The Case for Ecosocialism 29 John Molyneux
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German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
1 Samir Amin Preface English Future of Maoism Mao Is
1 SAMIR AMIN PREFACE ENGLISH FUTURE OF MAOISM MAO IS BACK The Marxism of the Second International, workerist and Eurocentric, shared with the dominant ideology of the era a linear view of historical progress in which every society must pass first through a stage of capitalist development before being able to aspire to socialism. The idea that the “development” of some societies (the dominant centers) and the “underdevelopment” of others (the dominated peripheries) is an imminent product of the worldwide expansion of capitalism was completely alien. Understanding the polarization inherent in capitalist globalization is essential for formulating any view about transcending capitalism. This polarization lies behind the possible rallying of large fractions of the popular classes and above all the middle classes (whose development is itself favored by the position of the center in the world system) of the dominant countries to social-colonialism. At the same time, it transforms the peripheries into a zone des tempêtes, in a continual natural rebellion against the capitalist world order. Certainly rebellion is not synonymous with revolution, but only with the possibility of revolution. On the other hand, grounds for rejecting the capitalist model are not lacking in the center of the system, as 1968, among other things, illustrated. Undoubtedly, the formulation of the challenge by the Communist Party of China (CPC), at a given moment, in terms of the country-side encircling the cities, is too extreme to be useful. A global strategy of transition beyond capitalism in the direction of world socialism must articulate the struggles in both the centers and peripheries of the system. -
AND 'SOCIALIST W(,N"~N • NOTHING to OFFER MILITANTS the SHEFFIELD NHS Stewards Conference SO Supporters, It Was by and Large Left to WP the Time Being, Unshakeable
,.. • INS I • ENTRYISM GAY RIGHTS SPANISH ELECTIONS , ••••• I11 :::;:;:'::::::::::::::::~:~:r~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~{:~:~::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:~:t~~ STOP THE BETRAYALS! STOP TH'E RETREAT! THE EMPLOYERS AND the Tory oppose them and who are now busy ca I" Government have notched up im~ v,ing out a bosses' labour Government portant new victories for their class. as their alternative to Thatcher have Leyland workers have voted to ac lived to dodge a fight another day. Or cept a two year package deal that so they hope. gives them only a 5%% pay rise Thatcher, and her primed cheer lead each year. Meass meetings reversed ers in the gutter press, are riding high. As a direct result of the spineless parlia previous decisions to resist manage mentarians in Labour leadership this ment's plans. Miners have voted to hated and barbarous government is well accept the NCB's pay offer and fai ahead in the opinion polls. The govern failed to give the NUM executive a ment is now set to reap more fruit for mandate to ca" strike action again its class by introducing yet another st tile Tories. round of anti-union laws frol)"l Tebbit's The wretched leaders of the stable and a share out of profitable TUC Health Committee took these plums shaken from the trees of the decisions as a signal that they could nationalised industries and social and welfare services. now prepare the final derailment These are all aefeats for the working of the health workers dispute. They class in general. The "o~y government is called off the November 8th Day out for even more blood and the Labour of Action, with no new money on and TUC leaders will not stop them. -
IOJT Is an International Organization for Judicial Training Institutes Which Aims at Providing Its Members with the Opportunity
IOJT is an International Organization for Judicial training institutes which aims at providing its members with the opportunity to learn from one another, to share innovative approaches to the education of the judiciary and to build a strong network of people involved in judicial education. The idea of professional training for Judges is a relatively new one - the first such institutes were established after the Second World War. It was a common conception that Judges already knew everything, and didn’t need any training. This changed as the Judge's profession began to be seen as a skill that needs to be learned, up kept and updated. As such, the profession is similar to the practice of medicine or education, where the practitioners must be both idealistic and constantly updated in order to serve in the best possible fashion. It became clear that despite the many and various judicial systems prevalent in different countries there is a common denominator for the judicial profession as a whole. The need arose, therefore, to promote the exchange of information and ideas between these schools and institutes, as well as to assist countries in their initial steps to establish their own training schools. The initiative for the establishment of an international organization of judicial training institutes was first raised at a conference held in Sao Paulo, Brazil in 1997. A declaration stating the importance of international cooperation between institutes for judicial training, and calling for the establishment of an international organization designated to this issue, was signed. This has become known as the "Sao Paolo Declaration". -
Socialism and War.Pdf
SOCIALISM AND WAR SOCIALISM AND WAR BY G. ZINOVIEV and V. I. LENIN INmRNATIONAt PuBmHEIH NEW YO= 5 0. ~PAam~~ ..A b i'PamBrwa~l~f0~0F1905 7. Bs.smlr 8. -rao~hAm k ~T*sraoa.ra~Fnmm~~mO~~rmou 10. T# dP1Dr. CON-= IL Taa; THUEL~~~CAT AS^ rn How To FbeElr h ES wu.rae Bwrawns hm STAYS Po-? IS.OlrmcEvsoF~ 14 ST- llrtr Rmo~trmo~ I5.~~~arsrsTmorcAPm~ In Prcp~& w CQ~:Aw IIIrAnTm Dm- EmmIclb hmm- -O=K Am THE R~~EADxmU%SKf WoTA~CB OF TEE ~.DEHoQ~~~m PB]L Dzuommc Rmotrno~ TgC Nm*c Qumzon mFmmF~m-~ . , p. ~S~~MP.* . OF 3WUBM Am TBS WM OP l$U&lP% ;, OfSocialitato~W~ . 9 ~ofWarkh~ofMod!mt~.. '3 .. U 'Writ mmng dm S1awBoIdem fa&e Wm . ~and~of~verp,18 --,?ai b Folh camthd olh (k,PdIs1 .- Mem$* ............ f4 .~e.of~.1.. l5 .*..l5 r -Whtlehid-Chatl~*l,, . • - 16 '-lmsBasr~Mdf~. , . , a. 11 A FdseRefmm~ta+db*.. ..17 1 &~pof~~~d.. l9 - phion. .......... I9 ~whhtbOppo~banAn~$dfhp Wdmwith %la'NatfaPal Bourguo* d clam............. m . .$antd+l. ........... 2l IhSIogan of Mmxb ,bdm Slogan of hlfgnm- aryQd-]Dam~ ........ 2# ~1eufF~in~~.. rn ~ofnr~~.6 . 33 war ..**.****. H< 1 ~~~F~SI~..... *, s . ~PfNakteW~.... .S -- 3-- - 7-&----<.- - 4 n. ~~~cDP~W~. .na ThaBoqdhandthaWtrr. 27 %Working Clam adthe War . 2B % ksia~~Sd-Watio Wu1: Fraction in h Imperial Duma and the War . 30 TkB -uCTIOH OF THE ?~TIOBU. MktW of tha Social-Chrtu* and of the "Cmtre'' 34 strta of Mhin the OppoAtion . 36 The RWSdl-Demdc Uour Party and tho Third International . -
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MAOISM-ITS ORIGINS, BACKGROUND, AND OUTLOOK Isaac Deutscher WHAT does Maoism stand for? What does it represent as a political idea and as a current in contemporary communism? The need to clarify these questions has become all the more urgent because Maoism is now openly competing with other communist schools of thought for inter- national recognition. Yet before entering this competition Maoism had existed as a current, and then as the dominant trend, of Chinese communism for thirty to thirty-five years. It is under its banner that the main forces of the Chinese revolution waged the most protracted civil war in modern history; and that they won their victory in 1949, making the greatest single breach in world capitalism since the October Revolu- tion, and freeing the Soviet Union from isolation. It is hardly surprising that Maoism should at last advance politically beyond its national . boundaries and claim world-wide attention to its ideas. What is surprising is that it has not done so earlier and that it has for so long remained closed within the confines of its national experience. Maoism presents in this respect a striking contrast with Leninism. The latter also existed at first as a purely Russian school of thought; but not for long. In 1915, after the collapse of the Second International, Lenin was already the central figure in the movement for the Third International, its initiator and inspirer-Bolshevism, as a faction in the Russian Social Democratic Party, was not much older then than a decade. Before that the Bolsheviks, like other Russian socialists, had lived intensely with all the problems of international Marxism, absorbed all its experience, participated in all its controversies, and felt bound to it with unbreakable ties of intellectual, moral, and political solidarity. -
A Socialist Critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” Left
After the Revolution: Who Rules? A socialist critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” left. Published Online by Socialist Labor Party of America www.slp.org March 2007 After the Revolution: Who Rules? A socialist critique of the “Marxist-Leninist” left PUBLISHING HISTORY PRINTED EDITION ..................................... January 1978 ONLINE EDITION ....................................... March 2007 NEW YORK LABOR NEWS P.O. BOX 218 MOUNTAIN VIEW, CA 94042-0218 http://www.slp.org/nyln.htm Introduction The articles compiled here were prompted by a call for the formation of a “new communist party” issued in June of 1977. The call came from the New York-based radical newspaper, the Guardian, and was one of several proposals for a new party to come out of the U.S. left over the past few years. In a broader sense, however, these articles are not so much a reply to the Guardian as they are a general critique of the theory and programs of the various “Marxist-Leninist” groups. As a consequence, they include an important discussion of basic Marxist concepts and of the fundamental content of a revolutionary socialist program. As mentioned in the text, the pro-Maoist Marxist-Leninist groups enjoyed a period of expansion in the U.S. and Europe during the late 1960s and early ’70s. This expansion came on the heels of the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” in China and the emergence of the People’s Republic from over 25 years of relative isolation. China’s influence, combined with the intense opposition throughout the capitalist world to U.S. imperialism’s war on Vietnam, produced a sizable number of youth whose radicalization was expressed in terms of “Marxism-Leninism Mao Tse- tung1 Thought.” However, those tied to China’s rising star soon found themselves in a dilemma familiar to all who allow bureaucratic governments in Peking, Moscow or elsewhere to do their thinking. -
Was Karl Marx an Ecosocialist?
Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 17 • Issue 2 • 2020 doi:10.32855/fcapital.202002.006 Was Karl Marx an Ecosocialist? Carl Boggs Facing the provocative question as to whether Karl Marx could be regarded as an ecosocialist – the very first ecosocialist – contemporary environmentalists might be excused for feeling puzzled. After all, the theory (a historic merger of socialism and ecology) did not enter Western political discourse until the late 1970s and early 1980s, when leading figures of the European Greens (Rudolf Bahro, Rainer Trampert, Thomas Ebermann) were laying the foundations of a “red-green” politics. That would be roughly one century after Marx completed his final work. Later ecological thinkers would further refine (and redefine) the outlook, among them Barry Commoner, James O’Connor, Murray Bookchin, Andre Gorz, and Joel Kovel. It would not be until the late 1990s and into the new century, however, that leftists around the journal Monthly Review (notably Paul Burkett, John Bellamy Foster, Fred Magdoff) would begin to formulate the living image of an “ecological Marx.” The most recent, perhaps most ambitious, of these projects is Kohei Saito’s Karl Marx’s Ecosocialism, an effort to reconstruct Marx’s thought from the vantage point of the current ecological crisis. Was the great Marx, who died in 1883, indeed something of an ecological radical – a theorist for whom, as Saito argues, natural relations were fundamental to understanding capitalist development? Saito’s aim was to arrive at a new reading of Marx’s writings based on previously unpublished “scientific notebooks” written toward the end of Marx’s life. -
Anarchism, Individualism and Communism: William Morris's Critique of Anarcho-Communism
Loughborough University Institutional Repository Anarchism, individualism and communism: William Morris's critique of anarcho-communism This item was submitted to Loughborough University's Institutional Repository by the/an author. Citation: KINNA, R., 2012. Anarchism, individualism and communism: William Morris's critique of anarcho-communism. IN: Prichard, A. ... et al (eds). Liber- tarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.35-56. Additional Information: • This is a book chapter. It is reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: www.palgrave.com Metadata Record: https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12730 Version: Accepted for publication Publisher: Palgrave MacMillan ( c Alex Prichard, Ruth Kinna, Saku Pinta and Dave Berry) Please cite the published version. This item was submitted to Loughborough’s Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) by the author and is made available under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ 3 Anarchism, Individualism and Communism: William Morris’s Critique of Anarcho- communism Ruth Kinna Introduction William Morris’s commitment to revolutionary socialism is now well established, but the nature of his politics, specifically his relationship to Marxism and anarchist thought, is still contested. Perhaps, as Mark Bevir has argued, the ideological label pinned to Morris’s socialism is of ‘little importance’ for as long as his political thought is described adequately. Nevertheless, the starting point for this essay is that thinking about the application of ideological descriptors is a useful exercise and one which sheds important light on Morris’s socialism and the process of ideological formation in the late nineteenth-century socialist movement. -
CND 39Th Session
UNITED NATIONS Economic and Social Distr. Council GENERAL E/CN.7/1996/7 20 December 1995 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH COMMISSION ON NARCOTIC DRUGS Thirty-ninth session Vienna, 16-25 April 1996 Item 4 of the provisional agenda* PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE OF PRIMARY AND SECONDARY PREVENTION IN DEMAND REDUCTION PROGRAMMES Regional cooperation in demand reduction Report of the Secretariat Summary The need to establish a regional mechanism for the regular exchange of information, experiences, training at its programmes and new ideas on demand reduction was recognized by the Commission on Narcotic Drugs at its thirty-sixth session. In response, the United Nations International Drug Control Programme organized subregional expert forums on demand reduction and international private sector conferences on drugs in the workplace and the community. Participants examined the nature of drug abuse and its patterns and trends in their countries and described and compared the programmes that had been or could be undertaken to reduce the illicit demand for drugs. The forums also explored ways to facilitate the development of professional networks at the national and subregional levels. It was concluded that there was a need to develop regional and interregional networks and to formulate national demand reduction plans, taking into account the specific socio-cultural situations. All the forums concluded that there was a need to continue the momentum that had been generated by holding further meetings on a regular basis. The involvement of the private sector in the mobilization of human and financial resources to prevent drug abuse in the workplace and in the community was the subject of two meetings. -
In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: the Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’S "The Socialist Manifesto"
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 7 Issue 2 Article 1 2019 In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: The Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’s "The Socialist Manifesto" Ronald W. Cox Florida International University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Cox, Ronald W. (2019) "In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: The Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’s "The Socialist Manifesto"," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 7 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.7.2.008327 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol7/iss2/1 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Defense of Revolutionary Socialism: The Implications of Bhaskar Sunkara’s "The Socialist Manifesto" Abstract This review of Bhaskar Sunkara’s The Socialist Manifesto locates the book within socialist debates about revolutionary praxis and the limits of reform versus revolution. The reviewer argues that the book has been accused, both fairly and unfairly, as “socialism without revolution,” an argument that can only be understood by delving more deeply into the positions advocated by the author. While Sunkara does in fact advance a “revolutionary socialism” in terms of concrete policy proposals, it is fair to ask critical questions about whether or not his limited interrogation of capitalist power is compatible with his self- professed goals. -
Bassem Chit and Revolutionary Socialism in Lebanon
CLOSE UP 65 Bassem Chit and Revolutionary Socialism in Lebanon Sune Haugbolle Figure 1 : Turkey Agenda. “Interview with the Late Bassem Chit on Politics and and Culture in Lebanon and the Middle East.” www.turkeyagenda.com Web. 16. Oct. 2014 This article discusses the Lebanese draws on the sociology of intellectuals, miss your voice, Bassem.” They refer to activist and writer Bassem Chit as an in particular Gramsci, in the analysis of Bassem Chit, the Lebanese revolutionary example of the intellectual rebel in Bassam Chit’s work and his post mortem socialist, writer and activist who died from Lebanon and the Arab world. It analyses veneration. a heart attack on October 1, 2014. For a the ideological tradition of revolutionary limited circle of Lebanese, Arab and inter- socialism and the Arab left. Through Keywords: Socialism; Arab Left; Intellec- national revolutionary socialists, Bassem an analysis of interviews and articles, tual History Chit is a rebel martyr, whose life and work Haugbolle attempts to locate the place continue to inspire. He died at the tender and nature of intellectual production in During the 2015 social protests against age of 34 after a life devoted to renewing the organisation of revolutionary activity, Lebanon’s political elite, I have often read Marxism and revolutionary socialism. His and the particular role rebel intellectuals on Facebook threads laments such as, friends and comrades now miss his voice play in bringing about social change. It “what would Bassem have said?” and “we and his sharp analysis more than ever, at a Middle East – Topics & Arguments #06–2016 CLOSE UP 66 time when they feel that a chink in the scape of thought and action.