To Hold Accountable Those Responsible for the Beirut Bombing
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The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf. -
German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe. -
WW Brandt National Is Coming Together in the Country and on the Soil of the Unforgotten Haya De La Torre and at the Source of Indo-Americanism'
Women discussed and resolved these last few days; we should analyse it and we Opening address by SI President should be ready to carry it on. This congress in Latin America sets a landmark and a signal in the development of our international community. Meeting in Peru also means that the Socialist Inter- WW Brandt national is coming together in the country and on the soil of the unforgotten Haya de la Torre and at the source of indo-americanism'. This is not a matter of course, and much less is it without meaning. I recall what Haya de la Torre told us ten years ago at the conference in Caracas. First of all I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the President of the He quoted Goethe, the great German poet, who has Mephisto saying that theories Republic and to our APRA friends who made it possible for this congress to be held are rather bland while only life itself shows all the colours. What else should have here in Lima. We are all glad to be here and we appreciate the warm welcome been the meaning of that reference if not a reminder of the fact that all truths of life extended to us. are real. Thus we should also be aware of the roots from which democratic socialism My second word is a cordial welcome to all delegates, many of whom had to come grew in Europe, and not only there. And where the points of contact can be found a long way for this meeting. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Haunting Hegemony: a Certain Spirit of Conservative-Liberal-Socialism
Haunting Hegemony: A Certain Spirit of Conservative-Liberal-Socialism Seán Patrick Eudaily The Good Society, Volume 11, Number 1, 2002, pp. 16-18 (Article) Published by Penn State University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/gso.2002.0005 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/12228 [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] SYMPOSIUM Haunting Hegemony: A Certain Spirit of Conservative-Liberal-Socialism Seán Patrick Eudaily Introduction Marxist doctrine and practice. Derrida offers us hauntology, rather than ontology, for his International.4 The upshot of this Martin Krygier begins his essay noting Leszek Kolakowski’s deconstructive twist is to bring to the fore the plurality of “spir- credo for a “mighty [Conservative-Liberal-Socialist] International its” in any theoretical—political tradition, and thus the impera- that will never exist.”1 Krygier argues for the more limited posi- tive of choosing which of these spirits one wishes to inherit. tion of conservative-liberal-social democracy for the post-1989 Krygier is attentive to these two dimensions. Just as Derrida era, where the conservative temper, liberal discussion, and a con- emphasizes that to inherit from any legacy requires interpreta- cern for social responsibility offer an tion, so too Krygier makes clear that alternative to neoliberal “End of “deliberation, choice, and judgment” History” triumphalism. However, are necessary in negotiating the incom- merely invoking the spirits of Kola- Therefore, in order to claim the mensurabilities of conservative-liberal- kowski and the anti-totalitarian coali- inheritance of the anti-totalitarian socialism. -
The Michigan Socialist
Workers of the World, Unite! The MICHIGAN May Day in America socialist page 5 Vol. 1, No. 1 • May 2003 Voice of the Socialist Party of Michigan 50¢ ($1 Solidarity) The Anglo-American occupation of Iraq... TyrannyTyranny getsgets aa MichiganMichigan statestate makeovermakeover budgetbudget battlebattle MarinesMarines threatenthreaten highhigh schoolschool DetroitDetroit CityCity CouncilCouncil electionelection Vol. 1, No. 1 • MAY 2003 1 socialistThe MICHIGAN editorial Editor MARTIN SCHREADER Stop the war against Iraq! SPMI Chairperson MATT ERARD The following was adopted unanimously by the monthly meeting of the SPMI Secretary MIKE TREACY Socialist Party of Michigan (SPMI), March 22, 2003. Even though, technically, The Michigan Socialist is the voice of the Social- the war is over, and the occupation has begun, we believe this statement is ist Party of Michigan (SPMI), affiliate of the important for people to better understand what separates the SPMI from the Socialist Party USA. Party address: 907 Walwood Ct., No. 2, Kalamazoo, MI 49007; e-mail: other political parties in Michigan. — Editor [email protected]; WWW: www.michigansocialist.net/news. The Socialist Party of Michigan (SPMI) unemployment benefits, and providing All submissions to the Michigan Socialist can opposes and condemns the attack on Iraq healthcare for every resident. be sent by mail or e-mail. Articles sent in hard- in the strongest possible terms. We stand Washington claims this is a war of copy format should have 1-inch margins all the with the majority of people in the United “liberation,” and that “democracy” will be way around, and be printed in a basic, legible States and around the world in opposing product of the American occupation. -