Socialism and War.Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Socialism and War.Pdf SOCIALISM AND WAR SOCIALISM AND WAR BY G. ZINOVIEV and V. I. LENIN INmRNATIONAt PuBmHEIH NEW YO= 5 0. ~PAam~~ ..A b i'PamBrwa~l~f0~0F1905 7. Bs.smlr 8. -rao~hAm k ~T*sraoa.ra~Fnmm~~mO~~rmou 10. T# dP1Dr. CON-= IL Taa; THUEL~~~CAT AS^ rn How To FbeElr h ES wu.rae Bwrawns hm STAYS Po-? IS.OlrmcEvsoF~ 14 ST- llrtr Rmo~trmo~ I5.~~~arsrsTmorcAPm~ In Prcp~& w CQ~:Aw IIIrAnTm Dm- EmmIclb hmm- -O=K Am THE R~~EADxmU%SKf WoTA~CB OF TEE ~.DEHoQ~~~m PB]L Dzuommc Rmotrno~ TgC Nm*c Qumzon mFmmF~m-~ . , p. ~S~~MP.* . OF 3WUBM Am TBS WM OP l$U&lP% ;, OfSocialitato~W~ . 9 ~ofWarkh~ofMod!mt~.. '3 .. U 'Writ mmng dm S1awBoIdem fa&e Wm . ~and~of~verp,18 --,?ai b Folh camthd olh (k,PdIs1 .- Mem$* ............ f4 .~e.of~.1.. l5 .*..l5 r -Whtlehid-Chatl~*l,, . • - 16 '-lmsBasr~Mdf~. , . , a. 11 A FdseRefmm~ta+db*.. ..17 1 &~pof~~~d.. l9 - phion. .......... I9 ~whhtbOppo~banAn~$dfhp Wdmwith %la'NatfaPal Bourguo* d clam............. m . .$antd+l. ........... 2l IhSIogan of Mmxb ,bdm Slogan of hlfgnm- aryQd-]Dam~ ........ 2# ~1eufF~in~~.. rn ~ofnr~~.6 . 33 war ..**.****. H< 1 ~~~F~SI~..... *, s . ~PfNakteW~.... .S -- 3-- - 7-&----<.- - 4 n. ~~~cDP~W~. .na ThaBoqdhandthaWtrr. 27 %Working Clam adthe War . 2B % ksia~~Sd-Watio Wu1: Fraction in h Imperial Duma and the War . 30 TkB -uCTIOH OF THE ?~TIOBU. MktW of tha Social-Chrtu* and of the "Cmtre'' 34 strta of Mhin the OppoAtion . 36 The RWSdl-Demdc Uour Party and tho Third International . S¶ Hummy OF TEE SPLIT,MD THE PB&SEHT Com~rnoa OF So~Drn~~m Russu . .4I# Tha Ecot~omistaand the Old Isha (18941903) . 41 Memsheviam and Bolahevim (1903-1908) , . 42 bbxh and Liquidationism (19081914) . 43 Bdarxiam and hiitl-~~(1914-1915) . 44 'Ws Present State of Maha in Rdan I)amocracy. 45 ThofOur Paay . 47 L FOREWORD TO FIRST FOREIGN mmoa *warhanbtmgoiqgonforaywu. hpartyddbm af the Cantral Committae written in SeptembrI 1914 d db ittothe~aICommittee~luldths~~ of our party in Rush, and obtaining thsir it, November 1,1914, in No. 33 of the Cdxd OEgas of b pay, dm S&Demok* k,in No. 40 (Mntob 2% @h3) there wem pubWd the ddonsof tke Berne War- &kwhich q- mom prddyow prindplee and our -** ' 'Ihasla.tp~edemtiuRnuL.agmriDgmlutiomry~ mnongthe-. faothercom~~maFso~of fienomanon, notwithding tba of the rn tendmck of ths proletariat by a majority of tbs &&I parh, which hsva taken the side of their gamm. ~agddreibowgeoiakThisatatsof&aira~itpartictE -t to publish a pmphht Plrhieh Sd- ~atictmctiminmIationtothswar. XnxspriDtinghfuli~ partyd~~~hswempplied~withJmM mREwORD TO SECOND mmON fIHE pamphlet was written in the nummm of I915 an the ~svsofh7' Id Conference. It also appeared in Ger- m and French, end waa rcprintd in full in the No- w in tbe orgm of the Norwegian Social-Democratic Youth. Ths German edition of the pamphlet waa illegally transpoxted into Gsrmarry, to Berlin, hip*, B- and other cities, where it wan dbibed by the 8dhuents of ?he bmerwald L$t and Kad Liebkmh'a group. The French edition' was illegally printed in Paria and distributed there by the French ZhnurwaIdieEe. Tha Rnmb edition reached Russia in a very limitad nuder of copies, and waa handsopied by Moscow workas. We now reprint the pamphlet in full, aar a document The reader mnut remember that the pamphlet waa written in August, 1915. It is particularly ~eceaearyto remembm thie in connection with the paamp dealing with Russia. Ruasia hm was still tsarist, Roma- nov R&.* Thi* Fodwma written for tha &rat h& edition of the pmpblct pwb- lzlaba in W in 191s by ths P& hk-E& SOCUlWSBd Am WAR - CwPTERI ~~OFSO~ANDTIIEWAROFf91Q191J A-E A-E OF BQCUUSm TOW- WI1I dmya mndemd warn bwma popk rr nD Our attitwb to4war, hmwr, diBq hbtq whkh, mmihtmw all &a hmmm, d- and~i~&t&1~~01~1eEaad~e~ry~,hd to rsmwe ths matbarbarous deapothm m Eq(tbat of inthahistoryofmnnlcindwasopmedbytb~ h~,~mgdfarnatid~W.InDthsrw* tbsmatn~dtha~ri~~osofthowwarncon. rirosdinovdmwhgabso1handf~atleastin&- thog idmima, or m oasting d the yob of fore@ tianr. Momtbw wara ean be mmihd pgrdve. When dt wmmm waged, all hone& revolutionary democrats M wII m Sd&b dwayn oympathiaed with that dde (ie, with that hmgdde) wbii helpad to &W or leaat to m&& II# mmt dnqmotfe foundations of feudalism and abmlutimn, or to ambet the opprdon of foreign popla. For instance, the fanda. dhistoric dg&eanee of ths molntionary warn of France, mtwibhnding the tendency to plunder and oonqtm foreign Ian& on dm part of the Fd,con& in tbe fact that they &wk and hyedfeudalism and ~Iu~in the whole of old Emope hi&erto bad on d labour. In the Franco-Pmarsian War, Gar- many certainly robbed France; thi however, does not change the fundamad hidorit: aiigdicance of that war M haviag fd of millions of the &man people from feudal deomtralktion and from ihe oppression of two dmpota, the Tsar and Napoleon ItlI. The Hod betwmm 1789 and 187l left dep trmw and rswrlu- donary reminkemas. Before ths werthrow of feudal&, absolnm and fordgn opprweion, there could bs no tho* of develop hg &e proleadm -11 for SaciaIh Wh,in spesldng of tha warn of d Mods, the Sociab alwayn recogniead tha jtuh of a on war, they had in view tha sbwe aims, namely, a revohion againat msdievalism end d labur. Under a ''Man- dvs" war the SociaIista always rmdemtood a Hjud' war ia Wa parddm senme, (Wilhelm Lidhmht ones erpdhimsslf in tlit pmg way.) Only in this MXWB did the SocW addo muph at presmt, &a legitkwy, pmgressiviem, and jm W of ''deiedng tha fatherland* 'or of a "dsf-I' war. For htmqif Mar- wmto &dare wax agdd Pram to-morrow, orId8~Eagl~d,orPersisorchinaagaitrstR~stc., tharo warn would be "jmt," ndeb~nwars, no mattm which om wa~tlm hut to atbk Every SoeiaIiat wouid then wi& the victory of ths oppdd-t, nonsovereign stat- agah op ~opof* It~srfdarttb.t~orpph~~~&.q km HMemdwmwar or Ob tb ft&a&d#*'dl* TmE~W&Rfsm~mwAu bprogmh msans fQr natiod katiop. Im* b~etaguinthededopmentdcs~orme~has ~onlyinthehpentieph~.Caphlhwto ~~~#wi~thealdnathdstata,wfthoatthsformadoa it wdd not &ow hd&m Caphhaa br- Edx sconodc concmtraiim that dmbradm of in- ~"ajthafintheformofcolonh,orthroaghtHs~ ~tradesndmmqdhhavshm~by~- $br towar& mmopoly, mwdsafxan, of Idafor rtdtiinpiml,forthserportofratrp~& Ca@* L~alibamtorof~bm,kbh~~ OPT of Fo-1~ P- &kmm a mmtionary for- -It hm Moped ths prodaPPivs torrrehancrteatthatbmnanhgmR8teitller~Over~ orfwysarsnay,~witnssld~oftha ' &mnhmaforandihial of asp* by - ~~h~~sU-of-0~ h h U. and '$war-ripan caphka, ths oh majority of the papalatia~and & & qmeLiIomttrw,ie,aterritorytwoanda~ Wpe. Thedxnari~hotd~d~~'- (5~,000,000) of OO~OI&I~PI- For fa~' tJmCL$ma"nati~k~h~f W ooI& EyqWy hem &at the mldm WUH - r4dbybandg~l0rd,thsfth8coIonialpopnlad~ats~ 6 fashion, that they are erploited in a tho4warn b ao qortation of cap&& ~onqm, deqtka in dbq ' " @* to the kuthoritIes of the %dingn math& kwan,andaof& ThAngI8dFrmchb~L~,,, p~pIewhmitsm~fhstitwagmwarfortbs~of~ . MingBcIgiam; ioreality,it~Warf~ttb~of~ warn, *, fdwith. nrars tbs Wwl ofdle~.;tnet;nrrih8&~h bywaronthsEontinant. From& ~could~y~a Francs, bsFauw % b k pare oppmabg mars n&om thaa Gerraarly, and W &ikits a,Austria, ths oppdSIam aw aajoping bfmdomthanh~R~WMIsuphttbs 'wths kidhte ma htof dl tell tha people the trud, dY,that &a wmr ia in three wllses a war of dae-holders for the af the worst kind of slavery. It k a war, first, for thm -dng of wlonid alavary by m~anrof a mom "equitab1on dhkh of the colonies and mom %am work" in their exploitation; h Is, dy,a war for the stmngthming of the opp-ion of dnority do~Iitieshide the "great" nations, ainm Anatria and Rh(Rda much more and in a much wow manner than Aus- tria) am badon such opprdon which b stmgthmed by tbs war; fhird, it ia a war for the Wening and prolongation of wage hmy, the prohrht being divided aud dudwhile tbe capital- b am gaining through wsr profits, through fanning national prejadicss, and deepening the reaction which has raised ib had in dl oounbb, evem m the freest and republican countries. %m IS WUTICScorrnrme~ BY OTHER (ie., FORCIBLE) ms" Thim famom dhm be1ong~to one of the profoundwt writers on miIharp questions, Clausewit&. Rightly, the Mahhave always dderad this axiom as the theoreticaI foundation for their under- &ding of the meaning of avery war. It is from thh very etand. point that Marx and EnpL warded wara AppIy this idea to the preaent war. You will hdthat for hdm, for ah& half a century, tba gowmmmts and the raling chm of England, France, Germany, Italy, Auetria and RUB&, conducted a policy of coloniaI robbery, of supprahg labour movements, of opp- foreign nations Such a policy, and no other om, ia b&g pareued also in tba present war. Notably in Austria and in R- the POI^^ of both =a Wati- consists in tha en- dmmat oE nations, not L their btion. On the contrary, in China, Psraia, hdia and other dependent ndom we now in &e last dacada a -policy - of national a*, teae and handrads of dmof people strivhg to liberata themSe1- from rrnder the yolm of tEM donary "pat'' nations. War growing ont of tb ~ha&,evmatthep~ttimqcmbeofabourgeoispr~ p&e mtmz, a war for national libemtian Chis glance ut the present war, comeid as a conthation of tha polby of the ugrat" =ti- and thsir fundamental &om 14 pkullil~dfcltldd.NoWhEmintbsmrldi#tbw nrohano- of~majoritgafoft~s~~popuIatimau dlwef inAmia:ths~-~formonIy43par~tofths1 ppddan,i s,lawthsnhalf; thsrmtbrrvsno righ aa beloqhg b otbm: ddith Oplt of IM,000,000of tbs population of Rda, ab~lIKI,&M?m are oppdand without rights The bwist gmammmt wag- war for ths wigmrs of Galii and the hal duoding of tbs freedom of the llkmhim for ttra uhm of hnda, Cmehntinople, etc.
Recommended publications
  • The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx
    Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 3 2018 The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Chris Wright Hunter College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2018) "The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.6.2.008310 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Abstract In this essay I explain both why Karl Marx remains an important thinker and why he is in some respects inadequate. I focus on the central issue of 'materialism vs. idealism,' and briefly explore ways in which contemporary intellectuals still haven't assimilated the insights of historical materialism. In the last section of the paper I examine the greatest weakness of Marxism, its theory of proletarian revolution, and propose an alternative conceptualization that both updates the theory for the twenty-first century and is more faithful to historical materialism than Marx's own conception was. Keywords Karl Marx, Marxism, socialism Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This article is available in Class, Race and Corporate Power: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/ classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 I often have occasion to think that, as an “intellectual,” I’m very lucky to be alive at this time in history, at the end of the long evolution from Herodotus and the pre-Socratic philosophers to Chomsky and modern science.
    [Show full text]
  • Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS
    Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration by Robert C. Tucker Princeton University with comment by Peter Reddaway London School of Economics and Political Science Fellows Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Draft paper not for publication or quotation without written permission from the authors. STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration Although not of ten openly debated~ the issue I propose to address is probably the deepest and most divisive in Soviet studies. There is good ground for Stephen Cohen's characterization of it as a "quintessential his­ torical and interpretive question"! because it transcends most of the others and has to do with the whole of Russia's historical development since the Bolshevik Revolution. He formulates it as the question of the relationship "between Bolshevism and Stalinism.'' Since the very existence of something properly called Stalinism is at issue here, I prefer a somewhat different mode of formulation. There are two (and curiously, only two) basically opposed positions on the course of development that Soviet Russia took starting around 1929 when Stalin, having ousted his opponents on the Left and the Right, achieved primacy, although not yet autocratic primacy, within the Soviet regime. The first position, Which may be seen as the orthodox one, sees that course of development as the fulfillment, under new conditions, of Lenin's Bolshevism. All the main actions taken by the Soviet regime under Stalin's leadership were, in other words, the fulfillment of what had been prefigured in Leninism (as Lenin's Bolshevism came to be called after Lenin died).
    [Show full text]
  • German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
    02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia During the Great War
    A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia during the Great War by Dale Michael McCartney B.A., Simon Fraser University, 2004 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of History © Dale Michael McCartney 2010 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2010 All rights reserved. However, in accordance with the Copyright Act of Canada, this work may be reproduced, without authorization, under the conditions for Fair Dealing. Therefore, limited reproduction of this work for the purposes of private study, research, criticism, review and news reporting is likely to be in accordance with the law, particularly if cited appropriately. APPROVAL Name: Dale Michael McCartney Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesis: A Crisis of Commitment: Socialist Internationalism in British Columbia during the Great War Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Emily O‘Brien Assistant Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Mark Leier Senior Supervisor Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Karen Ferguson Supervisor Associate Professor of History _____________________________________________ Dr. Robert A.J. McDonald External Examiner Professor of History University of British Columbia Date Defended/Approved: ________4 March 2010___________________________ ii Declaration of Partial Copyright Licence The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 Also by David Renton
    The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 Also by David Renton RED SHIRTS AND BLACK: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Oxford in the ‘Thirties FASCISM: Theory and Practice FASCISM, ANTI-FASCISM AND BRITAIN IN THE 1940s THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: A Century of Wars and Revolutions? (with Keith Flett) SOCIALISM IN LIVERPOOL: Episodes in a History of Working-Class Struggle THIS ROUGH GAME: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in European History MARX ON GLOBALISATION CLASSICAL MARXISM: Socialist Theory and the Second International The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920 James Eaden and David Renton © James Eaden and David Renton 2002 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2002 978-0-333-94968-9 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE is the new global academic imprint of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Ten Canons of the Proletarian Revolution
    Ten Canons of the Proletarian Revolution New York Labar New$ Cornpan7 (Soclalfet Labor Partp) 45 Rose St., New Yark 1988 THE CREED OF A REVOLUTrONIST. Dare to be a Daniel, Dare to stand alone, Dare to have a purpose firm, Dare to make it known. -P&4 Ems of Damid Bs Lum. cwwmB 1905, HewYorL;~Nc~p"s& All rights reMmed. The Ten Canons of a Revolutionist are, as they originally stand, part of the second part-The Warning of the Gracchi--of 'Two Pages from Roman His- tory," being lessons deduced from blunders or weak- nesses of the two Gnccbi brothers in their struggle with the Roman patriciate. Beyond a doubt, these Ten Canons are the clearest, the most concise outline of con- duct of:the ProIetarian Revolution that have ever been permed They amount practically to a code of revolu- tionary conduct and tactical ethics. Because of this, we have considered it valuable and proper to publish them in handy pamphlet form by themselves, so that the rest of the material, however significant in itself, shall not detract attention fmm these revoIutionary canons, so important and essential that they ought to be engrayed on the mind of every revolutionist, the "leaders" as well as the rank and Me. The srrmqth, the cool, relentless and unassaabble logic of each of these rules of conduct, could never at any time fail to strike the revaIutionist, bur it is only since the Praletarian Revolution actually got into action that we can fully appreciate these revolutionary "ten commandments." So concrete are they that they might the rocks by the lure of the Cadmmt
    [Show full text]
  • BOLSHEVISM at a DEADLOCK by Th~ Sam8 A11thor the Labour Revolutiol\ Translated by H
    BOLSHEVISM AT A DEADLOCK By th~ sam8 A11thor The Labour Revolutiol\ Translated by H. J. STI!.NNING Crown 6vo "ExtreJnely intere-sting and sugg('stive. "-Star "An able stntcment."-AI~t~d((n Pms Joumal Foundations of Christianity A STUDY IN CHRISTIAN ORIOINS ROJ•al !lr•o "It is n very intt•rrsting nnd n vrry competent book, informed, nli\'c, and challenging from end to em!. "-E1posilory Timu BOLSHEVISM AT A DEADLOCK by KARL KAUTSKY Translated by B. PRITCHARD LONDON GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN LTD :MUSEUM STREET The German original, "Der Bolschewismus in der Sackgassa" was first published in September 1930 FIRST PUBLISHED IN ENGLISH IN APRI~ 1931 All rigllls merued PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY UNWIN BROTHERS LTD., WOKlNG PREFACE When I began to write this book, the Kolhosi con· troversy was already · causing great excitement in Soviet Russia. Nothing has happened since to induce me to change my stafements. The most important event in Soviet Russia since the publication of the original German edition of this book is undoubtedly the monstrous comedy of the Moscow trial which began on Novem· her 25, 1930. It was directed against eight engineers, who were most unusually anxious not only to denounce themselves'as counter-revolutionaries and wreckers but ... also as unprincipled rascals. This trial clearly proved to anybody who could see, and who wished to see, that Stalin and his associates • expect the Five Year Plan to be a failure, and that they are already seeking for scapegoats on whom to put the blame. This trial, however, has not helped the present rulers of Soviet Russia; it has made their position only more precarious.
    [Show full text]
  • SIBERIA and RUSSIA by SIBIRYAK
    SIBERIA AND RUSSIA By SIBIRYAK The preceding article deals with the chances of II Red Siberia to eontintte the present war. The quest-ion arll1es: is there no possibility 0/ a White Siberia? To give an answer to this question frO-in a historical perspective we have reqllested a contribution frO'Jn a Russian who has been and still is 71LOSt intimcttelll connected with Siberia. a7ul who prefers to hide his ident'itll muler a pseudonllm. A large l'iterature, partie/tla'rlll in Russian, exists on Siberia and her role in the civ'il war that foll01lJed the Bolshevist revolution, but we aro not aware of a,ny art'iele that has eve'T 1Jresented in conc'ise form the historll of the Siberian autonomist movement in its relation to Russia and Bolshevism. OUT article ends with the Victo-TlI 0/ the Reds in Siberia in 19f!2; but the stnlggle for a White Sibe-ria has gone on ever since.-K.M. CORTEZ AND YERMAK Moscow, or the periphery that is Two great political events of the Siberia? sixteenth century, taking place on dif­ In the former case we have an im­ ferent continents, brought magnificent perialistic policy which regards Siberia results to the states in whose interests simply as a colony existing for the they were undertaken. These events needs of the metropolis, in the latter were the conquest of Central America by the development of an economic and Cortez and that of Siberia by Yermak. political program of the local Siberian Thanks to the efforts of these con­ population which, with its own pro­ quistadores, both typical adventurers moters and ideologists, became known eager to get as far away as possible from as the Siberian autonomist movement, the laws of their respective countries, or Siberian regionalism - Sibirskoye Spain and Moscovite Russia became Oblastnitchestvo.
    [Show full text]
  • All Indochina Must Go Communist!
    NUMBER NINETEEN TEN CENTS MAY 1975 Saigon puppets flee All Indochina must go communist! The fall of Saigon on 30 April to the National The triumphant advance of the NLF-DRV proved and the complete collapse of the capitalist class Liberation Front and Democratic Republic of Viet­ conclusively the complete untenability of the and its state apparatus, there is now only one nam (NLF-DRV) is a decisive defeat of US imperi­ 1973 Paris peace treaty, an agreement promoting possible path of 'development -- the expropriation alism and its South Vietnamese puppets. Together the illusion of peace between the classes, pro­ of the basic productive forces. Whatever the with the success of. the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, claiming acceptance of continued capitalism in outward forms of rule in Cambodia and South Viet­ it is a great victory for the oppressed through­ South Vietnam and a coalition government with the nam, they are now deformed workers states, which out the world, and especially for the workers and capitalist Saigon government. The peace treaty can only base themselves on the property forms of peasants of Indochina who have fought so long and came not out of a decisive military victory but proletarian rule, but with socialist development suffered so much through three decades of war out of a heroic struggle of the masses resulting and the international extension of revolution against oppression. But with this victory the in a military standoff with their enormously held back by a bureaucratic caste ruling in the struggle does not end, either for the peoples of powerful enemy.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Samir Amin Preface English Future of Maoism Mao Is
    1 SAMIR AMIN PREFACE ENGLISH FUTURE OF MAOISM MAO IS BACK The Marxism of the Second International, workerist and Eurocentric, shared with the dominant ideology of the era a linear view of historical progress in which every society must pass first through a stage of capitalist development before being able to aspire to socialism. The idea that the “development” of some societies (the dominant centers) and the “underdevelopment” of others (the dominated peripheries) is an imminent product of the worldwide expansion of capitalism was completely alien. Understanding the polarization inherent in capitalist globalization is essential for formulating any view about transcending capitalism. This polarization lies behind the possible rallying of large fractions of the popular classes and above all the middle classes (whose development is itself favored by the position of the center in the world system) of the dominant countries to social-colonialism. At the same time, it transforms the peripheries into a zone des tempêtes, in a continual natural rebellion against the capitalist world order. Certainly rebellion is not synonymous with revolution, but only with the possibility of revolution. On the other hand, grounds for rejecting the capitalist model are not lacking in the center of the system, as 1968, among other things, illustrated. Undoubtedly, the formulation of the challenge by the Communist Party of China (CPC), at a given moment, in terms of the country-side encircling the cities, is too extreme to be useful. A global strategy of transition beyond capitalism in the direction of world socialism must articulate the struggles in both the centers and peripheries of the system.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Left-Wing' Communism: an Infantile Disorder
    Resistance Marxist Library ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder V. I. Lenin 2 ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder Acknowledgement: “The Communist Parties and Parliamentarism” © Pluto Press, London; reprinted by permission. Resistance Books 1999 ISBN 0909196 88 5 Published by Resistance Books, resistancebooks.com Contents Introduction by Doug Lorimer................................................................ 5 I. A popular exposition of Bolshevik strategy & tactics...................................... 5 II. The origin & development of Bolshevism...................................................... 6 III. Parliamentary democracy & the proletarian revolution................................. 8 IV. The German Revolution and the German communists............................... 10 V. Marxism & the working-class vanguard........................................................ 13 VI. Winning over the vanguard & winning over the masses.............................. 18 VII. Mass action & tactical compromises............................................................. 20 VIII. Mass action & the united-front tactic............................................................ 23 I. In What Sense We Can Speak of the International Significance of the Russian Revolution .........................27 II. An Essential Condition of the Bolsheviks’ Success ...... 30 III. The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism ....... 33 IV. The Struggle Against Which Enemies Within the Working-Class Movement Helped Bolshevism Develop, Gain
    [Show full text]
  • Moscow Takes Command: 1929–1937
    Section 3 Moscow takes command: 1929–1937 The documents in this section cover the period from February 1929 until early 1937, with most of them being concentrated in the earlier years of this period in line with the general distribution of documents in the CAAL. This period marks an important shift in the history of relations between the CPA and the Comintern for two main reasons. First, because the Comintern became a direct player in the leadership struggles within the Party in 1929 (the main catalyst for which, not surprisingly, was the CPA's long-troubled approach to the issue of the ALP). And second, because it sent an organizer to Australia to `Bolshevize' the Party in 1930±31. A new generation of leaders took over from the old, owing their positions to Moscow's patronage, and thusÐuntil the Party was declared an illegal organization in 1940Ðfully compliant with the policies and wishes of Moscow. The shift in relations just outlined was part of a broader pattern in the Comintern's dealings with its sections that began after the Sixth Congress in 1928. If the `Third Period' thesis was correct, and the world class struggle was about to intensify, and the Soviet Union to come under military attack (and, indeed, the thesis was partly correct, but partly self-fulfilling), then the Comintern needed sections that could reliably implement its policies. The Sixth Congress had been quite open about it: it now required from its national sections a `strict party discipline and prompt and precise execution of the decisions of the Communist International, of its agencies and of the leading Party committees' (Degras 1960, 466).
    [Show full text]