up a democratic per­ its western flank as part of the new, cold-war, spective which , for us, is the democratic constituent the Provo milita-y and bombing campaign. The PO strategic re-armament of imperialism, make it also argued, if the boycott did not come off, for assembly. imperative to screw the lid down on the anti­ The tendency of the workers' movement is to electoral alliances with Sinn Fein to take the nation­ engage in strike movements in spite of the difficul­ unionist revolt This, in turn, will force the alist vote from the SOlP. Not surprisingly, when ties it has had in organising itself and the state of British ruling class to revamp the old reaction­ Sinn Fein decided to run candidates, they also inti· retreat. In Argentina there is a great deal of tension ary mechanisms of partition and sectarian rule mated that they were quite capable of fighting for and stri kes are an elementary response to la desper­ in the North, thus paralysing the working class the nationalist vote under their oWl banner. ate situation and a ragime that is breaking up. This as a whole, strengtheni ng the allegiance of the What approach should revolutionary marxists there­ tension is affecting housewives, students, etc. We protestant workers to 'their' protestant state fore take in the context of Prior's Assembly? Start· have to organise this tendency towards stri kes to en­ ing out from a clear understahding that the strategic and leaving the anti-unionist working class be­ task is the smashing of both pro-imperialist, capitalist sure that it does not fritter away in isolated or loca­ leagured and isolated. Meanwhile the remainder lised activities, without,any prospect (due precisely states, we must relate to the concrete possibilities for to the desperate nature of the crisis.) of the Irish working class is left under the taking that struggle forward on each front at any given Our organisation has launched a mass campaign reactionary rule of the clerical southern bour­ ti me. The IWG beli eve that the perspective of 'active for a general strike to organise this tendency of the geoisie. boycott was not operable, even as a focus for the masses, to express the need to face up to the social Paradoxically, while there are no illusions about minority of the working class in revolt against the and economic catastrophy and to organise the fall the purpose of Prior's Assembly among the anti· Northern state. We believe furthermore that it closes of the dictatorship. Concretely we say that it is ne­ unionist working class, the likelihood is that they off the possibility of addressing the needs of the cessary to have a national mobilisation of the work­ will turn out to vote in the elections. The attempted whole working class, faced as it is with a swingeing, ing class thro\lgh factory meetings to draw up lists boycott campaign called for by Peoples' Oemocracy combined offensive from the British and Irish bour­ of demands, elect strike committees ana demand that : (PO - Irish section of the USFI) - turned out to be a geoisies on all fronts. While we can make no con­ the TU leaders (nationally the TU bureaucrats are damp squib. The arch-conservative, bourgeois nation­ cessions to Uniorism or imperialist policies in any divided into two TU confederations) organise strikes alists of the Irish Independenl1e 'Party were the only section of the working class, the present offensive on accompanied by mass participation through meetings, ones to go through with their own boycott. The jobs, social ;ervices, wages, trade union organisation demonstrations, etc. We pose the need to centralise SD lP, sensitive to the dissent among the anti-unionist makes it imperative for revolutionaries to boldly pre­ the various strike movements nationally to wipe out population, but confident that there was no r~1 sent a programme for a united fightback by Protes· the extreme poverty, unemployment, the dictator- 'danger' of general militant mobilisation of anti­ tant and Catholic workers together. Such a programme ship and the military camaritla. In this perspective we union'ist workers, decided to stand in the elections must address the objective weakness of the Northern call for united action with all TU and political ten­ but promised not to take their seats unless the old working class, not' only internally divided but also dencies which participate in the anti-imperialist and chestnuts of power-sharing' and the 'all-Ireland dim­ beleagured as a whole within the Unionist enclave. anti-dictatorial struggle in order to 'kick out the dic­ ension' were included in the package. On the basis Thus the key focus must be for the mobilisation of tatorship now.' of the SOlP decision, in late August, Provisional ~he all-Ireland labour movement and the solidarity Sinn Fein decided that they too were going to stand of the British labour movement around the struggles candidates. They sensed that it would give them a of Cltholic and Protestant workers. WP How do you see the political situation in Argen­ chance to undermine the SOlP claims to represent The united combativity of Northern health wor­ tina developing in the next period ? the 'Nat'ionalist population'. They too, therefore, kers for the full claim is a clear promise of the pos­ implicitly recognised that there Wi!S'i'!O real likelihood sibilities of generating class antagonism against the of a militant and extensive mobilisation against the Unionist ruling class and its loyalist machinery of PO: The most likely situation is that the present gov­ Assembly. In any case they see the military and bom­ 'divide and rule'. ernment will not remain in power for a long time. bing campaign as the only way to bring down the Thus given the stalemate of the anti-unionist re­ This poses the alternative of a military coup or imme­ Assembly. All they want from the election is evidence volt, with the anti-unionist working class powerless diate elections. A coup d'etat would try to solve the of support among the 'Nationalist popUlation'. As to sweep away Prior's Assembly under the present ment to demobilise members. The wage increase gran­ weakness of the present government through a 'pro­ they wrote recently in their newspaper: "The essence Republican leadership, whilst fully recognising that ted by the government was an insult to workers. This cess of institutionalizacion' which would be contro­ of republican struggle must be in armed resistance the Assembly is part of the attempt to put the lid has encouraged strike movements. 1.1 this situation lled with an iron hand. This implies a change in the coupled with popular opposition to the Britistt pre­ on that revolt, we are not, in principle, opposed to the TU bureaucracy has launched isolated actions to tempo of the present process and not a turn round. sence. So, while not everyone can plant a bomb, ever using the elections as a platform for revolutionary propaganda, focoused on the present conjuncture, disorganise the movement and, to try to maintain its The Multi and the Stalinists are ready to accept everyone can plant a vote." (APRN. Sept.16 o p.1) hold over the mass movement, it is even talking ab­ such an alternative but this leaves the problem of the In this way the bombing campaign begets its own but flowing from a strategic conception of the goal out the possi bi Iity of a national stri ke. economic policy of such a government unanswered. brand of electoralism. of smashing both bourge,)is states in Ireland. This is why there is a confusion of factions prepar­ It was not difficult for revolutionary marxists to There is no question of capitulation to Prior in ing coup d'etats - all of whom have different answers predict the inevitable failure of PO's project of a such a principled tactical use of the elections as long WP: What is the legal position of PO and the other to the crisis. Nati;malist boycott campaign. A clear recognition of as it is clearly subordinated to, and a means for, left parties at the moment and what has been the The current state of division and decomposition the significant defeat which the ending of the Hunger calling the working class to action on the key fronts of the struggle. Even in the event of the Assembly ma,lf focus for 'your group' s political activity since of the military regime poses the possibility of bring­ Strike, just over a year ago, represented for the anti­ convening, it is not the issue of how reactionary it is the defeat? ing forward the date of elections if. the situation wor­ imperialist struggle, provides the key to the inability sens. A pseudo-democratic government arising out of either the PO or Sinn Fein to turn the opposition that determines whether it is principled to use it for of such elections would have the task of demobilising to Prior's plan into a genuine movement based on the purposes of propaganda and agitation, 'but what is the best way to take forward the mobilisation of po: One of the first measures following the 1976 the masses with a combination of promises and illu­ the direct mobilisation of workers' action. There is sory gains, as a temporary solution to the crisis to a tendency among republicans and centrists to under· the working class in struggle. Therefore, although our coup d'etat was to make PO illegal, along with 3 resources do not permit us to stand revolutionary mar­ other left organisations. The CP was not illegal. Its allow the bourgeoisie to prepare a decisive attack on estimate or even deny the seriousness of that defeat. the working class. But, after five years of escalating protest actions, cui· xist candidates, we would, in principle, use the elec­ political activities were suspended in the same way tions, and the Assembly itself if it were convened, as as those of bourgeois parties. From then on all our These policies, and the collaboration in them by minating in the death of ten prisoners, to have settled bourgeois parties, the CP, and Moreno's PST (Socia­ for less than the five demands, to have dropped the a focus for rallying the proletariat to action. activities have had to be carried out in the strictes.t In the present situation there are no candidates clandestinity. The repression coat us a lot - rdisappe­ 'list Workers' Party) have a common objective: to explicit call for politi,cal status, and to have failed to stop the working class movement from intervening standing on the basis of a fighting programme for the ared', imprisoned, exiled - in a period in whi~h even chip the paintwork of Thatcher's determination even in the current crisis. The development of the pol­ at the height of the campaign, and then to deny a class. Furthermore we give no political support to the the possession of the newspaper could lead to the programmes of the Centrist PD or to the Republicans. 'disappearance' of comrades. Our organisation passed itical situation is determined by the attempts by the defeat, is no service to the anti-unionist population or The PO's call for an electoral united front has no the test of struggle against dictatorial repression and bourgeoisie and imperialism to hold the regime to­ the Irish working class as a whole. That defeat, as meaning because it does not pose any cal! to action maintained and developed its organisations, its pub­ gether and by the tendency for the masses to i nter­ the IWG argued before, flowed largely from oppor­ that concretely addresses the strategy of imperialism. 'Iications and its intervention in the class struggle. Our vene directly. The preconditions for a revolutionary tunist accomodation to bourgeois, Catholic national­ Therefore we say to workers: "There are no can­ open political work took a great leap forward during situation are present. There is a breakdown of the ism, and the subordination of direct working class didates worthy of your support. In the absence of the Malvinas war. We can say that PO is a factor in economy and a general political impasse. But there action at all times to the dictates of publicity- the political struggle of the workers' movement, and are already certain elements of a revolutionary sit­ getting and apolitical appeals to humanitarian senti­ such revolutionary candidates we must say 'Don't votel" Organise to fight and force the ICTU to especially of its vanguard. uation: sharp division in the ranks of the exploiters, ment. At the same time, any criticism of the' con­ The fundamental basis of our activity in the feelings of exasperation among the people, incipient tinued bombing campaign or military strategy was mobilise for current period flows from what I said earlier. It is a but real tendencies by the proletariat to reverse the kept outside the scope of militant activists in the * Solidarity with the health workers' demands. question of providing a revolutionary answer to the downturn in activity and go over to direct action campaign. This perspective, which ultimately squan­ * Stop the cuts North and South I regime's political crisis and to the social and econo­ and revolutionary method's of struggle. dered the mass energy on symbolic protest marches * For a fighting organisation of the unemployed • mic crisis. We have to deal with democratic illusions The Argentinian proletariat needs to get rid of and failed to extend spontaneous strike action around 300,000 North and South I ' which many layers of the population might develop. bourgeois democratic illusions through mass struggle the strategic slogan of an indefinite general strike, * For nationalisation under workers' control without We have to make sure that the proletariat does not against the regime and against imperialist oppression was the practical outcome of the PO's abstract, and compensation to fight closures and occupations to become trapped by the pseudo-democratic alterna­ and the crisis. This is not yet the case. OUr organisa­ ultimately popular-frontist, conception of 'mass fight redundancies. tives or by the bourgeois nationalists. tion is attempting to gi\le this struggle a conscious action'. At every point they opposed the efforts of * For trade union based resistance to repressive legis­ We say it is necessary to kick out the dictator­ revolutionary leadership. In this way the pseudo­ the IWG to change the strategy, to put the strike lation, special courts North and South, and Army ship now, against all forms of collaboration with its democratic and nationalist epi~jod! will be short, action and revolutionary workillg class methods of and RUC harrassment .• 'institutionalizacion' (which is an attempt to keep it oj:1ening the road to proletarian revolution.• struggle to the fore. In the end they collapsed into by a member of the Irish Workers Group in place until 1984 and stabilise imperialist control). naked electoral ism in the North and in the South,

WORKERS POWER No.36 OCTOBER 1982 PAGE 5 r~~mfff~m~m~~tr~~~f~~~i The NUM : Part 2fI~~~~tmmlmmmmmm~mmmIImmmmmmm~~mm~IImmmmm~m~~~m~m~~~I~1~m~m~m~m~m~m~tm~m~mm~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~m~~~m~m~m~m~ Arthur enthroned does not mean rank and file power LAST MONTH WE looked at the way the conference Scargill accepted a composite proposal Broad Left in the NUM organised itself on that the Yorkshire resolution calling for £100 a the basis of a purely electoral perspective. The week with its phrase 'demand' be dropped in network of Communist Party and Labour favour of a resolution which was phrased 'seek to achieve'. On these grounds the NEC were able to Left members in the mines set as their goal drop an immediate fight for £100 a week and accept the election of 'left' full-time officials. With the government's £6 wage Iimitl In every wages Arthur Scargill now enthr'oned as President round the same story was repeated. Scargill made and Michael McGahey as Vice-President, it militant demands, declared against incomes policy, would seem that this perspective has borne and promised a fight. But on no occasion did he fruit. . act as he had done in 1969 and 1970. At no time The left is now set to democratise the N EC did he try to mobil ise the large militant areas of and thereby undermine the right-wing's abil­ Yorkshire, South Wales and Scotland (together ity to constantly vote it down. The anomaly with the smaller Kent coalfield) to actually strike for the demands he was raising. The result was of Cumberland and Lancashire, where a few to allow the Labour Government to get away with hundred miners have had the same number of three years of incomes policies. N EC members as Scotland with over 15,000 miners, is to be removed. The NUM headquar­ The story was the same when Tony Benn intro­ ters is to be moved to a mining region. To duced divisive productivity deals in the mines. Twice ­ the miners rejected the deals in ballots. Finally top it all, Arthur Scargill has made plain his . a desperate Gormley flouted these democratic de­ total hostility to the NCB's 8.2% pay offer cisions and gave the regions the right to negotiate for this year, and denounced the NCB's sec­ productivity deals. In doing so he was consciously ret plans to carry through pit closures. dividing the areas - setting those likely to gain from This is all heady stuff - all the more so when the deal against those who were not, and so open­ it is set in the context of the growing ascendancy ing up the possibility of breaking up the union. Gormley was in fact trying to demonstrate the of the right in most of the unions, and of a real South Wales miners strike against closures, February 1981 Picture: John Sturrock (Network) downturn (with notable exceptions) in working authority of his leadership and rout the left. In sentiments into action, Scargill baulked. First he work time - must be supplemented by regularly class militancy. Even one-time arch critics of Scar­ the face of this challenge the left played straight delayed bringing Yorkshire out alongside South elected representatives of each workteam, each gill, the WSL have now been forced to declare: into his hands. Wales. Despite an overwhelming mandate to call shift and each pit. Such representatives would be "The union conferences this year have generally The left did not organise any serious rank and strike action against any closures, he would not the equivalent of shop stewards, more numerous and shown a shift to the left. Most spectacular was file opposition to Gormley. Their own bureaucratic move until a date agreed by the Executive and more accountable than the handful of 'lay' officials Arthur Scargill's first conference as president of strategy in fact left them disarmed. Vic Alien sums designed by them to take the heat out of the sit­ who run each branch. the National Union of Mineworkers, which set the up the state of the left at this time (1977) with uation. NUM firmly on course for confrontation with the telling accuracy: 'A special edition of The Miner Even when the miners in Yorkshire's threatened The present system of secret balloting would government." (Workers Socialist Review No.2). was distributed to explain and advocate the scheme pits walked out, Scargill insisted on holding his fire. also need to be replaced by regular sovereign pit­ The IMG, long the most prominent 'Trotsky­ but left-wing areas were caught unprepared for af­ Then, on the basis of a telephone conversation with head mass meetings - real democratic forums in ist' members of the Scargill fan club, have aired ter the vote against incentives at the Annual Con­ NCB chairman Ezra, who promised drilling tests which arguments could be put and decisions taken similar sentiments in the pages of Socialist Chall­ ference their officials never contemplated that before closing Yorkshire pits, Scargill recommended on all major issues. Area organisation should be enge. These views do reflect the hopes that thou­ there would be such rapid developments. Most of a return to work. His bluster about taking on the on the basis of pit-representatives, organised into sands of rank and file militants have in Scargill. th_ officials gloomily anticipated that the Exec­ Tories counted for little as he placed sectional and area committees and empowered to hold local full­ We would add, however, that they also represent utive reccomendation would be endorsed. They even regional interests before those of the whole wor­ time officials to account. And, all full-time officials the dangerous illusions that militants have in Scar­ were deeply concerned by the way in which the king class. While the rank and file revolt may have should be regularly elected and subject to recall. Union constitution was being misused but could gill. stayed the Tories hand at the time, the left's role Scargill should set an example by submitting see no way within the rules of redressing the sit­ in containing that revolt has allowed them to carry Scargill was a relative latecomer to the charmed uation.' (The Militancy of the British IVIiners,p.275) himself for re-election. Furthermore he, like wery circle of Broad Left officials. He rose to prominence through their programme out of the glare of pub­ other official, should be paid the average wage for No way of redressing the situation despite .two licity. Since February 1981 12 of the 23 threatened with the help of the Broad Left and crucially, its ballot results and a conference decision in their miners. CP stalwarts, but to a large extent he was an in­ pits have closed. favourl What Alien discloses is the left's refusal to This record makes us son1ewhat more circum­ Rank and file militants should organise to dependent operator, a free agent. Scargill's split use these mandates to challllnge Gormley, and to from the CP back in the 1960s was precisely over spect about Arthur Scargill and the Broad Left in fight for this d~mocratic programme. They must mobilise the rank and file to see through that chal­ the NUM than the WSL and the IMG seem to be. also fight for the political transformation of the his refusal to accept party discipline - a fetter on his lenge. Instead, when Gormley pushed through the own personal ambitions. To fulfil these ambitions We start from the position that trade union bureau­ union. Militants must try to win the miners to an decision on local deals the bastions of the left, York­ crats, left or right, are fundamentally incapable of action programme that defends and extends the Scargill, particularly in the late 1960s and early shire, South Wales and Kent took Gormley and 1970s, relied heavily on mobilising rank and file defending the interests of the working class. Their secti->nal interests of the miners anc/. links the Daly to court in December 1977. The result was struggle for those interests to the struggle of the support for militant actions.(See WP No.35). He role is to bargain about those interests when they predictable. The courts backed Gormley. Scargill whole working class. Miners must become the con­ was both a reflection of and a catlllyst for, rank conflict with the needs of capitalism. Our position fumed against the judgement - but productivity scious vanguard of the working class' struggle and file militancy. His maverick nature earned him is that the interests of the working class must al­ deals are today in operation in every area, including against the Tories. The first step in this struggle is the distrust of the more cautious elements of the ways be asserted against the needs of capitalism. Yorkshire. to link the miners' wage claim to the NHS workers' Broad Left (ie. the CPl. But it served his purpose. Scargill's record, and that of the Broad Left he rep­ As the time for Joe Gormley's retirement approa­ claim. Strike with the NHS unioMI Support them It won him power in the Yorkshire officialdCilm. resents, has shown increasingly marked tendencies ched the demands of electoral responsibility exer­ taking all-Out indefinite strike actionl Smash the Once he got this power, however, mobilisations of · to bargain with and concede to capitalism. This is cised an ever heavier toll on Scargill's militancy. a warning that militants must take heed of in the Tories public seCtor incomes policyl No closures the rank and file became secondary. The struggle As the 1982 pay struggle looms miners would in the mines, no cuts in the social services, no re­ he faced after 1973-4 was no longer with the union build up to the October 28-29th ballot. It is a war­ do well to recall Scargill's role in the pit closures ning that needs to be acted on now. dundancies in eitherl Meet both the claims in fulll machine (remembering he had once been expelled dispute in February 1981. When the NCB announ­ . Smash Prior's Law! Don't let Tebbit's Bill reach from the union for organising an unofficial strike Within the NUM militants need to organise them­ ced its programme of closures miners in South selves both to mobilise the rank and file and chall­ the statute book - Force the TUC to call a General committee) but was now within the union machine. Strike to smash all anti-union lawsl In the world of the NEC manoeuverings Scargill's Wales responded immediately by taking strike ac­ enge every hesitation of the official leadership. They best allies were official lefts', McGahey, Williams tion. They set in motion a wave of militancy that need to organise the nucleus of an alternative rank These are the policies militants must organise and co., not the rank and file. Indeed after 1974 could have .prevented any pit closures and turned and file leadership. around. They are the policies that Scargill must be there were a whole number of instances where Scar­ the tide on the Tories. The stage was set for a bat­ Such a leadership would have to fight to over tested on. Illusions in Scargill would be fatal. Rank gill and the Broad Left dissipated militancy rather tle that could have ended this job-cutting govern­ haul the union. The basis of the NUM's pit organ­ and file control of him will be vital. Without it therE than leading it. ment. Scargill never tires of announcing from pub­ isation is ~he branch. meeting outside the pit and is no guarantee, indeed there is every possibility, that lic platforms that he favours industrial action, not representing the whole of the workforce. This sys­ he will go the way of many other 'left' bureaucrats, In 1975, faced with the Labour Government's merely over economic demands, but also for politi­ tem is inadequate. It has left the miners with a tra­ into the lap of the bosses .• wage cutting Social Contract, Scargill repeatedly cal ends. We agree. with his sentiments. However dition of merely rudimentary organisation on the fudged. a confrontation over wages. ~t the 1975 when faced with the possibi~tv of t.ranslating such job. The branch - which should meet regularly in by Mike Rooke GERMANY CONTINUED FROM BACK PAGE was, in fact, handed to them on a plate CSU!FDP coalition the prospect of go­ carrying out the policies of the bourg­ either by suggesting that the policies of election. However if an election were to by Schmidt himself. His in.sis.t'enceon . ing to the polls at the end of the fixed eoisie, with their own methods. This Schmidt were fundamentally different be called the workers must answer: the need for collaboration b8tween wor­ four year life of parliament as a ruling was summed up by Schmidt's repeated from those of the CDU/CSU/FDP or by ·Vote SPD continue the strike until all kers and bosses was translated at the government. All this has now duly taken insistence that he remained convinced accepting that the real problem is only demands are met. Organise to fightl governmental level into the coalition place -- only earlier than was initially in­ of the need for a new coalition with the one of the correct constitutional proce­ with the otherwise unimportant FDP. 'honest' members of the F DP should he ·For an SPD government which relies tended and in circumstances that could dure. on workers' action to force through _The real purpose of this alliance was to easily benefit the SPD and not the bour­ win the confidence vote. pro-working class policies. No coalition allow the SPD, which has always been geoisie's own CDU!CSU. The new government now looks set Against such illusion mongering re­ with the Liberals or any other open inteo~ on carrying out the policies need­ _ to embark upon a direct onslaught on volutionaries must argue for the mobili­ ed by the bosses, to hide behind the Much was made of Schmidt's man- the working class. Count Lambsdorff, Sation of the working class in a general parties of the bourgeoisie. The SPD . FDP when government practice came 09'uvring in the days before the final the FDP Economic minister under strike to thwart the parliamentary must not be allowed to hide behind the excuse of "preserving a coalition"• . into collision with SPD policy~ The vote of no confidence, of how he forced Schmidt and now under Kohl, will have coup's objective - the impiementation of -Force the SPD to meet the most pre­ claim that they were obliged to accept the Liberal FDP to 'come clean' about the new Chancellor's backing for his an austerity plan. Such a general strike ssing needs of the workers: measures which they themselves would the policies they really wanted and of austerity programme. This programme could throw back the bourgeoisie's cho­ Defend all jobs. For a 35 hour week not have dreamed of implementing has how the German electorate, at least in will reduce the dole and rent rebates, sen line of attack and lay the basis for and a sliding scale of hoursl been a constant refrain of the SPD in Hesse, rallied to him as the injured par­ increase insurance contributions, increase preventing Schmidt's implemetation of ty in a cynical and treacherous example hospital charges, cancel maternity leave the same progrart:lme. Whilst the demand Defend the public sector. For a pro­ the last period. Naturally the policies, gramme of public worksl of political horse-trading. The Hesse ele­ benefits and student grants, introduce for a general strike has to be made on when implemented, undermines working Defend living standards through a slid­ ction; and Schmidt's tactics do indeed an incomes policy for all civil servants the leaders of the ADGB(GermanTUC) class support and it was this gradual at­ ing scale of wagesl trition of SPD popularity upon which illl-lstrate some importl!nt political and reduce starting salaries for teachers. no reliance can be placed on them to call it, if they do not then the workers No attacks on women's rights and jobsl the bourgeoisie decided to concentrate points of which revolutionaries in Ger­ The working class must be mobilised to oppose this austerity plan. In the through their own local and plant based No attacks on immigrant workers - end their attack. The idea was that, over a many should take note. Firstly, the SPD the expulsions; full political rights and first place the SPD itself must not be organisations should mobilise the strike relatively long period, the SPD could be can still rely on widespread support in rights of permanent residence to all im­ let off the hook or be allowed to intro­ themselves, especially important given made to appear to have lost its mandate circumstances where they can appear as migrant workersl duce piecemeal and clandestinely what that the .political stri ke is to rule, hanging on to power long after a direct alternative, and opponent of, unconstitutional according to German Out of Natol Expel all occupying the open bourgeois parties proclaim as by-elections, local elections and elect­ the openly bourgeois right wing parties. law. .. ar"!iesl No Cruise or Pershingl tions to the second chamQer had . Secondly, that support has a class basis. their programme. To oppose the Gen­ proved that they were no longer the It is still ' overwhelmingly the working scher coup either by mobilisations in de­ The object of a general stri ke must Around these policies the working "people's choice". 'In such a situation a class which votes for the SPD. Thirdly, fence of the Schmidt government or by be the defence of working class living class can ensure that the end of "social transfer of government power by pure- . Schmidt, and the SPD generally are as demanding a new election would be to standards against the bourgeoisie's aus­ peace" means the beginning of a fight Iy parliamentary means gave the CDU! committed now as they ever were to lead the working class into confusion terity plans.. not the call for a general for working class power .•

PAGE 6 WORKERS POWER No.36 OCTOBER 1982 THE TlilfELFTH CONGRESS of the ·Stalinist • Changes in the party constitution led to the deletion of allegiance to Mao as the 'Great Leader' Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has complet- and the main task of the Party is now to achieve ed its work. As expected it iJrought allout the modernisation of China. few chanyes in tile IJOlicies already being The Congress met against the background of pursued by the dominant faction around mounting evidence of stagnation and crisis in the Deny Xiaopiny. As is always the case in the planned economy. Congress endorsed the report internal proceedings of the Stalinist parties of General Secreta'ry Hu and his proposals on the the Congress was only held whE!n the dom- 6th Five Year Plan with regard to the tasks of the inant faction was sure that it would rubber- 4 Modernisations. The Plan does little more than stamjJ its policies and sanction the defeat of sanction what has already been in practice over rival factions within the ruling bureaucracy. the last two years. Its most important features are the opening up of China to the West and the dra- In fact, the main function of the congress matic decentralising of the domestic economy. This was to confirm, in retrospect, the policies is the strategy of the Deng faction for delivering of the dominant group in the CCP since the Chinese economy from the ten 'bad years' after they succeeded in removiny the "Gang of the Cultural Revolution and its present economic Four". stagnation. The Congress took place at a time when All the indicators highlight the very serious cri- the faction around Deng Xiaoping was con- sis that has hit the Chinese economy. Growth rates Deng and Thatcher fident that it had successfully suppressed the in industrial production over the last three years , have remained low. The absolute value of heavy The budget for China in 1981 included in its reve- was 'allocated to equipment and installation and major forces of opposition to its rule. The industrial production suffered an estirt:lated decline nue foreign loans worth 8 billion RMB (4.76 billion 3 million RMB to priority industries. But it is in­ leaders of the old "Gang of Four" have of 5% in 1980. [Far East Economic Review 11.12.81 J US dollars) mostly made up of purchaser" credit. creasingly relying on the economic I~ers of the iJeen put through their own show trial and Likewise grain output fell by 5%J ro1,980 co m- Wei Yuming, Vice Chairman of the Foreign Invest- market economy to indirectly control the level of sentenced. The confident Deng has decided pared to 1979 a-nd energy output decreased by 2.9%. ment agency gave the figure of 17.3 billion US investments in the various sectors through control­ not to carry out the execution of Jiang Qing- [October Review) The government was faced with dollars for the last two years loan agreements with ling interest rates, the supply of credit and tax rates. Mao's widow. The majority of the supporters a high financial deficit of 17.06 billion Remenbi various governments and organisations, including This policy was summed up by Hu Yaobang in the of the Gang of Four have been routed in sub- (RMB) in 1980. 400 million US dollars from the World Bank, the report he made to the 12th Party Congress : "Enterprises may be allowed to arrange their sequent 'Reversals of verdicts. ,.In t h e I oca I"Itles. The I'nflation rate rose to 5.6% in 1979 and is Japanese Overseas EconomicI CorporationB k Ch' Fund production flexibly in accordance with the changes Grassroot opposition from the 'Democratic expected to reach double figures in 1982. Though and the bJapanese ' , Export ' mportt ', ant . 150/Ina of now workers' wages artd peasant incomes have officially faces de t servIcing costs amoun Ing 0 /0 , in market supply and demand. The date for its part Dissidents', which flourished in the aftermath increased by 10-20% over the last two years through its total debts. Some of this will be paid in coa~/ should lIXercise control through policies, decrees and of the turmoil that accompanied Deng's re- bonuses and increased prices for agricultural pro- oil and non-ferrous metals, the remainder must be adminidrate by indudrial and commercial offices and turn to power, has been suppressed by har-; ducts, real incomes have in fact declined. Premier paid with scarce foreign currencv. should help those enterprises with the supply of rassment, detention without trial and - in Zhao Ziyang was forced to admit that "serious fin- China is relaxing its restrictions on foreign in- certain important raw and semi-finished materials". those rare situations where trials have taken ancial and economic crises are latent" and if unre- vestments and has approved of 29 joint-venture [FEER 10.9.82) place - extremely severe sentences. dressed, will develop into "explosive crises." [Octo- projects and more than 400 co-production schemes The same-tendency is reflected in the official encouragement and inducemen~ for private enter­ In spite of speculation that the oldest members ber Review.] as well as compensation trade to the value of 1.5 of the Standing Committee and the Politburo would Faced with this crisis the Chinese Stalinists are billion US dollars. An oil deal struck with the US prises. In the same speech Hu reiterated the position stand down, nothing of the sort took place. In fact moving to strengthen China's dependence on Wes- company Arco is an example of what these openings that planning took precedence but added : the 12th Congress set up another ruling body - the tern capitalism and the operation of capitalist mar- to foreign capital and technology will mean. Though "A number of small commodities which are low Party Advisory Council - in order to accomodate kat mechanisms within the planned economy. In the terms are secret, it is believed that the US co m- in output value, great in varioty and produced and the ageing leaders of Deng's faction. The Congress the hands of the bureaucracy the planned economy pany will pay for the cost of exploration in the supplied only seasonally and locally need not and confirmed the new leadership of Hu Yaobang as necessarily stagnates under the dead weight of South China Sea and, if successful, will re- cannot be controlled by planning." [FEER 10.9.821 the Party General Secretary, and Premier Zhao Zi- corrupt parasitical management. In order to drag cover these costs when production starts. The New regulations allow private enterprises to yang. Both Hu and Zhao are proteges of Deng. themselves out of the impasse the Stalinist bureau- Chinese state obtains about 90% of the oilfields pro- hire up to 2 persons and take on 4 apprentices.The private entrepreneur can open a bank account and bor­ There is no doubt that Deng will be able to con- cracies of East Europe as well as China historically fit and the company receives 10%. Moreover, Chin- row the initial capital from the Bank of China. This has tinue wielding power through them. look to the piecemeal adoption of capitalist mecha- ese officials indicated further concessions with a led to a mushrooming· of small enterprises, espec- Deng can also maintain his control through his nisms to bale them out. Either the working class low 30-35% foreign corporate tax rate, creditable ially in retailing - there has been a dramatic increase ally Ye Jiang Ying on the Military Affairs Commi- will overthrow the bureaucracy and take the planned against tax liabilities in the US. in the number of shops selling craft wares, fresh ttee and his own position as the effective head of economy into its own hands, developing its full I the People, s liberation . army. H'e ramalns a mem- potentl'al, or the bureaucracy wl'll progressl'vely dis- Other measures are being used to woo foreign food, fruit, vegetables and meat as well as restau· ber of the standing committee of the Politburo. mantle the plan, the state monopoly of foreign investors. In some industries, tax exemption is offer- rants and snack stalls. The density of retail shops Deng further secured his position in the CCP trade and place China once more in the hands of ed for the first year and reduction in subsequent has doubled in 3 years and the self-employed now by removing Hua Guofeng from the Politburo. Hua the institutions of world imperialism. years. Under a generous joint-venture agreement make up 16% of employment in the reatil sector. was the successor appointed personally by Mao on Deng stated during the Congress that China the foreign partner provides technology in return This has been useful for the Stalinists as a means the recommendation that 'With you in charge, I, am would run its own affairs while "unswervingly fol- 'for royalty payments. For 2 years after the joint of absorbing the urban unemployment. Private re­ at ease'. Hua had endorsed all the ,major Gang of lowing a policy of opening to the outside world" venture ends or the operation reverts to the Chinese tailing, how~er, remains limited to those items not Four policies including the bloody suppression of [Guardian 2.9.821 This means increasingly China is partner, royalty payments will continue at 3 times designated Category 1 and 2 goods; 'grain, mass demonstration of 100,000 citizens in Tienan- taking steps towards integration in the world trade the average paid in the last 3 years of the joint oil, cotton, certain industrial and medical materials. men square against Mao and the Gang of Four in system. This November it will be sending observers venture. Parallel to this is a partial de-collectivisation of 1976. Congress criticised Hua for what it termed to the ministerial session of the General Agreement Little wonder then that Mrs Thatcher, on her agriculture. The Communes' land has been divided 'leftist' leanings and blamed him for the delay in of Trade and Tariff (GATT). It had been anticipated recent trip to China, attempted to clinch deals up into small parts for cultivation by households outlawing the slogans and policies that dated from that China would eventually join GATT, ever since for British Companies such as Cable and Wireless or labour groups. It is estimated that 50% of the the cultural revolution. Hua was also criticised for Peking became a member of the World Bank and the and GEC to build a nuclear power station and a collective units, particularly in the richer areas, sanctioning over-ambitious investments in 120 heavy International Monetary Fund in 1980. The price microwave telecommunication system in Guandong. have taken up this 'production responsibility' sys­ industrial projects which have been hurriedly can- China will have to pay for the benefits of GATT The imperialists are all eager to cash in on the tem. While the state maintains acreage quotas for celled by the Deng faction. membership will be the 'liberalisation' of its own bureaucracy's 'liberalisation' programme. all major crops, peasant households are either con­ tracted by the collective for specific work or are Hua was not the only prominent figure to lose import and trade procedures. Similarly the IMF Further more, a new plan put before the State free to grow what they like in an allocated area as his position. Congress agreed to set up a Central made oonditions for China's membership and loans, Council recently gave new economic autonomy to Commission for Discipline charged with overseeing for example by insisting on an agreement to abolish 11 coastal provinces. Like the smaller special eco- long as they are able to meet the state quota and a rectification campaign and a re-registration of all the present system of dual exchange rates for in- nomic zones [SEZ],these Special Economic Areas the collective's levy. This has resulted in the short space of 2 years in a sharpening of marked differ­ party members next year. This is officially aimed ternal and external currency transaction. [SEA]no longer require prior central government at purging the party of corrupt and dishonest mem- The World Bank's report on the Chinese econo- approval on matters concerning imports, customs ences in peasant incomes betwean those who have bers but will serve to further root out anti-Deng my [FEER 14.8.81 ]suggested the use of high capital duties, foreign exchange, interest rates, concessions the skill and money to invest in fertiliser and other elements among the 39 million party members - inflow in the form of foreign loans to fuel econo- on loans and investment projects. These zones will inputs, and those without. many of whom joined the party and rose to power mic growth. This line was dutifully adopted by the come increasingly to resemble the foreign concession Deng has always been fond of saying that' it during the Cultural Revolution. 5th National People's Congress in December 1981. areas in pre-1949 China. The other key element does not matter whether a cat is black or white as -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ in Deng~dra~gy~r~~eChina~economy~the long as it catches mice.' Bourgeois commentators • . decentralisation of the domestic economy. This lavish praise on such statements as examples of 'prag­ In order to launch the publication matism' and 'reali~m'. In fact this saying gives full 'restruct'uringl and 'readjustment' shifts the respon­ of The Degenerated Revolutlon.a new book expression to the degenerate cynicism of the Chin­ from Workers Power and the Irish Workers Group, sibility for investment and sources of investment onto individual enterprises and banks. Since 1980 ese Stalinid bureaucracy. They owe their power to Workers Power Is organising a day of lectures, the overthrow of capitalism in China but. they stand debates and discussion on the topics covered In China has gradually been converting state owned "The Degenerated Revolution". 'administrative corporations' into 'enterprise cor­ to lose all their power and privileges should the porations' responsible for their own profits and workers and peasants of China take the post-capitalist The aim of the day Is to stimulate wld.ranglng dls· property forms into their own hands and commence cusslon on the British Left about a question that losses. Tax is paid to the central government on continues to cause confusion In Its ranks. To this profits earned rather than all profits being remitted the construction of a socialist economy. They therefore preside over a pr:>perty form that they end we will be Inviting speakers from the major ten­ to the state as before. At the same time, prices dencies on the British left, challenging them to test have gradually been adjusted to reflect more closely cannot render dynamic or stable because they must their theories on the nature of the Soviet Union, the actual market condition for producer goods at all times deny the toilers themselves all demo- Eastern Europe etc, In debate with us. and finished materials. This 'profit retention' system cratic rights. . . ,_ Plenary sessions will be organised to allow plenty gives considerable leeway to enterprises to decide Faced with i crises and stagnation they are driven to apply capitalist recipes to patch the econ­ of time for discussion. We urge all those Interested how much of their profit will be reinvested and how In resolving a burning theorletlcal Issue with enor­ much will be distributed to management and wor­ omy together rather than risk losing their power and mous practical revolutlo nary slg nlflcance to attend privileges at the hands of the workers. And the app­ kers as bonuses. this event. All are welcome. lication of those remedies serves to accelerate the Coupled with this is the switch over to credit process of disintegration of the pOlSt-capitalist pro­ Date: Saturday November 13th financing of the enterprises. Instead of being allo­ perty form. Sections of the bureaucracy - notably Time: 10.45 Registration; 11.00 start; cated state funds for capital i nvestments,state enter­ based around the military and heavy industry- have Venue: Dlgbeth Civic Hall, Birmingham. prises are now free to request medium and short­ Tickets: £1 waged 50p unwaged periodically attempted to block individual measures term loans from the People's Bank of China. Within of decentralisation and reform. But in China, as in certain stated limits, enterprises can set their own Agenda: all the other workers' states, no major section of the production quota, arrange to buy or sell to other bureaucracy has any lasting or viable alternative enterprises, and to export finished goods. At pre­ 11.00: - 1.00 Plenary:Russian Revi)lutlon""Th,e Degeneration of the li;;iiilillll~111 solution to the stagnation of the planned economies. 1.00 - 2.00 Lunch break se"t enterprises are allowed to arrange imports but The Chinese Staliilists' Congress highlights the in­ 2.00 - 4,30 Debates on: "Is Russia a workers stlter' nave to receive permission to purchase foreign cur­ disputable fact that the bureaucracies remain an "The Cuban Revolution and Castrolsm' rency from the central economic agencies. objective force for the restoration of capitalism in "The theory of structural aSSimilation" The centralised planned economy in China is 4.30 • 5.00 Break the workers' states. Only the destruction ,of bureau­ 5.00 • 7.00 Plenary:, "Stallnlsm • what It Is Ind how Copies of "The Degenerated Revolution" are . therefore being partially dismantled and transformed cratic rule through political revolution can save the to fight It". now available, price £2 (plus 40p p &p). , into a new system that incorporates features of the working class from paying the price of the bank­ market economy. At the moment the state retains rupt policies of the Stalinists.. ' Orders for the book and for tickets for, the debate .should be sent to: overell control through its allocation 9f loans to, each sector ~mple in 19802, m ill i,on R~B by Din Wong Workers Power, BCM Box 7750, LONDON WC1N 3XX. (Cheques payable to Workers Power)

WORKERS POWER No.36 OCTOBER 1982 PAGE 7 Health • workers •

RANK. AND, FILE MUST TAKE 'L AD NO ! THE THATCHER GOVERNMENT health service unions, principally Spans- , ing,"The TUC campaign will now get has decided to try and defeat the wick of COHSE and Bickerstaffe of much harder and there will be more health workers by dramatically up­ NUPE were squandering the rank and thrust to it. This campaign will go on ping the stakes in the dispute. The file militancy that could win the dispute indefinitely" He also insisted, '~ are Now after the Tori1es' provocation and widely pUblicised 'Think Tank' re­ not in the business to have a national after the day of action in which hund­ strike as such because a national strike port, which proposed a short-term reds of thousands showed their readi­ is used to bring down governments." programme of scrapping the NHS ness to fight, those same leaders con­ If the government falls because of a altogether was a blatant provocat­ tinue on their disastrous course. national strike to win fair pay for . ' ion to the health workers. While it The way to win the strike is to health workers then so much the b'etter. has ueen shelved for the time oeing' launch an all-out indefinite strike in the But, if the campaign is dragged on "in­ (out of electoral consideration) its health service (with emergency cover be­ definitely" then the government stands olljective of savaging the NHS and ing decided on by the health workers every chance of riding out the dispute. boosting private medicine is still themselves) combined with solidarity The militancy will be worn down by oeing pursued oy the T oreis. strike action from other sections of days of action, like the coming series of rolling strikes, which appear increasingly For the Tories, defeating the workers. With the government's 3.5% pay limit and the NCB's refusal to grant pointless to many workers. Militants health workers is integral to their the miners' claim the case for solidarity must act now to check this sorry tale strategy of dismantling the health is strengthened. The pay fight can be of mislaadership. They must mobilise service albeit bit by bit. this is broadened by workers bringing forward the militancy that exists and not allow what the bosses are now openly' their cl:lims and striking alongside the it to be dissipated. They must take the clamouring for. In an attack on health workers. dispute out of the hands of the bureau­ Thatcher from the right Waiter However, no such calls can be heard crats and place it in the hands of the Goldsmith of the influential Ins­ from Congress House. Furthermore rank and file. ' Spanswick, Bickerstaffe and co are in The build up to September 22nd ; ~ titLJte of Directors complained, fact opposed to such a determined and events since then show how this . 'The greatest failure of the That­ - ~ course of action. can be done. In Sheffield and Leicestel i cher government and that giving ' Q For example, when London's ambu­ Workers Power health workers played a ' ~ greatest concern to its business sujJ­ lancemen'decided overwhelmingly to go vital role in organising rank and file act­ porters is the fact that it has prov- on strike on September 22nd they were ions. Our regular health workers bulle­ , ed unable to reduce the 45% of immediately rounded on by Spanswick tin, Red Pulse, has repeatedly put the gross national product consumed and NUPE's National Officer Bob Jones. case for indefinite strike action. Its in­ by the pulJlic sector: Through a Instead of support the ambulancemen fluence played a role in winning the programme of gradual cuts and. received exhortations to abide by the majority of the Sheffield hospitals, for management's emergency cover schemes. gradual closures the Tories aim to example, to support a call for indefinite Bickerstaffe on the day of action action. Our supporters played a leadin(J deliver the goods to their backers. could offer only more days of action. role in getting the Area Joint Shop Ste­ As well as cuts the Tories have He refused to use the platform to call wards Committee to make direct appeals thrown down another gauntlet - the for the implementation of NUPE's con­ to rank and file workers in the steel' fashion, must commit delegates to build­ 3.5% pay limit for the public sector in ference policy on an indefinite all-out and engineering industry. As a result ference of rank and file delegates to dis­ ing co-ordinated indefinite strike action. the coming pay round. While Fowler strike. In arguments with Workers Pow­ both industries were almost solid in cuss taking the dispute forward. Also it has offered health workers an extra %% er health workers after his speech Bic­ their support for the day of action. At has called for a national conference of The weakness before has been that areas on top for next year, this incomes po­ kerstaffe maintained that he was not the Laycocks Engineering plant, f:lr ex­ delegates from health workers' stewards taking such action did so in isolation. licy is explicitly designed to condemn prepared to go any further than the ample, after a mass meeting addressed and strike committee in late October. This conference can ensure that this is the! public sector topermanent~ ­ TUC health services committee and was by a Workers Power health worker, a This call has been endorsed by Nether no longer the case. It must resolve to organise the maximum forces in co-or­ pay. definitely not willing to launch a cam­ vote of 600-29 decided to strike for the Edge hospital joint shop stewards com­ mittee in Sheffield. Every militant in dinated strike action to win the full 12% It makes the present dispute all the more paign in support of NUPE's policy aim­ day. the NHS must build for this conference. with the officials' support if it can win more vital for thousands of workers in ed at the rank and file of the other This militancy and the links that It could become the springboard for or­ it, without it if it can·t. the health and throughout the public unions. have been established must be built upon. ganising a rank and file alternative lea­ sector. Victory for the health workers Bickerstaffe may sound more mili­ In Leicester the Health Strike Co-Ordin­ Details of the Conference can be ob­ dership to the ditherers in the TUC now can mean defeat for a cornerstone tant than Spanswick, but then words are ating Committee has taken important tained from: of the Tories pay strategy. cheap. When it comes down to it he ac­ steps in doing just this. It has establish- health service committee. This confer­ Ron Giles, cepts Spanswick's strategy of allowing ed an Action Committee open to dele­ ence, which must be open to resolutions The Pharmacy, Last month we argued that the trade this strike, like a popular show, to run gates from unions who took action on from all delegating bodies and must be Nether Edge Hospital, union bureallcMts at the head of the and run. Spanswick summed this up say- the 22nd and is convening a local con- conducted in an open and democratic Sheffield. , ( Germany:· the end of social peace SUBSCRIBE! I " . TWO WEEKS OF Parliamentary cing a ~eneral election, underlies coalition collapsed prices on the Frank- class collaboration of the long boom, parlour games have resulted in a I their uncertaTnty about 'how to furt stock exchange rose sharply, show- have been under increasing pressure to new government for the Federal deal with the increasingly obvious ing finance capital's seal of approval for speak out against the SPD's attempts to Repulllic of Germany. The 13-year impact of the world recession on the parliamentary coup. force the working class to pay the costs ' ' " h E of the crisis in terms of jobs, living stan- old coalition of the Social Demo­ the German economy. Genscher's gamble, as T e cona- crats (SPD) and the Liberals (FDP) The policies of 'social peacer associa- mist has dubbed it, was an undoubted dards and cuts in unemployment pay. ended on September 17th after the ted with the SPD-FDP coalition have risk. The nondescript CDU leader Kohl Parallel to these developments the de- SPD Chancellor, Helmut Schmidt, begun to conflict with capitalism's is not the ideal saviour that the bour- veloping conflict with the US, illustrated challenged Genscher's FDP to needs. These policies, which ensure high ' geoisie would like to see become Chan- by, but by no means limited to, the productivity through the granting of im- cellor. However they were prompted to Siberian pipeline were an important fac- choose whether or not to stay in portant concessions to the working class take the risk because of a fear that the tor in the 'German bourgeoisie's calcula- the government on the SPD's terms.' in the form of high living standards, can SPD would not be able to convince the tions. The SPD was identified in the Genscher defected and now, after no longer be afforded. Unemployment working class to take the necessary cut public mind both nationally-and 'inter- a "constructive vote of no confi­ is steadily rising, currently standing at in living standards required in the inter- nationally with the 'Ostpolitik' that is, NAME ...... •.....•..• dence" a new conservative coalit~ 7.8%. Two million on the dole in Europe ests of capitalist profitability. increasing trade with the Soviet bloc and ion of the Christian Democrats rope's showpiece economy indicates a the avoidance of outright political 'con- and Bavarian Christian Socialists slowing down of growth rates and invest- History has often shown the experi- frontation. The public feuding within ADDRESS .••••••.•• " ••• (CDU/CSU) and FDP has taken ment in West German industry. Further- ence of a social democ~clti~JIl gov- tile SPD over the sta~ioningof the Cruise more the enormous cost to tile state of ernment (that is to say a party support- and Pershing missiles in West Germany office, with the right-wing Helmut unemployment benefits is becoming in- ed by the workers as 'their' party but was further proof, for the capitalist, ...... Kohl at its head. A general elect- tolerable for the capitalists. Benefits ac- nonetheless a party which rules solely that the SPD was rapidly outliving its ion has ileen Ilostponed until Marcll count for 38% of all of West Germany's in the interests of the bourgeoisie) leads immediate usefulDeS5 ~nd had to be re- ...... 1983. social spending having risen from 15 bil- to a whittling away of its mass support placed by a .new government committed This parliamentary coup marks lion US Dollars in 1960 to a staggering as promises are broken and pledges left . to both a material and ideological of- Send d to the .cid.... below Ind an important change in the policy 250 billion in 1981. With Schmidt and unfulfilled. Rapidly rising unemploy- fensive on the working class. rec:aive 12 i..... of the paper. the SPD committed to retaining these ment and the partial, even total collapse of the German bourgeoisie and he­ Their problem over the last two Mike chequ.. or POt pay""e tc ralds a concerted attack by them on levels of spending, indeed preparing an of giant firms and traditional industries Workers Power MId forwlrd to: expansion of public spending (albeit (for example the technical bankruptcy years has been how to achieve such a the living standards of the German government given the SPD victory in only a short-term cosmetic one), the of AEG Telefunken and the demise of Worke"PCWNr, working class. However, their stra­ the 1980 elections. The chosen strategy bourgeoisie were forced to use the FDP the steel industry of the Ruhr) have re- BCMBox77&O, London, tegy of bringing down Schmidt via to provide a governmental crisis and suited in increasingly militant mobilisa- WC1 N 3XX. blatant manipulation' of parliamen­ clear the way fqr an austerity budget. tions of the trade unions. Trade Union CONTINUED ON PAGE 6 tary procedure, rather than by for- , It was significant that on the day the leaders;' the SPD's willing allies in the

. , Printed by SPIDER WEB OFFSET, 14 - 16 Su ...x Way, London N7 Published by WORKERS POWER, BCM Box 7750, London WCIN 3XX