Manifesto for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International -The Fourth International - The current Manifesto was approved by the Eighth International Conference of the Trotskyist Fraction - Fourth International, in August 2013 in Buenos Aires.

The Trotskyist Fraction - Fourth International is composed of the: PTS (Partido de los Trabajadores Socialistas), Argentina; LTS-CC (Liga de Trabajadores por el Socialismo), México; LOR-CI (Liga Obrera Revolucionaria por la Cuarta Internacional), Bolivia; LER-QI (Liga Estratégia Revolucionária), Brazil; PTR (Partido de Trabajadores Revolucionarios), Chile; LTS (Liga de Trabajadores por el Socialismo), Venezuela; LRS (Liga de la Revolución Socialista), Costa Rica; CcC (Clase Contra Clase), Spain; Grupo RIO (Revolutionäre Internationalistische Organisation), Germany; Militants of the FT-CI in Uruguay; Militants of the FT in the CCR/Platform Z in the NPA, France. Build a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International – The Fourth International!

The world capitalist system is going through the sixth year of an economic, po- litical and social crisis of historic dimensions. Under the blows of the crisis and the attacks of the governments and the capitalists, the struggle of the exploited is returning to the political stage. The ‘Arab Spring’ opened a new, upward cycle of the class struggle, after decades of retreat and a bourgeois offensive. The resistance of workers, young people and the poor is going through the centres of world capitalism, mainly in countries of the European Union subjected to austerity plans, like Greece, Spain or Portugal. From the uprisings in the Arab world to the students› struggle in Chile, going through the ‘Indignados’ in Spain, the young people of the movement ‘#yosoy132 in Mexico’, the Occupy Wall Street movement in the United States, the Taksim Square mobilisations in Turkey and the hundreds of thousands that flooded tine cities of Brazil, young people are acting like a sounding board for the social con- tradictions, in many cases, anticipating class conflicts. The workers have been exercising increasing leadership. Some examples of this growing working-class intervention are the work stoppages and general strikes in Greece and Portugal, the resistance against layoffs in France, the conflicts in big multinational corporations in China, the explosion of hatred by workers in Bangladesh and other Asian countries against brutal conditions of exploitation, and the big miners’ strikes in South Africa, which are the beginning of the work- ers’ movement breaking from the African National Congress and the leadership of COSATU. Although the crisis has not yet fully struck in Latin America, the region has been transformed into a setting of big mobilisations, mainly of young people and

3 4 Manifesto A historiccrisisofcapitalism Chavismo ments, like Evo that of Morales, Cristina that Fernández of de Kirchner, or of place in thecontext aprogressive of exhaustion the of ‘post-neoliberal’ govern- nomena, with a different rhythm scopeand in various countries. takingThis is witnessing thefirstthe development stages of trade-union political and of phe- students, as we have in Brazil and seen Chile. In theworkers› movement, we are power order in at disposal their to make living, a unemployment and poverty alarge have who number those of only their labour workers to unbearable conditions exploitation of and precariousness, dragging to not only threatens thecontinuation life on of theplanet, but subjects millions of natural resources, and environmental contamination, capitalism in its decline nitude. national borders, have erupted again, thesystem historic taking to acrisis of mag- produced, and theinternationalisation between theproductive of forces and the productionof and theevermore concentrated appropriation wealth thesocial of prolonged of cycle growth. Thecontradictions greaterthebetween socialisation the former workers’ states, capitalism unable has been to findthe road to a new offensivethe neoliberal thelast three decades andthecapitalist of restoration in result the labour capitalism, pains of of but a consequence its decline. of Despite bases.tionary This Manifestoperspective. thisis entirely of service theat tion, that, for us, entails therefoundation theFourth International, of on revolu- working class and to advance in setting up an International revolu thesocial - of to solve toties begin it, that is, to build strong revolutionary on the based parties workers’ movement is enduring, but, at same time, the it opens up big opportuni central have banks able been acrash, to avert of theperspective after thefall of money into of jection thefinancialsystem, thecapitalist governments andthe employed. benefittingfrom the creation an enormous of industrialthearmy un- reserve of employers are advantage taking thecrisis to increase therate of exploitation, of dollars and to survive continue making lucrative deals. The biggestgroups of classes pay for thecrisis, and thebanks while thebig businesses get billions of ments, is to make the workers, theyoung people and the impoverished middle The policy of the governments, policy of The both neo-Keynesian With its increasing militarism, systematic looting, anarchic utilisation the of Unlike the ‘spring thepeoples’ of 1848, of thecurrent is not wave struggles a of This situation new that beginning leadership is highlightsthe crisis that of the With thegovernment bailouts the big and banks of corporations, and thein- without Chávez in Venezuela. and making adjust those - - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 5 - - The United States, the main imperialist power, is continuing its decline, after after itsdecline, is continuing imperialist main the power, States, United The every reassert to by means will attempt States the United decline, its despite But, There is not yet any traditional or ‘emerging’ power able to challenge the United United the challenge to able power ‘emerging’ or traditional any yet not is There those who to consider opposed diametrically are Marxists revolutionary We If the characterises epoch imperialist what the is struggle pow between different Neither China nor any country from the so-called emerging states, with an eco- an with the so-called states, country from emerging any nor China Neither of down slowing The a truly has the crisis global scope. the disparities, Despite the defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan, in the context of the emergence of of regional the emergence the context in Afghanistan, and Iraq in the defeats of loss This aims. own their pursuing are – that China and Russia – like powers down back to had administration the Obama seen was the fact in that leadership the diplomatic accept and Syria on military attack a unilateral launching from threatens that political division the enormous in and Russia, by proposed solution administration. paralyse the Democratic to its still – like keeps it that of the strengths taking advantage by role, dominant its a reserve as making currency strength by – the dollar’s and military superiority especially Germany, competitors, its confront use ofthat difficulties the bigger - impe aggressive more supposes That of crisis the with the EU. wrestle to has that Latin in ground recover to attempt States’ seen is – as rialist policies the United in ers, the conditions created by the capitalist crisis, far from favouring harmonious harmonious favouring from far crisis, the capitalist by created the conditions ers, militarism. to and tensions interstate to the tendencies exacerbating are solutions, States for international hegemony. Nor has the crisis led to big commercial wars wars commercial big led the crisis to has Nor hegemony. international for States does not that But polices. protectionist openly adopting the governments to or competition. or rivalries no are there that mean World two led century to the twentieth in that disputes, the inter-imperialist that negotiated find will always the bourgeoisie that and of a thing the past, are Wars, - peacefully coun can China imperialist become that an Or the crisis. to solutions power the US trying great its keep to without States, try the United displace and imperialist the dominant by colonised being China the contrary, on or, privileges, countries without offeringresistance. any talist restoration has lasted, and bring the largest proletariat on earth to the centre earth the centre on to proletariat the largest bring and lasted, has talist restoration of the stage. nomic structure dependent on international capital, can act as an engine capable capable engine actan as can capital, international on dependent structure nomic the heart in epicentre its has when the crisis of crisis, its out of capitalism pulling of the imperialist system. for demand on China’s depend that countries only not affect can China in growth of the explosion cause can it but America, part of a large Latin like materials, raw social domestic developed in contradictions profound the decades the capi that - recov economic led to not have these mechanisms However, Brothers. Lehman down a slowing and countries the central in growth low or a recession to but ery, ofnew time creation the with coexists turn, in which, countries, emerging the in seemtake to basis, a recurring on that, debts government enormous the bombs: in the difficulties States, the United In of edge the to the precipice. the economy - re the by created the fear or monetary stimuli, Reserve’s the Federal removing debt the government’s raise to manage will not Congress that curring possibility horizon. the from disappeared not have scenarios catastrophic that show ceiling, 6 Manifesto Revolutionary Leadership The Workers’ Movement and example this collaboration of theStalinist was thepassage bureaucracy of to the in thepast and therefore thematerial basis for reformism. The most important this, of use at while thesame timeweakening theinterventions that it had made political organisations were collaborating with thebourgeois attack. Capital made theinternational thestrategic of of goal proletarian revolution. even the imperialist defeat in the war in Vietnam – from being put at the service that emerged afterSecondthe World War,theconquests the welfare of state and theworkers’of movement in the West afterSecondthe World War. socialism’, as areformist democracy and thesocial leadership thepreservation of reaucratisation the Soviet Union, of theimposition Stalinism as of ‘really existing counter-revolutionary thetwentieth processes of century, among them, thebu- the workers. result theidentification of the Stalinist the in mindswithsocialism regimesof of the disappearancerevolution thesocialist of from thehorizon theexploited, of a is added the capitalist restoration in the former bureaucratised workers’ states and favour, theunprecedented internal fragmentation theworkers’ of ranks, to which thebosses’of offensive underthe neoliberal program. The bourgeoisie has in its allow theadjustments to happen and prepare theroad for defeat. thevanguardthe harsh theworkers of struggles of to ostracism. In this way, they restrainingof theplans thebourgeoisie, of at thesame timethat condemn they sations and actions, thus avoiding strikes, real general of theperspective capable and their governments. For this, limit they themselves to isolatedcalling mobili- rolewhose is containing theworkers’ and people’s anger against thecapitalists the world, at their organisations the head of have still they union bureaucracies, However, despite the willingness for that struggle the workers are showing around world crisisout bigger set confrontations of the perspective classes. between sibly, to lead wars thepowers, between theeconomic in case crisis leap. took anew to contain China – which could result of the rise in regional conflicts, and,pos- America or in its diplomatic turn and towards military theregion Pacific of Asia, During offensive, theneoliberal the working sawclass how trade its union and The reformist leaderships preventedvictories – likethepartial workers’ states the workers’This crisis of movement has deep theroots in revolutionary and The working class enters the theof a fightconsequenceslong stagecarrying Thethe workers’return of movementscene the to andthecontinuation the of for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 7 The setback in the levels of consciousness and organisation in recent decadesrecent in The setbackorganisation of in levelsthe and consciousness Stalinism to alternative the represented that International, Fourth the However, instead and, movement, became centrist a Trotskyism periodthe 1951-1953, In more begun intervene has to class when the working today, Paradoxically, - of the lack facing work and, of Marxism, of the crisis revolutionary context this In processes in the boldly intervene to opportunity us the crisis gives capitalist The is a result of a prolonged crisis of revolutionary leadership. The accumulated ex- accumulated leadership. The of crisis revolutionary of a prolonged a result is four the first in expressions greatest its had movement perience of the workers’ af- and degeneration, Stalinist its to prior International, of Congresses the Third Trotsky. by founded International Fourth the in terwards, organisation become an not did Marxism, of revolutionary the continuation and - Trot of murder the them, among of factors, A combination influence. mass with to prestige back giving up ended that of the war, outcome the contradictory sky, - ob the of the victory Nazism, bureaucracy because of over the Stalinist the USSR - the strength and countries, the central in dynamic struction of the revolutionary of of the basis the productive on the partial of development ening reformism remained Trotskyism that meant the destruction of from starting the war, forces Third-World and Stalinist, the reformist, from faced pressures and marginalised tendencies. it bases the new in conditions, strategic and the programmatic of updating again leaderships, petitbourgeois – or nationalist itself Stalinist, to adapting up ended - con this In Front. Liberation National Algerian the to Castro and Mao, Tito, from tradition, the revolutionary with the break was precedence took what where text, allowed that conquests partial correct struggles programmatic were and there up being weakened, these although were preserving certain ofthreads continuity, restoration. capitalist andthe offensive neoliberal the after practically cut, being to in the of world, regions the methods of own struggle its with different in clearly deepening is left sector of big a international the crisis, of capitalist the context - This scepti of potential the workers. the revolutionary concerning scepticism its build to be to Trotskyist claim that part of ledlarge has a organisations the cism set - struggle strategic a class the in or roots without parties, anti-capitalist broad populist and nationalist bourgeois to themselves adapt to or of ting boundaries, de Gauche Front the like variants, left-reformist or Chavismo like leaderships, ‘anti- of that with revolution the strategy of proletarian replacing SYRIZA, and governments. ‘anti-neoliberal’ or austerity’ - Zapatis Mexican by inspired of variety a tendencies years, recent in alternatives, ers’ of necessity the building deny that anarchism, and autonomism by influenced mo, reject perspectivethe of and of by the seizure power organisation revolutionary a these have tendencies their rhetoric, despite However, has developed. theproletariat, variants. government populist bourgeois to themselves adapted mostly political of and trade-union phenomena of struggle the working-class in class and camp of the capitalist restoration. Social democracy social to turned liberalism restoration. of the capitalist camp neoliberal the implementing of offensive, became theand bourgeois a direct agent times many course, similar a followed parties communist The counter-reforms. the social with together democracy. governing 8 Manifesto International Socialist International– The Fourth for aMovement for aRevolutionary For afighting internationalismand a solution, already as they did, with thetwo World Wars thepast century. of classes,ruling that, in their own way, with poverty, wars and destruction, find will progressivegive a truly solution to the capitalist crisis. Failing that, the be it will are who those all exploited and oppressed, in order to defeat bourgeois power and putting in place an alliance with theurban poor, theimpoverished peasants, and demands that allow theproletariat will to ahegemonic become force, capable of International re-founded on revolutionary bases, with aprogram transitional of point view, of this World Revolution Party the Social should the Fourthof be andparties to takesteps towards setting up aworkers’ International. From our reorganisation, to advance in building strong revolutionary and internationalist volves having theinternational thesolidarity of workers’ movement, that allow will Revolution has already shown, planning theconquest power in- in acountry of theworkersof to expropriate thecapitalists and build state. anew As theRussian means at – political, their disposal economic – to and defeat military the attempts people and preventing revolution. Historically, have they responded the with all internationaltheir maintaining institutions of oppression the at service the of the economy, that end theexploitation will wage labour of and oppression. all is, acommunist on rational, based society democratic and international planning of theworldof revolution, conquering with theobjective of the ‘realm freedom’, of that that thenationalnecessary victories that theproletariat gets are put at thedisposal possible in tojust build socialism one country. In order to defeat imperialism, it is tions what Marx had already pointed out in thenineteenth that century: it is im- imposes. mon interests above thenational borders and thedivisions that thebourgeoisie theproductiveof forces theworking and of class itself, that must put its com- The different imperialisms,in addition their to national‘GeneralStaffs’, haveput revolutionssocial the thetwentieth The experience of century showedof in ac- The forneed proletarian internationalismfrom arises the worldwide character for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 9 - - , with whom we have been carrying out a fight against the pressures from from pressures the against been a fight carrying have out we whom with , 1 On October 11th, 2013, there were early elections in the SMTMH mineworkers’union of Huanuni after three of its three after of Huanuni mineworkers’union the SMTMH in elections early were there 2013, OctoberOn 11th, - Anti-cap of especiallyNew the comrades the to proposal this making are We - newphe and the crisis world capitalist the when commenced that stage The of end at the in 1980s the emerged Internacional Trotskista-Cuarta Fracción The take place, to these events for passively of waiting a matter not is it However, 1 were elections The resign. to obliged were ticket anti-government an on earlier been who had leaders elected a few months MAS alignedgoverning the is which to Montes, Pedro section the ledby of by backed bureaucracy the COB list the by won Workers’Party. a form to initiative the for but workers Huanuni the for only not a set back represented result The party. which workers’vanguard, on the government Morales by the to bear brought of pressure product is the the situation This of the prosecution and 2013, May in strike the COB during place took that incidents for the trial ofincludes 22 workers workers’rights on attacks by these created of intimidation atmosphere The cooperatives. organise to who attempted workers oflist. the official the triumph facilitate to helped of the beginning of the slogan the indepen- at 2013 on the elections won who had leaders the trade union Unfortunately, vanguard the Thus, the October in elections. of standing the mistake made not the government of from dence the union by MAS. the supported victory lists to the gave and this for vote to candidate opposition no left with was italist Party (NPA) of France, both to those who, with us, make up Platform Z, Z, Platform up make us, with those both to who, of France, (NPA) Party italist necessary is it who see that Y, Platform in together grouped those to who are and - estab to is which – of NPA the policyleadership the of majority the confront to the to – and Gauche de Front reformist Mélenchon’s bloc with permanent a lish confronting who are countries other from Secretariat ofcomrades the United and type this of reformists, bloc with of reproducing orientation the majority’s the to Greece; in SYRIZA to of the line subordination resisting those who are in Huanuni ofof the left wing miners the who constitute workers and leaders Bolivia ganisational preparation possible. With this perspective, we are proposing to open open to proposing are we perspective, this With possible. preparation ganisational Socialist Revolutionary a for a Movement the need promote to on a discussion of Inter the Fourth the refoundation towards advance to step a as International, bases. revolutionary on national nomena of the class struggle began sets out, with more urgency than ever before, before, ever than urgency more with of struggle class the setsbegan nomena out, - organisa a fighting as again place in International the Fourth ofthe task putting vanguard. andtion young people’s of the workers’ - resto of capitalist and the imperialism the offensive by marked ofa stage setbacks, that of a time when most the organisations at States, Workers’ the former in ration a principled as ourselves established We it. abandoned Trotskyism, claiming were strategy of and program the theory, of the objective with defending regrouping, - the van and movement the workers’ in presence deepen seeking to our revolution, aware are We practice. and develop internationalist an people, of the young guard by can be to revolutionary claim that existing of those currently organisation no that we all sectarian self-promotion, Against magnitude. task of this itself historic resolve re-foundation the parties and workers’ of revolutionary building the that maintain of development be will the evolutionary a product not of International the Fourth of our organisations, nor of our international but a result tendency, of the fusion of young and of workers’ the and groups organisations Trotskyist of the left wings the will to tend that the social revolution, towards oriented are that vanguard people’s struggle. of the class and the heat in the crisis become widespread and emerge or and strategic programmatic, the best theoretical, with them of reaching but keeping the power and expanding the revolution. For that reason, internationalism internationalism reason, that For the revolution. expanding and power the keeping necessity. a strategic but principle, abstract an not is 10 Manifesto confront thecapitalist crisis transitional demandsto The importanceofthe practical actionpractical in common, in the class struggle. the strategyon left. thefield ary of basis,this On we calling are for debate and practice and theclass struggle, define,from pointour view, a of truly revolution- main strategic and programmatic cores that, together political with thetest of festo not does attempt afinished to be program, but to offer for consideration the that thecapitalist crisis has already put in debate on theworldwide left. This mani- principles,eral but must proceed from agreements on thebig strategic matters road towards therevolution. workers’the people’s Left, of or young and a revolutionary vanguard,seek that the national and international class struggle; and organisations those to all the of the Left and Workers, andwithwhom we have agreed on differentactions in theFourth International,of with whom we make up, in Argentina, theFront of Obrero of Argentina and to theCoordinating Committee for theRe-foundation employers’ the of government, Partido the state comrades and of to the parties; founding the aParty of Workers, effectively based theon unions, and independent the government and its in theCOB bureaucracy allies to reverse theprocess of of theenterprises of that close or drastically compensation without expropriation company commercial accounts abolition and the secrecy. of closures. To confront this blackmail, to propose it the is necessary opening the of beyond bourgeois legality or that private calls ownership and profit into question. the organisations the French of far left isconsistently raisingthatperspective a goes withgles but methods radical with aminimum program. Unfortunately, none of at Continental and other factories in France in 2009, where theworkers- strug led layoffs and, best,at fight for getting severancemore pay. We this,saw for instance, working class, thebureaucratic of thepolicy and reformist leaderships is to accept Facing theclosures companies of and cuts that threaten to split the theranks of the employers and their governments from unloading thecosts onto theworkers. The revolutionary re-groupingthat nowwe need cannot onlybased be on gen- Against resignation of the closures the policy infactories, the face of of we raise Thecapitalists offer bankruptcies or losses as justification forthe layoffs and Thecapitalist crisis makestransitional slogans morecurrent thanever to prevent for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 11 - . No intervention of intervention No . whowill be first the distribution of all of the among hours distribution work nationalisation of - sys singlestate-owned in a banking unification its and nationalisation In addition to defending the workers’ standard of living, this program is aimed aimed is program this of living, standard the workers’ defending to addition In Although the liquidation of bourgeois ownership of the means of production The big banks have received billions of dollars from government bailouts, which which bailouts, government of billions from dollars received have big banks The The workers of Zanon in Argentina, who, during the 2001 crisis, seized the crisis, 2001 the during who, Argentina, of in workers Zanon The together with Thesedemands, - dispos ruined and groups, the middle-class allies, as winning, the proletariat at to order In of strata poor. the urban submerged the most and capital, sessed by will which measures, self-defence take to will class have working the carryout, it the to militias attack respond to of workers’ the organisation eventually, include, paramilitary bands from or forces the repressive whether from of the capitalists, wing. right extreme of troops the shock the European like - the de of rising the workers, of a widespread the context in will be possible only mands of expropriation without compensation of branches of production under the working because they prepare character, a transitional have control workers’ the perspec leadto - and linked indissolubly so they are task, this resolve to class power. tive of workers’ to be affected in the event of a banking crisis, is proposed. is of be crisis, in a to the affected banking event workers and and of the workers interests the to corresponding , of investment tem and credit will the that deposits of protect the small savers thepoor, they are using to continue speculating and increasing their profits. In view of this, of In view this, profits. their increasing speculatingand continue to using theyare the , keep their total topicality, especially the in topicality, total their keep , wages affecting without the workers where France like in or countries Greece, like by crisis, the affected most countries and layoffs to resorting are government, the from backing with the employers, their profitability. recover to closures - of years work ten than more had now have and producing to it factory put and the cri- facing now are that all the workers for example an are management, ers’ factory Greece. in Vio.me of the workers the inspired already they have and sis, of the growth was because there survive cooperative to a as able was Zanon - a pro for fought always it that was point strong its But economy. Argentinian the cri- for pay would the exploiters so that class, working the whole for gram of pressure the where itself, in end an as cooperatives establishing against sis, - revo We class. of the working self-exploitation imposes competition capitalist lutionaries fight for the nationalisation of entire branches of production and the service at of planning the interests for and control services workers’ under or Experiences those like of Zanon, of the poor. the groups and of the workers - subsequent was it (although France in of Dreux Phillips of that the workers like because they value, educational great have Greece, in Vio.me and defeated) ly they are time that the same at need the capitalists, not do the workers that show bourgeois the struggle against promote to which from positions establishing ownership. officials of the bourgeois state is going to look after the interests of the workers; workers; of the interests the after to look going is state officials bourgeois ofthe controlonly of workers’ production, as a school of economic planning, can pre anarchy. capitalist to alternative an pare workers’ control workers’ under their operation their jobs and reduce 12 Manifesto workers’ power in thestrugglefor hegemony and The role ofdemocratic demands consisted asustained attack of on theworkers’ and masses’ living standards. and xenophobia towards immigrants), was thecover for the offensivecapital that of ‘citizens’, in thecentral particularly countries (in contrast to thesustained persecution thesemi-colonial world, of part as well as thebroadening formal politicalrights of for haustion apoliticalregime divorced of themasses. from of theneeds Lula andPT of DilmaRousseff, massive demonstrations have highlightedthe ex- rently combined workers’ with therevival of struggles. In Brazil, governed by the to thePinochet transition, has given to theyouth rise mobilisation that is cur justment plans and theso-called ‘structural reforms’ capital. of at theservice pademos in Greece and Mario Monti and in Italy) Letta to implement to try thead- toled theformation of ‘technocratic’ or ‘national unity’ governments (like Pa that of - in theembryonic Bonapartist tendencies, promoted by theleadership theEU, of that ment thecentre-left between andcentre-right Letta. Enrico of tions, which is far from over despite theformation thenational of unity govern- economy theEurozone, of huge that apoliticalcrisis bearing of has propor been theSpanishof bourgeoisie’s control. Another example is Italy, the third-largest Spain,in includes which tendencies centrifugal that continuity threaten very the endured discredit, alot of towards as their servility thecapitalists is naked. practically more general process exhaustion of thebourgeois of democratic regimes, that have implementedbeing endorsement with the national the governments. of people tomillions sufferpoverty. of years of In turn,the these plans of Troika are the1990s,America of in thedecade and are they making decisions that condemn programs adjustment of and auditing their budgets, as theIMFwas doing in Latin of dating aspects ‘national sovereignty’ indebted the states, of by imposing economic European Bank, Central are acquiring greater influence. institutionsThese are liqui tions, like theBrussels bureaucracy, under strong influencefrom Germany, the or theexecutive.power of In theEuropean Union, theunelectedbourgeois institu - capital. of characterpotic therule of the in Thisseen tendency to is strengthen the ingly obvious that, above parliamentary forms, what takes precedence is thedes- During the last 30 years, the geographic extension bourgeois to a of large democracy In Latin America, Chile, of thecase we see where theanachronistic regime, heir The deteriorationthe crisisexpressed bourgeoisalso was the facein of democracy of themost acuteOne of expressions this discontent of theregime is thecrisis of traditionalthe Theparties crisis andthe tendenciesof to ‘anti-politics’a are part of workers millionsBefore of theeyes of and young people, it is becoming increas- - - - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 13 - - Another Another for criminalis for in Spain, Occupy in the US, and the US, in Occupy Spain, in In this context, it is not accidental that the caste of bourgeois politicians and and politicians of the caste bourgeois that accidental not is it context, this In by Indignados the has up been criticism This taken still co- coexisted and has the rich’ for ‘democracies these questioning However, ‘anti-political’ to of appeal wing the right variants the populist crisis, this Facing democratic to yielded have revolutionary to be claim the left that on groups Big the theory-program own their as took the UIT-CI and the LIT-CI part, their For The ‘representatives of the people’ increasingly appear as what they are, an im- an are, they as what appear increasingly of the people’ ‘representatives The to the greater Next ofdeepeningby the traits. Bonapartist accompanied is This The alternation in power of the traditional parties does not include more than than more ofinclude doespartiesnot in traditional the power alternation The ‘Yo soy 132’ in Mexico, although with autonomist illusions inherited from the neo-Za from - inherited illusions autonomist with although Mexico, in 132’ soy ‘Yo of advocates theslogan Negri, like Tony theoreticians from patistaideologies, officials that is imposing the structural adjustments stirs up the discontent ofthe discontent upthe stirs adjustments the structuralimposing is that officials of the increase of the level on the regime, become a symbol, has and masses broad of social inequality. a democracy democracy the only is possible, bourgeois the idea that with exists bureaucratisation the and newcountries to extension its by strengthened vision of the states. former workers’ state, of limits capitalist the the within it keep and it channel to order in feeling, the for fight to of refusing the impotence lead to tendencies while autonomist ofconquest political power. Ré - Ligue Communiste the French itself the NPA, in dissolving Before illusions. and of program, its out of the proletariat the dictatorship taken had volutionnaire - ‘democ a strategy the struggle as for adopted had of the leadership the majority racy the end’. to the per from demands democratic separates which revolution’ ‘democratic of the ing poverty, persecuting immigrants, and financing enormous domestic intelligence intelligence domestic enormous financing and persecuting immigrants, poverty, ing by Edward made revelations The the population. eye on an keep to apparatuses of of the mechanisms extension the worldwide exposed only not have Snowden which domination, capitalist for also vital character their but espionage, and control surveillance of system. defence the massive resolute Obama’s by clear made was of of end the 1990sthe movements youth the worldmarked is These illusions possible. weakness they their didn’t that being ofand the beginning ofcentury, the twenty-first caste. of of and the governing the regimes character the class attack the strug- Contrary separation, this to power. spective of the struggle workers’ for to bound indissolubly is regime the bourgeois question that demands the gle for mense caste of bourgeois politicians and officials, with generous expenses, who expenses, generous with officials, and politicians of caste mense bourgeois of while they demand businesses, personal their guarantee to use positions their good of the nation’. ‘the for measures austerity again, and again the masses, are of social mechanisms control power, of executive the individual pre-eminence to appealing by overpowered being are rights Individual levels. unusual at growing excellence par become the argument has that ‘security’ of the rhetoric minimal variants of the same program of adjustment and diminishing of so the - diminishing and of of adjustment program the same variants minimal of the neoliberal turn beginning with all social the - demo seen, was as cial rights, seen is as again and decades, parties the recent in nationalist bourgeois and cratic the face of in the crisis. now, 14 Manifesto States ofEurope! capitalists! For theUnitedSocialist Against theEuropean Unionofthe of direct democracy and workers’ direct democracy of and people’s militias. army and its forces police and replace it by aworkers’ state, on organisations based to destroy thestruggle of thebourgeoiswith theperspective state, its permanent For that reason, we revolutionaries democratic raise these transitional slogans, tachments and apparatuses repression, of that constitute its fundamental support. But bourgeois hegemony is armoured by coercion, armed de- by of awhole series effective realisation would lead confrontingto the regime andthecapitalist state. power.transitional The these demands characterfrom thatarises theof fact their masses with their democratic illusions and to facilitating theroad to workers’ in theworkers’ struggles those confrontation with theregime. same as a teacher, the workers tying this slogan of to the struggles to strengthen quén, theFront of as part the Left, of proposing thatDeputiesthe shouldearnthe paigns, but it when also occupied theparliamentary seat in theProvince Neu of - establishment by trials juries, of theseparation thechurch of from thestate. their nationality origin;judges all of by theelection of universal suffrage andthe frage, where theresidents all older than 15years vote, will without distinction of the executive and legislative powers, and by universal elected that be truly suf- will oligarchic Senate Chamber, and theformation asingle Chamber that of merge will nation the Bonapartist institution of the presidency the republic, of of as well as the worker; theability immediately to revoke mandates for officers; elected all the elimi - theofficialsall equaltoand elected officersof that a ansalary should earn average ocratic demands, handed down by theParis Commune 1871, of among them, that that doesn’twithin confinecapitalistthe limits itself of property. ian revolution and national independence, and which puts forward aprogramme you cannot have amore generous than that democracy which pursues theagrar forthe struggle democratic-structural demands. In semi-colonial countries acter of this imperialist andacter of anti-worker that bloc was built to protect theinterests Thisgroup measures is of oriented toward acceleratingthe the experience of In Argentina, this program of part not used the PTS only in the election cam- We revolutionary Marxists raise democratic radical slogans and transitional dem- From theinitial formation theEU, of we have pointed out char thereactionary - - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 15 - On the other side, the German imperialist offensive has encouraged the growth the growth encouraged has offensive imperialist German the side, other the On so-called some progressives EU that the of democratising the utopia Against governments pro-austerity its and Europe in crisis the capitalist take on To Against those who claimed that the union was progressive and that the adoption the adoption that and progressive was the union that those who claimed Against have bourgeois, equally reactionary and positions, two backdrop, this Against of nationalist and extreme right-wing tendencies that call for the abandonment of the abandonment call for that tendencies right-wing extreme and of nationalist of defence their a demagogic making currencies, national to a return and the euro policies. anti-immigrant and racist, xenophobic, their to connected states national similar a take Party, Greek Communist as the such of sectors left, the minor Some the within workers the for favourable solution a that the illusion creating stance, possible. is capitalism offramework national the against and reactionary character, and imperialist the EU’s ignoring advance, of objective the with - di hatred chauvinist up stirs demagogythat right extreme and native also among but the EU countries, in only not class, the working viding of sectors to the national class the working subordinate to workers immigrant of the bosses independent is that program a clear have must workers bourgeoisie, crisis. their for who pay the ones are the capitalists so that - xenopho the fight to class, of the working the fragmentation overcome to and the win over to governments, of policies the European anti-immigrant and bia otherwise that become the support the crisis could by hit class middle lower necessary is it fight to fascism, for eventually and right the extreme base for ample, this is the program of Syriza that transformed the defence of the defence the EU and transformed of that Syriza the program is this ample, negotiate to possible was it that illusions generated goal and main its into euro the the Troika. with plans austerity of the euro was the first step to more extended state unification, we maintained maintained we unification, state extended more to step of the first was euro the imperialist of the European interests national the separate with clashed this that a supra- the bloc into transform to be impossible would it that and bourgeoisie of - cre the limitations objective the demonstrated clearly crisis The state. national a strong with tendencies, the centrifugal in expressed are which of the EU, ation around one a weaker and economies the northern and Germany around nucleus bourgeoisie, European the now, For countries. southern and the Mediterranean huge brings EU The EU. the focused maintaining has on particular, in Germany - destina to main be the continues Europe and corporations to Germany’s benefits is already There has. it like continue the EU cannot But exports. German for tion pushing is of in Germany which members its role the redefining over a dispute of countries peripheral the semi-colonization advance to terms own its impose to Portugal. and Greece like suggest and plans reject the austerity those that are there side, one On emerged. left of the European Most the EU. democratising and of reform the possibility ex For Europe. a to capitalist adaptation an which expresses thisholds position, of its two main superpowers – Germany and France. The EU incorporated - East incorporated EU The France. and – Germany superpowers of main two its of a reservoir as semi-colonies, into it transformed and backyard its as ern Europe tothe contributed This capitalism. German for all above labour, cheap qualified lowering of labour costs throughout attacking Europe, victories, previous workers’ by Germany. imposed flexibility the labour by shown as 16 Manifesto Permanent Revolution the Palestinian peopleand the The Arab Spring, thestruggleof Europe. Thisthe is only progressivesolution forthe workers. EU imperialist institutions, United theSocialist of with theperspective States of against thedifferent austerity governments and againstthe Troika and other serism, Baathism and theNational Liberation Front in Algeria. mands and for national social liberation, which was reflected previously by Nas- exploited. theregion’sing of countriesthe denied thefulfilmentprofound of the demands of the imperialist to maintain need theregional status quo and thegreedy plunder intervention under humanitarianmilitary a disguise. tionist a strategyin thename of ‘democratic revolution’ and supported NATO’s as theLIT-CI and Izquierda in Socialista Argentina adopted aclass-collabora- Libya beganan important debate within the internationalwhich left those in such internationally. powers, programmatic hasto of led aseries and strategic debates among theleft and geo-political importance for theUnited States, Israel and other imperialist thedemocraticbetween aspirations themovements of and the region’s economic Tunisia, imperialist intervention in Libya and war civil in Syria. Thecontradiction est point theclass struggle, of engulfing revolutionary processes in and Egypt to stop any revolutionary development and organising a preventive coup, preventive a erecting organising and development any revolutionary stop to tions thatduringEgypt flooded July 2013,which theto army responded trying by ment by led theMuslim Brotherhood whichthehistoric started massive mobilisa- and theanti-strikemilitary laws. the opposition against Mubarak and later against thecompanies connected to the sectors, such as theworkers the of MahallaAl textilefactory, were the vanguard of tant role against in thestruggle dictatorial regimes. In Egypt, themost advanced In countries such and as Egypt Tunisia, the working class has played an impor The Arabbourgeoisies are showingtheir historic incapacitythe satisfy de- to Far from being democratic revolutions, controlled these transitions by framed against TheGhadafi’s struggle dictatorship the and imperialist interventionin The Arab SpringEastthe in (andMiddle in Northernthebecame- high ) Africa They also also foughtThey againstthe moderatepoliciesthe neoliberal of Islamic govern - - - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 17 - - In Syria those who side with the ‘rebels’ without political reservation, or refuse refuse or political reservation, without ‘rebels’ the those with who Syria side In The coup d’état in Egypt, which had the support of the liberal bourgeoisie and and of support liberal had the the bourgeoisie which Egypt, in d’état coup The in Party Annahd as – such power reached that organisations All the Islamic - demo be a cannot there that Egyptin show of dynamics movement The the in beenforce driving a have that demands democratic the formal up took We most the ties that program of transitional framework a the within this do We the military strug separate - cannot one the case Libya, of like In civil wars open to put forward a strategy independent of the pro-imperialist rebel leaderships leaderships rebel of the pro-imperialist independent a strategy forward put to In mistakes. the same making are States, the allies of by the United maintained umph’ of the movement of the masses. This took place at a time when the United United at a time the when place took This of the masses. of the movement umph’ or in bandwagon the anti-dictatorship on jumping were powers other and States the democracy prevent to order in changes regime win new to alliesder following they to aimed words, other In dynamic. ‘permanent’ a taking on from movements and the bourgeois a struggle against into transforming from the movements keep imperialist state. sectors that presented themselves as progressive like the Tamarod movement, movement, the Tamarod like progressive as themselves presented that sectors poli- failed because of collaborationist class revolution the democratic that shows the from and structural ones from demands democratic formal divided that cies struggle power. for worker’s that forces bourgeois Egypt in – are Party Justice and the Freedom and Tunisia neoliberal eco- and populism clientelistic fanaticism, of a mix religious preach - anti-im and class a working these from policies combat Revolutionaries nomics. secular the liberal with and alliances building of by perialist not view point and their representatives. or bourgeoisie the to related demands to answers permanent giving without revolution cratic - end be without achieved these cannot that and of the masses, conditions living that question structuraldemocratic first is the This oppression. alling imperialist the by be the end guided to only can that and the revolution by be resolved must working class. the pro-imperialist all struggle the above against Spring, Arab of the the process because of their Assembly, Constituent sovereign a free and for and dictatorship of the experience of- illu their with the masses the development to contribution the emergence because they facilitate and can bourgeoisie a democratic in sions of organs of self-determination. of de- structuralto democratic masses demands the immediate and significant a perspective presenting thus chains, imperialist from the liberation like mands the peasants of the workers, a government of by power the conquest entails that the poor masses. and to relegate nor imperialism, the struggle from against the dictators gle against is what and the process of dominating is class which the question place second of militaryto the to the leads political subordination The socialtheir content. ‘tri as a Ghadafi in toppling intervention of thesuccess the NATO interpreting a new bonapartist, anti-worker and pro-imperialist government, aided by figures figures by aided government, pro-imperialist and anti-worker a new bonapartist, unions of leader a main the independent even co-opted It the opposition. from fall. Mubarak’s been after had formed that 18 Manifesto workers power taking masses with through thesupport thepoor their organs of Palestinesocialist where Arabs and Jews can live in peace. single Palestinian state that includes thehistoric of territory, all for a workers’ and dismantling theIsraeli of state as apro-imperialist and colonial enclave, and for a Islamic leaderships, aim who to establish atheocraticstate. We’re fighting forthe against thetwo-state hope of thefalse solution the and strategyof thereactionary occupation in the tary West and Bank theexpansion Israeli of settlements. We are fromexpelled their land by the Zionist colonisation, and we condemn- the mili sively Jewish character thestate. of refugees to return to their lands since would these objectively question theexclu- Israelis as second class citizens and strongly opposesthePalestinian theright of have denied by been imperialism and zionism. Israel treats theminority Arab- thePalestinianthe right of people to thenational self-determination that they is inseparable from theuprisings in the Arab world. As revolutionaries, we defend tatorships and towards politicalpower. taking theobjective of theoppresseding themasses of and exploited, and thatagainst struggles thedic- emergence theproletariat of and politicalforce as asocial that is capable- lead of the pro-imperialist the leaders of ‘rebel’ groups, like theFree Syrian Army. countries or their regional allies; this means that no support should given be to throw the of Assad regime and against any intervention form of by imperialist theIslamistof organisations. In Syria, we are in favour therevolutionary of over theNationalist politics of Transitional as well aspects Council as thereactionary earnings. leum state apparatus and theprivileges that arose from thedistribution thepetro- of launched war acivil to the popular crush rebellion and maintain control the of ing against theGhadafi dictatorship,tyrannical a and pro-imperialist that regime as progressive ‘anti-imperialist’ regimes. In Libya, we supported thearmed upris- currents, which defends theGhadafi and Assad dictatorships, presentingthem owntheir working classes. reinforces the capacity the governments of the aggressor of countries to attack actively bourgeoisie’s the adventures. military Any imperialistadvance overseas fight forthe working class andthe theyouth imperialist nations of to oppose litically subordinating ourselves to theleadership, it whoever turns out to be. We theaggressors theoppressedof side and of takethe military nation, without- po country, in Iraq as occurred and Afghanistan, revolutionaries are for thedefeat grounds. tervention, acceding to theimperialist propaganda that this was on humanitarian the western countries has prevented this policy against an open struggle thein- The Arab revolutioncan triumphonly permanent as a revolution,that is, theby Thiswhy is we defend theright return forof all Palestinian who refugees were the Palestinianpeopleof The againststruggle the oppressionthe zionist stateof events These demonstratethat morethanever to fight it is necessary for the At thesame time, we condemned theNATO intervention and thepro-imperial- We denounce also the converse position held by Chavist and other populist In general, imperialist aggression of in thecase or asemi-colonial occupation of - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 19 -

Between the 1990s and the first years of the 21st century, Latin America experiAmerica - Latin of years century, 21st the Between the first the 1990s and growth. a economic decade from exceptional of benefited governments These these downthe economy, slowing are of the effects crisis that financial the Now class the working of steam, out running the post-neoliberal governments With working class in Latin America working class - the allies of by the prole enced a period conducted of primarily social struggles, sectors exploited most the and rural populations and city impoverished the tariat: and of result mobilisations these The Argentina. in of societyunemployed the like - Washing the supported that the fall was of the neoliberal governments uprisings nationalist or popular ‘progressive’, self-proclaimed place their In consensus. ton took power. governments in mining Argentina, period this During in (agricultural they used income their through sectors business domestic develop to Venezuela) in oil from Bolivia and and industrial the upgrade they didn’t but etc., devaluations, fares, low subsidies, - prof accrue to enormous continued the employers and infrastructure transport a friendly to create and benefit own their for they used the state Furthermore, its. shown. scandals have corruption the recent as class, business - Kirch Cristina character. class true their anti-working showing are governments of increase an salaries and demanding protests confronting is Argentina in ner Ma- Nicolás Venezuela, In class salaries. working on and the tax inflation against of the leaders with the negotiating is and a mega-devaluation completed has duro order in in Bolivia offensive anti-worker unleashed an has Morales Evo coup. past cor increases, fare at protests Brazil, In system. neoliberal the pensions defend to In political reorganisation. and rise trade union giving to the scene, entered has for the political independence of the independence the political for The fight against imperialism and against imperialism The fight the government, by repression with met were inequality increasing and ruption the in streets the to took people more of thousands hundreds that result the with times. of recent demonstrations largest of struggle. Only this power (that is, the dictatorship of the proletariat in alli in - of the proletariat the dictatorship is, (that power this Only ofstruggle. the complete and guarantee can masses) rural oppressed and urban the with ance and imperialism from the liberation of tasks structural democratic the revolution: - the objec with state, Israeli colonialist the agent, regional its the struggle against the region. of throughout Socialist Republics a Federation oftive establishing 20 Manifesto mands of theentiremands of working class. and to throw out theunion bureaucracy that so theunions can articulate thede- state.talist This fight is indissolubly linked to thestruggle for union democracy theorganisations theworkingindependence of of class struggle from thecapi of - unions,the trade thefundamental issue is thefight forthe total and unconditional growing discontent Frente with the Amplio government. 2013, demonstrating achange in sentiment within theworkers’ movement and theof strike. andthe CUT Communist Party leaderships organised thebarricades on theday studentsbetween and workers on the streets. A vanguard activists to the left of of thebiggestto be mobilisation since thePinochet dictatorship and forged aunity policies prevented private workers sector from joining thestrike, it turned out tion, there was anational strike on July 11, 2013. Despite that thefact theCUT’s plant. direct actions by theworkers, for example thepicketing Motors theGeneral of attempted possible way in every to contain theprotests, there were significant a working class character in many decades. Although theleadership theCUT of though it didn’t reach the dimensions anational of strike, it was the first action of uniontrade federation and other unions for called anational protests. day of Even subject to workers’ and thecontrol democracy therank file. of to prevent it from being linked to theclass theprocesses struggle, of and therefore to theMorales government is directly boycotting it, another while is trying section union federation trade COB bureaucracy connected obstacles. the of section One ers’ Party. Sponsored primarily by theHuanuni miners, this project faces multiple coincided pointwith Thistheforcall high theBolivianstruggle creation of of Work- weeks and represented an important politicalcrisis for theMorales government. initiated by theminers, the workers’ akeyof sector movement, that lasted over two workers’ in party Argentina. represents an opportunity to takesteps towards thecreation arevolutionary of government union bureaucracy, trade andwidespread the with the dissatisfaction aprocess rupturewith of the beginning of theworking between class and the tions on thestrike. theday of The divisionsthe in Peronist government, together theunionssectors of and theleft, includingthe PTS,participated the in main ac- bywas used theworkers to express their dissatisfaction. The anti-bureaucratic theKirchner apillar of had been government, and theopposition theCTA wing of the Kirchner governments. The CGT,thegeneralcalled by strike the unionthat November 2012 Argentina by was paralysed thefirst general in strike ten years of of the bourgeoisie.of Chavism (now in crisis since Chávez’s death) was the ‘leftist’ workersence of from theregional and State governments as well as theparties We for complete uphold the struggling importance the independ of political Faced with theconstant attempts by ‘progressive’ governments to subordinate In Uruguay, there was ahistoric 32-day by strike led theteachers in June-July In Chile, where theyouth have spent years organising for theright to educa free - In June 2013, afterthe wave historic mobilisationsof that swept Brazil,the CUT In May 2013in Bolivia, against there was astruggle changes in thepension system - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 21 - - . In other words, it had elements of elements had it words, other In . Chávez made concessions to the poorest sectors of the population based a of on sectors the poorest population the to concessions made Chávez - unsuccess class business Venezuelan the States, the United from backing With States, United and the class business the traditional with differences its Despite countryThe discussions. and plans to concrete amount didn’t Theseaspirations redistribution of the income from oil, taking advantage of the increase in its price. price. of its in the increase taking advantage oil, of from the income redistribution Washing of independent policyrelatively foreign was government’s The Chávez the tried sabotage 2002 and in to a coup with him overthrow to fully attempted Our group 2003. in company oil state the PDVSA at industry the lock-out oil with the actions in participated and attempt the coup opposed actively Venezuela in against it. its with Even of structure country. the fundamental the change didn’t Chavismo - na still was a mild bourgeois project the Chavez rhetoric, ‘revolutionary’ strong objective the supposed with oil from the income increase to aimed that tionalism - ‘industri to was achieved through be This economy’. the national ‘diversifying of the to and capitalists the national to hand a helping giving the country by alising’ - ven joint the big by demonstrated as them, with associated companies imperialist greater a considerably to was be given State the Thus, companies. gas and oil ture also because but of political domination apparatus an was because it only not role of revenue. the owner was the oil it a with goods, imported of on industry and one the revenue on dependent was - demon power maintained half a and decade The Chávez that debt. state massive - na real achieve to incapacity its and nationalism of the limits bourgeois strated the nationalisations Although independencetional respect with imperialism. to - of the privatisa a reversing Bolivia in – were Morales – and Chavez by carried out groups economic the big from repurchased were these companies 90s, the in tions - com generous with and value market at Sidor) bought had that Techint (like preserved were of capitalists the big the businesses time, the same At pensation. a nationalist regime based on the armed forces which serves as a referee between serves which a referee as based forces armed the regime on a nationalist - impe and bourgeoisie the weak national and masses popular and the working salient most the were Argentina in Peronism and Mexico in Cardenism rialism. in limited more much was Chavism However, of type this ofexamples regime. the in structural no changes were there the fact that by demonstrated as scope, of dependence revenues. its oil of overcome the country to economy of creation its and the FTAA to opposition its in demonstrated was which ton, - rela close its Cuba, trade with its Americas), the for Alliance (Bolivarian ALBA hand, the other On Russia. and China with alignment its and Iran, with tionship serving up ended US interests. few years the last during policies regional Chávez’s - gov Santos pro-imperialist the with close collaboration his in out played was This and the guerrillas surrender that asking began with which Colombia, in ernment regime The their capture. facilitated that intelligence providing with ended up sur that the regime stabilising and legitimising in role important an also played the enter to was touch final The d’état. coup a US-backed after faced Honduras in ALBA. abandon bloc and trading Mercosur version of Latin American Populism. The Chávez regime took on characteristics characteristics on took regime The Chávez Populism. American ofLatin version generis sui as defined Bonapartism Trotsky that 22 Manifesto laborating with thebourgeoisie, imperialism and of whichis isterrified aservant landowners. cannotall resolved be without affectingthe interests capitalbig of andthe big digenous peoples, and ensuring food, work, education, health and housing for breaking ties with imperialism. reform, Land the the oppressionending of in- of It is not possible to ensure national liberation or Latin American unity without alism is actingbehind them. ‘democratic’ right, the banners of without acknowledging that American imperi sui generis democratic revolution’,of alogicthat, where in cases theregime has abonapartist anti-imperialist and independent working class politics, the is thelogicof ‘theory referendum.al zig-zags, these Behind that anchoring asecure reveal alack of in 2006, went on to vote ‘No’ with thebourgeois opposition in the2007constitution- political parties. Meanwhile theLIT, for whichcalled hadavote also for Chavez in tions, to making alliances with trade union bureaucrats attached to right-wing for many years, for calling amassive vote to Chavez in the2006presidential elec- equally capitulatory.group The UIT wentfrom subordinating Chavismto itself and sister whose organisation in Venezuela is in theChavista PSUV. of presidential supported the Andreswhich candidacy Manuel Obrador, Lopez ministerial post; and ‘El Militante’ Mexican whose group is inside thePRD and Secretariat) which is inside theBrazilian members PTand whose one held a of being independent ceased tically tendencies. Among are these theDS(United political movements, to centre-leftpolitics and to nationalism, and have prac- working the forclass. of independence political the struggle or Morales Latin models of American populism, abandoning thefundamental currents that themselves called revolutionary or Marxist adapted to theChávez took up Chavez’s ‘Socialism in the21st Century’ as apossible model. Many left governments in theregion. There in left rise populismwas a in the continent that property and capitalist exploitation. of Thepopulist left was in the facedivided clear that in Venezuela haven’t they touched organisation social on private based sociated with thegovernment. Even though Chavism about talked ‘socialism’, it is co-opting theunion leadership in order to form union atrade confederation as- in 2003. He to discipline tried also theworking class by criminalising protests and like in thedefeat thecoup of attempt in 2002and during thepetroleum lock-out popular movements and contained during the class struggle moments tension, of and politicising the armed forces, Chávez restored the capitalist state, co-opted profound regime change and at giving concessions thecost of masses to thepoor regime stopped thedevelopment arevolutionary of dynamic. Ultimately, a via state. the of protection the under fortunes rich new emerged,and aof sector the so-called ‘boli-bourgeoisie’ made who their Thecompletion the national of and democratictaskscannot be achieved colby - For principle. question against a is revolutionariesof imperialism struggle the politicalgroupsOther like theLITand theUIThadbut oscillating views were There havepoliticalgroups evenbeen that have directly adheredbourgeois to Chavez’s to power rise following and thePunto theCaracazo thecollapse of Fijo character – like Chavism –,leads such groups to support the supposed - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 23 -

The question of Cuba divides opinion amongst both the Latin American and and the American the both Latin amongst opinion of divides Cuba question The Cuba in that the LIT maintains of end the argument, opposite the extreme At The experience gathered from the past decade has only reinforced - the funda reinforced only decadehas the past from experience gathered The class of working hands in the the entirely lie structuraltasks The democratic

and capitalist restoration in Cuba restoration and capitalist Against the imperialist blockade blockade Against the imperialist asthosesuch governments totheThosepopulist surrender who left. international of defence the Theymistake the Cuba. towards position of take a similar Chávez ofof system defence the one-party unconditional the with ofthe revolution gains - argu old left the uses This populist the Castros. and Party Communist the Cuban - impe and wing the right ‘helps government of criticism Raul Castro’s any that ment regime’s of discussion the Cuban serious they try any stop to this, doing in rialism’; and restoration capitalist gradual the country towards moving are that measures the socialised undermine to of infrastructure the country. continue that the imperialist the struggle that against and been already restored has capitalism - ‘demo to keycarry a is out the that argue They ofis blockade importance. no ‘capitalist beto a theywhich consider regime, Cuban the against revolution’ cratic ban masses. Only by the taking of power by the working class will class these tasks be the working the taking of by by Only power masses. ban each it will necessarywhich be after ofto a take series measures, fully completed, - the tran for the foundation lay and property private against profound, time more countries American tiesbetween Latin strong the Meanwhile, socialism. to sition the across will the revolution extend reaction, imperialist the need defeat to and of of Socialist of Latin Republics a Federation the creation towards continent, proletariat. international and American the North with alliance in America, mental lessons of the revolutionary process and political phenomena of everypolitical phenomena and process of the revolutionary lessons mental of a century: than the path more experienced has over the continent type that a is America Latin in liberation social national achieve to and reforms gradual if realists’, ‘political sothe called believed by of utopias biggest the is It deadend. certainly is it But way. only the is Revolution of political frauds. the greatest not revolution be as understood cannot it and revolution’, ‘Bolivarian the so-callednot be posed only can of terms – it in permanent revolution democratic or stages in revolution. ur the impoverished and people indigenous the the poor peasants, allies: its and of the power of the masses. The ‘leftist’ representatives of bourgeois nationalism, nationalism, ofbourgeois representatives ‘leftist’ The ofof the power the masses. their go beyond cannot politicians, progressive or officials’ ‘Bolivarian whether limitations. class own 24 Manifesto workers’ parties For revolutionary and internationalist order to defeat the bourgeoisie and takepower. over the oppressed classes and the impoverished the middle class in of section condition for aconsistent to enable struggle theworking class to hegemony win juries, theoffences, andthe abusesthat the masses and oppressed suffer. This isthe fight forrevolutionsocial the Latin wholethe in of America. planning theeconomy. of The fight against capitalist restoration of the in is Cuba part lution theworkers, and of farmers small and masses, thepoor establishing democratic the monopoly foreign of trade; for reorienting theeconomy in theinterest therevo- of ForcesArmed theinternal (one of agents for capitalist restoration); for reestablishing duction thecompanies and of that are currently intheRevolutionary thehands of including theconcessions to foreign capital. We fight also for workers’control pro - of measures adopted during the ‘special period’ and under Castro government, theRaul benefits, for example,the closure workers’ of canteens, and thoroughlyto the revise themselvesdescribe as anti-capitalists. that parties those defendtion of theconquests therevolution of and that those on workers,based farmers, and soldiers’ councils, and for thecomplete- legalisa bourgeois parliamentary democracy, we fight for a revolutionary workers’ state ions. Against theone-party establishing regime and of theimperialist a policy and express themselves politically and through theformation independent of un- cratic privileged cast. We defend workers theright of to organise, hold meetings, an end to theCuban theone-party system of Communist Party and thebureau- reaucracy, remain. some still Moreover, we put forward aprogram that includes gains the revolution. of Although some gains have undermined by been the bu- against fromstarts thestruggle the imperialist blockade and the thedefence of capitalist restoration, we present revolution aprogram politicaland social of that gusanos the opposition, the dictatorship places theLITin thesame camp as thedomestic pro-capitalist 1970s). This thatopportunistic policy thateveryonecalls for the unity opposes of dictatorship’ (comparable evento thedictatorships theSouthern in Cone the of geois restoration, alarge number left-wingcurrents of of Trotskyist origin argued Giving in to the ‘reactionary spirit’ theepoch, of bour aproduct thephase of of As said, Lenin a revolutionary workers’ should party take on as its own the in- all We fight to thereverse austerity measures suchsackingsthe as cutsandthe in Against two these positions that to lead capitulating to different agentsthe of of Miami, and the Obama government. Obama Miami, the and of - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 25 - -

During the last three decades there has been a restructuring of the working class class of been has working restructuring the a decadesthere three last the During The idea that hegemony is expressed inside the apparatus of a party and, therefore, therefore, of and, a party apparatus the inside expressed is hegemony idea that The of lack this - con strugglesclass, of of light in increasing the the working Today, (FIT), Front Workers’ the Leftand Argentina, in terrain the electoral on Even Some examples ofSome this examples policy opportunistic which inte the Respect are coalition, around the The world. incorporation ofhundreds of millions of new urban work new in employment of increase an payroll with along ruralfrom areas moving ers history, in time the first for created, has especiallyservice the in sectors, sectors, - op struggling be of against the party composed should allthat of the movements a falsehood seeks is that movement, another just as class the working with pression, same the on ‘movements’ the and classes strugglesthe place to of oppressed the struggle. the class outside abstraction an into hegemony also transforms and plane, op- reflected in is which ability, hegemonic and their class working in the fidence - con the Those dismiss who harmful. ever more becoming is politics, portunistic within general, in and, unions in the firstly fractions, struction of revolutionary a in the masses reach to able only are involved, they which in are the movements be to tends and political blocs, of forming program their by restricted is that way organisations. and groups reformist with electoral purely the Socialist (PO) and Left (IS), Party Workers’ the with the PTS which in united rec- gain to parties the centre-left necessary not follow is to it that demonstrates of the crisis these broad Given youth. and sections of workers among ognition reaffirm we impotence, and cases demoralisation led has to many in parties that a national parties on workers’ revolutionary vanguard construct to the necessity struggles. class scale in working intervene to international and grated the British SWP with petty-bourgeois sections of the Muslim community, and community, sections of the Muslim petty-bourgeois with SWP British the grated calling is whose leadership delimitation, strategic a party without France, in the NPA Mélenchon. of Jean-Luc Gauche de Front the reformist bloc with a permanent for

the united front and self-organisation the united front Revolutionary fractions in the unions, in the unions, fractions Revolutionary that in order to get away from ‘trade union economism’ and to adopt a hegemonic hegemonic a adopt to and economism’ union ‘trade from away get to order in that the down water they would where parties, necessary was broad it strategy build to That of new the social the plurality movements. include to oforder in class role - the revo and between the line reformist the where of the movements’ ‘party a is, blocs political permanent or organisations common through blurred is lutionary merely or general in whether they be anti-capitalist programs, minimum with anti-neoliberal. 26 Manifesto salaries, theunemployed while and workers without contracts, are who becoming unions represent workers, only one of section receive who usually those higher class. working the of organisations capitalist state. Thiswhy is we developsystematic workthe in unions,the mass throw out the bureaucracy, and for complete the union independence fromof the union. the leadership of union todemocracy, win Revolutionaries struggle to development revolutionary of fractions, capable on taking the bureaucrats of for ist union leaderships. On thecontrary, is thestrategic the this tactic objective of tactic, transforming it into apassive adaptation to thebureaucratic and reform- end to the ‘troika’ government. creating an obstacle for thepossibility areal general strike that of would put an other main the unions; leadershipsthe of instead, organise own actions, their they an important theproletariat, of section but refuse to they form aunited front with this light, theGreek thepolitics of Communist Party (KKE)is criminal. lead They ers’ control, showing that there is aworkers’ answer to thecrisis. Considered in the memorandum and demanding thenationalisation under thebanks work of - worker solution for the exploited all and oppressed that must by begin rejecting union thetrade above and of economic all politics. It to present is crucial apro- take up a transitional program that attacks the interests the capitalists of and rises theleadershipwin from thereformists. It to fight is necessary forthe unions to as to accelerate the masses and of fightthe experience within the unitedfront to der to confront and defeat thethreat theneo-Nazi of Golden Dawnas well party government and New PASOK. Democracy of Moreover, it is step acritical in or order to developagainst thestruggle theausterity measures and theattacks the of urgency to create aunited workers’ front with theorganisations themasses in of its officialleadership hindered the formationof unityaction, in of theutmost it is union organisations. working class form aunited front, there when especially are diverse fractions and resist theattacks capital, of and we demand that thebureaucratic leadership the of theworkingof class. passing day feeling theincreasing thecapitalist heat of crisis and theinterventions united workers’ front an essential weapon for which is with theclass each struggle letariat, and, on theother hand, theinternal fragmentation, a of makes thetactic without contracts, legal undocumented workers, or acombination these. of the permanently unemployed, such as theincrease in contracted workers, workers and colonies, forms division new of have emerged along with theproliferation of divide theworking class in imperialist countries from in thesemi-colonies those the working class. Along with thetraditional techniques by imposed capital to the world population. However, this process has increased the fragmentation of a situation in which theworking class and their families make up themajority of However, even in countries unionisation, with level a high of like Argentina, the Some leftistcurrents have an opportunistic interpretationthe unitedfront of In countries like Greece, where theworking class many led general strikes, but Revolutionaries push for in order thewidest themasses in struggle unity to of Thiscontradiction between, theon one hand,greatthe the weightsocial pro - of - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 27 -

- ‘ad in particularly the state, the the decades ofDuring neoliberal the offensive, The battle against gender oppression, homophobia, racism, xenophobia, and and xenophobia, racism, homophobia, oppression, gender against The battle sexual and agenda of the feminist the incorporation few decades, the last In It is of vital importance to create bodies of coordination and self-organisation of self-organisation and bodies of coordination create of to is vital importance It be can prepared, if properly they these are bodies, situations revolutionary In

revolutionary parties revolutionary ‘Social movements’ and ‘Social movements’ - origi had which movements, the civil rights integrate began to nations, vanced’ seventies. and sixties the radical perspective during a more with developed nally they not did ultimately concessions, certain limited gave these nations Although change the conditions while of in oppression. Currently, some countries the gov The struggle against oppression: against oppression: The struggle - the work from inseparable is discrimination and of all oppression forms against the In the ruling bourgeoisie. against battle the in hegemony struggle class ing for population, of world’s the majority the who are women, crisis, capitalist current - popu 40% of the global working they represent situation: unprecedented face an employment. precarious in 50.5% are and lation social many to contributed has states, bodies some and international by rights an with is contrasted phenomenon This governments. with aligning movements millions which in conditions creating social in growth inequality, unprecedented ernments are giving limited democratic concessions, such as the passing of the passing as same such concessions, democratic limited giving are ernments threaten the church parties and right-wing countries, other in laws, sex marriage Spain. in rights abortion to the threat like these advancements, the masses that are prepared for combat, because at any time that there could be could there time that any because at combat, for prepared are that the masses - be could trans front united the defensive and of forces, the relation in a change open- and legality with bourgeois breaking implies that offensive an into formed a struggle power. up for ing in the oppressed and of of the power the workers the expression into transformed they the can become revolution the after state; capitalist the the struggle defeat to state. proletarian of the future foundation essential more prevalent, are excluded. For these reasons, in the conditions of the current of current the the conditions in these reasons, For excluded. are prevalent, more of sectors the working oppressed and vulnerable when most the crisis, capitalist of all include that necessaryis it fronts buildunited to conflict, into move class struggle. in sectors the 28 Manifesto them susceptible to susceptible bourgeoisthem ideology, which dominant the ideology ‘naturally’ Front in France take advantage this. of theaverageof worker. Parties like theNorthern in Italy League and theNational prejudices. In many this propaganda cases shapes theminds and consciousness ganda thatwithsexist, is filled misogynist, homophobic, racist, and xenophobic propa bourgeois of target primary the is capital by exploitation of conditions automatically arm it with ahegemonic strategy. In fact, theproletariat forced into in turn transforms it therevolution, into subject of theessential social doesn’t capitalistthe pillars of society. This force is none thanother the working class. disagreements but that it at possesses its centre force the social capable shacking of domination. Thecondition that is this plurality forces of is not just a summation of oppression in capitalist forcesemerge will the necessary society to defeat bourgeois disappearance. and murder of victims are and population are precarious in employment, lack housing, sufferpolice harassment, where thebourgeoisie present anarrative without acountry of racism, theblack kana. In Brazil, which has apopular black judge in theSupreme Tribunal, and lice continue to repress and murder workers, did in the asmassacre they at Mari- theblack populationof has not changed since theend of Apartheid, and- thepo prejudices.exacerbate these In South thelivingAfrica conditions themajority of byfuelled the capitalist crisis and has strengthened the extreme right that parties immigrant policies and its concentration camps for ‘illegals’, is on the rise. It is dividing theworking ranks between ‘natives’ and ‘immigrants’. towards immigrants. They areseeking to create national a reactionary unity by bourgeoisie to use direct theanger workers of over such issues as unemployment measures is to increase thedivisions in theworking class. from falsely justifying discrimination democracy, in thename of these of thegoal separation church of and state, or women’s in thedefence of or LGBT rights. Apart the of part ‘war on terror’. In many cases, discrimination the in thename is used of with the consent governments, of afterthe especially Twin Towers attacks, and as theworking of fraction class.communities These aresystematically stigmatised the acquittal George Trayvon Zimmerman for of of thekilling Martin. black or Latino. Meanwhile, racism is reinforced by institutions, as is displayed in firsttimethe – in majorityhistory the imprisoned populationof poor and are – theUnited States going as far as having an African-American president for the different degrees countriesin suchthe as United States,South and Africa Brazil women, as well as other forms abuse, of develops on an industrial scale. the while ‘business’ human trafficking, of exploitation sexual violence against and humansof are condemned to marginalisation and theworst forms humiliation, of The women’s liberation rightsand civil movements are multi-class, making However, the strategic position theworking class holds within capitalism, which From theexploited of and thestruggle thebattles against the multiple forms of In imperialist countries, this racism that is encouraged by thestate, with its anti- Xenophobia and racism are fundamental tools for class domination that the In many imperialist nations, theMuslim communities represent an important is asimilar case.Racism While ethnic minority elites have integrated been to - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 29

These politics were expressed when the majority of left currents which claim to claim ofwhich left currents majority the when expressed were These politics illusions create which politics, opportunistic between these relation no is There The adaptation of a large part of the left to neo-reformist variants is expressed expressed is variants ofof part to neo-reformist a large left the adaptation The

- type of any oppres confront to of principle a question is it revolutionaries For hands own its into class takes working the sothat party fights revolutionary The

workers’ government workers’ revolution: left government versus versus left government revolution: - pro their though even government’, ‘left a call for Syriza’s supported be Trotskyist Europe. imperialist with conciliation as well as collaboration class included gram - tactic (the great government’ ‘workers’ the and governments, collaborative class in the Third discussed was which by front), united of the workers’ expression est the Transitional in Trotsky by incorporated later the 1920s and in International slogan. anti-capitalist and anti-bourgeois an as Program The question of power and the of power The question revolutionary in (which government’ ‘workers’ of the slogan the substitution in - govern ‘left with power) seizing strategy for the insurrectional to refers Marxism seeking to are these currents words, other In government. anti-austerity or ment’ of the framework a within capitalism manage to aims that a government form bourgeois state. sion, and to battle against the prejudices that the bourgeoisie try to instil into try into instil bourgeoisie the to that prejudices the against battle to and sion, in Church, the like institutions parties their and via state, the class working the revolutionaries meanthat this doesn’t However, their extend to exploitation. order multiple its in feminism petty-bourgeois example, for to, themselves adapt to have creation the in hopes their put and strategy proletarian the abandon to or forms, social movements. partiesof based multiple broad on and in participates it time, the same At all sortsthe struggle of against oppression. liberation women’s for movements and campaigns anti-racist develop to helps have which them in wings revolutionary seeks create to and sexual liberation, and . socialist of revolution the aim for the struggle to linking class of the working imposes itself in capitalist society. However, at the same time, when struggle class the time, same at However, society. itselfimposes in capitalist - be rise can the forma became to give radicalised and these movements increases of the lack - radi hand, other the On the 1970’s. in like wings oftion anti-capitalist in a decline with coincided decadeshas the last in ofcalisation these movements class. the working in consciousness class 30 Manifesto dictatorship oftheworkingclass socialist revolution andthe The soviets, theworkers and workers’ democracy. objective:gic thedictatorship theproletariat, of as atransitional regime, on based transformed into an end in itself; rather it should inseparable be from our strate- ernment’. However, in order to its preserve revolutionary nature, it should not be us with the necessity to apply audacious politics and tactics, like the ‘workers’ gov- the revolutionaries.influence of themasses with thereformistence of leaderships, and, in doing so, increase the entirety thebourgeois of regime. In affect, tactic aimsthe to accelerate- the experi aims to create circumstances in which the great majority workers of confront the themasses towardstion of power. theseizing of The ‘workers’ government’ tactic is an that art involves aleadership that is capable consciously of directing theac- by aminority nor can it produced be by aspontaneous uprising themasses; of it revolution experiences. through their dia. The unitedfront is aboutwinning the majoritythe working of class forthe apparatuses constructed around politicalfiguresthat frequentlyappear the in me- with decisive weight in theworkers’ movement are –they essentially electoral leftist electoral gram of reformists like Syriza. These are in no leadershipsway with participating in elections nor with uncritically adopting theminimum pro- the working class in order to developdoesn’t thestruggle have anything to do workers’ the leadership traditional of the movement. insurrection and thedevelopment arevolutionary of capable challenging party of preparations for power, taking principally theworking thearming of class for the a revolutionaryence of situation, and, secondly, that accelerates the policy the aimed at workers’ organisations are they reformist evenif –are, firstly,the exist- state and from its ruins establishes its own politicalpower, atransitional workers’ insurrection that divides and defeats thearmy and thepolice, destroys thebourgeois The objective and subjectiveconditions generated thecapitalistby crisis present An insurrection imposing capable workers’ of power cannot accomplished be The revolutionaryconcept the unitedfront of to massposed organisations of Theconditions for raisingthe demand for a ‘workers’ government’ tactic –a The working be classwill only able to overthrowcapitalism violent a by means of for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 31 In revolutionary situations these bodies of self-organisation, if they develop, if these bodies they situations of revolutionary develop, In self-organisation, in adopt of the bodies name self-organisation or whatever councils The soviets, - mass between the relationship the distorted absolutely experience Stalinist The the equivalent is of the proletariat the dictatorship Marxists revolutionary For ofde- new itselfsocialrelations bases establishment on state the workers’ This ofof the just beginning process is a proletariat ofby the The seizing power tend to constitute themselves as the expression of of power the struggle the for the expression as themselves constitute to tend has 20th The century state. the capitalist against the exploited and class working the began in that soviets Russian the with starting of this, examples many had - revo the 1917 in power class of became the pillars working and 1905 revolution councils the workers’ 1919, in factoryof councils Germany the workers’ lution, of these forms towards the tendencies or of 1956, revolution ofHungarian the Assembly the Bolivian Popular with America Latin the 1970s in in organisation others. among Chile, in Industriales’ ‘Cordones the of 1971, their Through of masses. the offront united the expression an are situation, each them, within tendencies struggle the political and action in ofunity different the a revolutionary under and of power, the conquest for the masses they prepare Once the insurrection. carrying for out they instrument become an organisation a new become of and the basis the soviets a new state been has conquered power democracy. class working of the the dictatorship transforming the party, and the soviets front, united es’ revolutionary the only was Trotskyism party a single dictatorship. into proletariat Stalinism. confronted tendency consistently that democracy based bodies the on of a proletarian self- of a new typeof democracy, of and the soviet of councils of workers or – the soviets the masses organisation of the freedom is it the parties recognised words, other In system. multi-party is and leadership party its struggles for the revolutionary where the soviet, by - of the pro of the defence in the dictatorship organisation consistent the most and the local from bourgeoisie threats and civil war faced possible with letariat by of form domination democratic political most is the This imperialism. foreign - while impe government workers’ who will need transitional a class, working the be to class the working forcing exist, to continue enemies class other rialism and as well as internal reaction, bourgeois against the revolution defend to prepared external. - of means of pro the strategic nationalisation and the expropriation from rived planning the democratic trade and of the international the monopoly duction, socialism to by a transition towards a path on is it Moreover, of the economy. the soviets, in organised of the whole to the population functions its extending the bases extinction. of own its generating thus social ofand political realities a of all aspectsof transformation economic, the of the the extension for a stepping-stone becomes time it the same At country. capitalism defeating by only is It world. the entire throughout socialist revolution a project as communism towards idea the of of that moving power centres its in state based on the self-organisation of the working class and the exploited masses the exploited and class of working the based the self-organisation on state of arming the population. the general with along 32 Manifesto communism Our objective istoachieve tion to needs arise revolutionaries, and from this, an international that fights forsocialist the revolu- Thisthegreatest is one of lessonsthatthecentury given 20th has the history to of emancipatingof humanity from exploitation and oppression can areality. become these sweatshopsthese and maquilas century.19th There arewhere entire industry intensivesectors of labour is used; are working andtechnology with levels production of similar to from those the labourers of masses great the of majority the Meanwhile, production. of sectors advancements –that are limited group to aselect countries of and to particular for human existence. However, capitalism is incapable sharing of thetechnical dedicatessociety to theproduction and reproduction the materials of necessary ments in work productivity, it would possible be to greatly reduce thetimethat those the of privileged capitalist minority. priation their work, of and awidening gap their conditions between life and of definitiveseparation from those means production, of everthe increasing appro- this means more and more earnings. For themajority, theworkers, it implies the the owners productions, themeans of of thebourgeoisie, which is aminority, was again for as awhole, society for theworker it was quite thecontrary. For labour timerequired necessary to producethe socially goods. Even though this society. the present state things.” of The this premisesmovement of are foundcapitalist in ploy their many individual labour forces labour as one force” social (Marx). men work free who of under production collectivemeans of and consciously em- thebattlesin all conquests. and partial We fight society:for a new “An association oppression.of Thisultimatethe is ‘political objective’that we aim to incorporate withoutsociety state and without classes, social exploitation of free type and every capitalism. of restoration the supporting dictatorships theworkers’ of states and untrustworthy leaderships that ended up century. the20th great of part It associated with has parasitic been bureaucratic In Stalinism, thehands of the word communism With thecurrent developments inand science technology, and theadvance- In its origins, driven by competition, shortening capitalism thetaskof itself set Like Marx and Engels, “We communism call thereal movement that abolishes For endorse who those this manifesto, communism, means theconquest a of . continue to proliferate. to continue has been corrupted has been during a for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 33 - - - - - com used distort leaders to the Stalinist which , In light of the irrational existence of millions of unemployed and of the workers of and workers the of of millions existence of unemployed light the irrational In - They con disposal. their every at tendency by this means combat capitalists But for as us, For quo. status the maintain to was ‘Globalization’ of The function sole by Leon developed Revolution the TheoryPermanent of the reason, this For strugglenecessarily The destructionthe ofimplies communism for the bour Communism has deep roots. Part of the constant struggle of the working class struggle class of of the working the constant Part deep roots. has Communism Communism as an aim of revolution differs from that of all revolutions prior prior of revolutions that all from differs of aim an as revolution Communism - ad In oppression. and of exploitation guarantor the principal machine, state geois - the expropria through power own their exercising the workers involves it dition, forces productive the that way only is the This of oftion the means production. of become a means of liberation. and labour the enslaver as functioning stop can the beginning of only is this the process. But subjected to the slavery of 14- and 16-hour workdays, including working at speeds at working including workdays, of the slavery to 16-hour subjected and 14- will be measure a key the nerves the mind, and the muscles, destroy quickly that a salary- with cov that workforce a larger among hours of working redistribution survival the for of only be fundamental the will This not necessities. workers’ ers of day. reduction working in the logicalthe step be a first would it class; working their justice, class their laws, their with of the state: the apparatus develop to tinue they perfect their social agencies, con their intelligence and their police, armies, is reality which idea to abstract an not is communism of Marxism, the founders now’. and here ‘communism do, the autonomist as proclaim to order in attached it. of destroying but of state the existing awareness creating about only not is It utilises partialeach a strategygain, global that significance: great holds Trotsky goal the final towards build to country, of one in the seizure power including cultural political and of social, the process towards and revolution of the world the of ofwork, will focusliberation on the the seizure after power that change oppression. and exploitation of the end classes, of the state, away withering ganising in the work place against the dictatorship of the bosses, and for workers’ workers’ for and of the bosses, the dictatorship against place the work in ganising control of production. reactionary institu religious repression, state exploitation, Wars, mechanisms. trol thetions, oppression of racism, women, xenophobia, the millions of unemployed the bourgeoisie used by instruments – all these are contracts without workers and profit. of the source as capitalist subjugated workers keep to quest its in is to end the exploitation of labour, which manifests itself spontaneously in the in itself spontaneously manifests which of labour, the exploitation end to is the from of the stealing minutes every example, for day: of protests silent display - them expressed tendencies The same absenteeism. or the machine, bosses and - the work and day of the working the reduction struggles for the historic in selves or for the speed down of production, slowing for vacations, paid for week, ing munism. to the development of the working class. It is not limited to a new distribution of a newdistribution to limited not is It class. of the working the development to of science development the through also proposes, It between individuals. work dedicate then can People the necessary minimise to time. labour technology, and capacity human release turn, in and, culture, arts and energytheir the sciences, to be could further Nothing nature. with relationship a harmonious establish and from the Stakhanovist movement 34 Manifesto tion of a revolutionarytion on of thelessons strategybased from learned class struggle our strategy,whole of we don’t say it in an abstract way. Rather, it is an affirma- that communism is our most advanced ‘political objective’ and that it guides the and the liberation put labour. of them of to work in theservice When we state ble to appropriate for therevolution themost advanced techniques production of trade. Only by defeating capitalism in its imperialist centres it- possi become will production interdependency of and with its level of internationalcentury high national productive forces –this is asevenmore an end in itself in the21st true ing class. like theUnited States, Germany, or Japan were into to fall thework thehands of - thetechnical apparatuses all would if be and theenormous countries wealth of nation,erful imagine how much greater building communism possibilities the of immature capitalist state with semi-feudal traits to theworld’s second most pow- capitalist production of mode –enabled theSovietUnion to go from being an viet State – nationalised property and aplanned economy the insteadanarchic of impossible theStalinist utopia of ‘socialism in one country’ really is. their underdevelopment and isolation.century The 20th has demonstrated how mately thecontradiction faced having for of in thefaceof to struggle its survival over theworking class deformed in those and degenerated workers’ states ulti- the oldand society. of with it the evils all The bureaucracythat established itself scarce resources. The only shortagegoods reignites forof the struggle survival, countriesoped since communism not does mean amore distribution equal of revolution. underdevel Communism cannot of boundaries emerge the within countries.semi-colonial the Russian revolution 1917, of have taken place in underdeveloped, colonial or towards communism and any theabsence of state. form of on formsbased self-organisation of like the Soviets is the only means to advance consciousof work. The developmentthe broadest of working class democracy any classes.of social communism Theconstruction of can thebe only outcome as thetruth, it is not designedto work with any state form of or with theexistence fact, contrary to what the different all variants Stalinism of attempted passto off stepping-stone to theextension therevolution of to theentire world. the economic, begin. acountry life politicalandof social At thesame time, it is the andism communism,of aspects transformation all of processes of which under countries that are into born acapitalist world. simultaneously on an international level; it in one begins or country of aseries ments theprevious of system. Besides, therevolution is not an event that emerges contrary, would contain society still thenew economic, intellectual and moral ele - The dictatorshipthe proletariat of doesn’t havethe as adevelopmentgoal the of evenunder thecontrolIf aparasitic bureaucracy, of - theSo basis of thesocial However, revolutions these could only have meant thefirstthe worldstep of greatThe revolutionsthat havetriumphed century,the in 20th beginningwith Communism is not astate that coercively imposed can be by abureaucracy. In The proletarian dictatorshiptransitional capitalbetween is aperiod necessary - Communism not does arisefully-formed within thewomb capitalism; of on the - for a Movement for a Revolutionary Socialist International - The Fourth International 35 he theory and program of the Permanent Revolution challenges the idea challenges Revolution of theory the Permanent he program and Only t of socialism in one country in all its variants. The theory not only deals with deals the only with theoryThe not ofvariants. country all in socialism its one in and development bourgeois a belated with nations in ofmechanics revolution the - also pro but socialist and revolutions, between the democratic the relationship national the at poses links the beginning of a global strategy that the revolution culmination its and revolution, of the international the development with level of the the transformations of and power the conquest as well as scale, a world on goal of- fundamental achiev our lead towards that culture science and economy, . – communism a societying of producers associated freely throughout the entire 20th century, when the dictatorship of the proletariat was was of proletariat the dictatorship when the 20th century, entire the throughout communism. achieve to means the strategic as a goal itself as in not proposed and of the majority by the also but Stalinism by only not was taken approach This tendencies. Trotskyist